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ORIGINES KALENDAEIiE HELLENICS: 

OR, 

THE HISTORY 

OP 

THE PRIMITIVE CALENDAR 

AMONG THE GREEKS, 
BEFOSE AND AFTER THE LEGISLATION OF SOLON. 

BY 

EDWARD ORES WELL, B.D. 

FBLLOW OF COIBSVB CHBISTI COLI4EOE, OXfOSD. 



IN SIX VOLUMES. 



VOLUME V. 



OXFORD: 

AT THK UNIVKRSITY PKBSa 
lf.DCCC.LXII. 



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ORIGmES KALENDAELE HELLENIC JL 



CONTENTS OF VOLUME V. 



DISSERTATION VI. 

On the Dionysia^ and the Dionysos, of Classical Antiqaity ; 
and on the Dionvsian Correction of Melampns. 



CHAPTER I. 



Sect. I. On the method proposed to he ohsenred in treating of the I^o- 
nyna page i 

II. On the distinction between the Dionjsia in the sense of the Oi^^ies 

of Dion^s, and the Dionysia in tnat of the Dramatic exhibitions 
of cUwsical antiqnity page 2 

III. On the Dion3rBia in the sense of the Orgies, according to the rule 

of later times. 

i. Cycle of the IMonysia in the sense of the Orgies . . page 4 

ii. Season of the Dionysia in the sense of the Orgies page 7 

iii. Seat of the Dionysia, in the sense of the Orgies, in the old 

Octaeteric Calendar page 10 

IV. On the Dionysia in the sense of the Scenic representations of class- 

ical antiqaity page 18 

V. On the Scenic Dionysia of the Athenians in particular. 

i. Number and Names of the Dionysia in this sense at Athens. 

page 19 
ii. Season of the year of these different kinds of the Scenic 

Dionysia at Athens respectively . . . . page 21 

iii. Calendar-dates of these different kinds of Scenic Dionysia 

at Athens respectively page 23 

IT. On the reconciliation of these different dates with each 

other . . . . . . . . page 24 

V. On the identity of the Dionysia Ai^muo, or 'Ey AifUHus, with 

the 'ApOfarrjpia . . . . . . . . page 28 

vi. On the comparative antiquity of the three kinds of Atoyv- 

o-M, in the sense of the Dramatic representations at 

Athens page 29 * 

a 2 



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iv CONTENTS OF VOL. V. 

vii. On the date of the destruction of Helike and fiura ; and 
of the appearance of the comet, simultaneously with it : 
and on tnat of the Dionysia h Siypon deducible from 

both page 38 

viii. On the number of days for which the Scenic representa- 
tions at Athens lasted . . . . page 49 
Sect. VI. On the Dionysia, in quarters distinct from Athens . . page 52 
VII. Cases of the Liovwna elsewhere than at Athens, B. C. 346 page 54 



CHAPTER 11. 

On the Dionysos of Hellenic antiquity ; on the author of the Dionysia ; 
and on the Dionysian Correction of the Primitive Calendar. 

Sect. I. On the traditionary account of the introduction of the name and 
worship of the Hellenic Dionysos, and of the institution of the 
Dionysia page 58 

II. On the sera of Melampus, and the mode of determining it page 59 

III. On the number of the Dionysi of antiquity; and on the opinions 

entertained concerning them page 76 

IV. On the etymon and meaning of the name of Ai($ia;(roff . . page 80 

V. On the Correction of the Primitive Calendar, and the introduction 

of the worship of Deunus and Durgha, in India, B. C. 1306. 

page 84 

VI. On the quarter firom which Melampus obtained his knowledge of 

the Indian Deunus page 91 

VII. On the probable motive to the introduction of the worship of 

Dionysos among the Greeks page 93 

VIII. On the probable date of the introduction of the name and wor- 
ship of Dionysos ; and of the Correction of the Primitive Calen- 
dar which accompanied it . . . . . . page 97 

IX. Scheme of the Cyclico-Julian Correction, or Dionysian Calendar, 

of Melampus, in the Period of 120 Julian and 120 Equable years 
respectively, from B. C. 1230 to B. C. 510 . . . . page 105 

X. On the transfer of the Dionysia of Melampus from the 12th of the 

8th month in the Primitive Calendar B. C. 592, to the 12th of 
the second in the Correction of Solon page 106 

XI. On the association of the Phallus with the Dionysia of Melampus. 

page 113 

Testimonies to the use of the Phallus among the Egyptians 

and the Greeks .. .. .. page 114 



CHAPTER III. 

On the Theban Dionysos, or the Dionysos of the popular Hellenic mytho- 
logy ; on the foundation of Thebes by Cadmus ; and on the 
sphere of Cadmus. 

Sect. I. Dionysos, the son of Zeus and Semele, a fictitious character, of 
later aate than the Dionysos of Melampus . . page 118 

II. On the time of Cadmus, and of his coming into Greece. . page 123 

III. On the quarter from which Cadmus came into Greece . . page 127 



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CONTENTS OF VOL. V. v 

Sbct. rV. On the probable origin of the opinion that Cadmus came 
from Phcraicia . . . . . . page 140 

V. On the fable of the Dragon of Cadmus ; of the teeth of the Dragon; 

and of the Sparti or sown men. Testimonies . . page 144 

VI. Explanation of the fable . . . . . . page 147 

VII. On the Oracle given to Cadmus ; and on the Cow of Cadmus. 

page 154 

VIII. On the Onka of Cadmus ; and on the Athena of Cadmus. 

page 161 



DISSERTATION VII. 

On the Rbodian Corrections of the Primitive Calendar ; and 
on the Rhodian ''AActa and TkrjTrokifx€ia. 



CHAPTER I. 

On the Octaeteric and the Metonic Correction of the island of Rhodes. 

Sect. I. On the proper Type of the Rhodian Octaeteris • . page 175 

II. On the recovery of the names and order of the months in the Rho- 

dian Calendar^ from the Inscriptiones FiguUiUB or Figlina of 
antiquity page 175 

III. Order and names of the months in the Rhodian Calendar, both 

the Octaeteric, Jan. 7, B. C. 543, and the Metonic, May 6, 
B. C. 382 page 179 

IV. On the Etymons and meaning of the names of the months in the 

Rhodian Calendar . . . . page 182 

i, 'Aypidkios page 183 

ii. BaBp6fuos . . page 185 



page 185 
page 190 
page 193 
page 195 
page 198 
page 198 
page 203 
page 206 
page 207 
page 208 
page 215 

V^. On the change in the beginning of the official year, and in the Cycle 
of the CRJendar, at Rhodes, B. C. 382 . . . . page 219 

V^I. Confirmation of the change from B. C. 382 downwards, by histo- 
rical proofiB. 

page 223 
page 224 
page 225 
page 227 

Vll. On the Julian Calendar of Rhodes page 228 



On the custom of the XtXibovia-fi^s at Rhodes 
iii. Ocvdaurioff 
iv. ^aku>s 
V. *Aprofurtos . . 
vi. UdvafMs . . 
vii. UtbaywiTwos 
viii. 'YoKUfOios 
ix. Kappdos 
X. &t<riJUi<f>6pios 

Xi. ^fUlf$lO£ . . 

xii. Ai6s6vos . . 



i. Beginning of the official year, B. C. 171 . 
ii. Banning of the official year, B. C. 48 . 
iJi. Beginning of the official year, B. C. 43. 
iv. Beginning of the official year, B. C. 42. 
On the Julian Calendar of Rhodes 



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CONTENTS OF VOL. V. 



CHAPTER II. 



On the Cyclico-Julian Correction of the island of Rhodes ; and on the 
Julian date of the Rhodian "AXtia and TXi/iroXc/ic ta. 

Sect. I. On the opinions and the institutions connected with theCyclico- 
Julian Corrections of antiquity page 235 

II. On the local tradition and belief concerning the origin of the island 

of Rhodes page 338 

III. On the local tradition concerning the Cosmogonic Duad of Rhodes 

page 241 

IV. On the etymon and meaning of the name of 'P6dof . . page 244 

V. On the BaXauortoy, or Mystical Emblem, of the Rhodian Cos- 

mogony . . . . . . . . . . page 247 

VI. On the probable date of the Cyclico-JuUan Correction of Rhodes 

page 251 

VII. On the Rhodian Colony under Tlepolemus ; and on the Rhodian 

TXf^iroXc/icia page 254 

VIII. On the confirmation of the preceding conclusions by some general 
considerations . . . . . . page 260 

IX. On the Athena of Lindus, and the local tradition concerning the 

first sacrifice in Rhodes to the Lindian Athena . . page 263 

X. On the TcXxiycff of Rhodian Mythology page 269 

XI. On the 'HXuidai of Rhodian Mythology page 280 



CHAPTER III. 

On the Chronology of the Argonautica of ApoUonius Rhodius, and the 
testimony to the Calendar of Rhodes, rendered by it. 

Sect. I. On the interest attaching to the Argonautica, as one of the few 
surviving Epic Poems of classical antiquity . . . . page 284 

II. On the Chronologv of the Argonautica in particular, and the point 

of view in whicn it is proposed to regard it . . . . page 286 

III. On the length of time taken up bv the Action of the Argonautica, 

and on the two classes of notes ot time discoverable in it page 287 

IV. On the Solar Calendar of the Argonautica. 

i. First Criterion . . . . . . . . page 288 

ii. Second Criterion . . . . . . . . page 289 

iii. Third Criterion page 291 

iv. General conclusion from the above premises . . page 294 

V. On the Civil Calendar of the Argonautica ; and whether Solar or 

Lunar in general page 295 

i. First Criterion of the Calendar of the Argonautica, as Lunar 

in general page 297 

ii. Second Criterion of the Calendar of the Argonautica, as 

Lunar in general. . . . page 300 

iii. On some other Criteria of the Calendar of the Argonautica, 

as Lunar in general . . . . page 304 

VI. On the particular Lunar Calendar of the Argonautica . . page 306 

i. Beginning of the civil year, as recognised in the Argonautica 

page 307 
ii. Identity of the Calendar of the Argonautica with the Calen- 
dar of Rhodes . . page 309 



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CONTENTS OF VOL. V. vii 

Sbct. vii. On the date of the comnieDcement of the voyage of the Argo- 
nauts, i. Sospension of the chronological rule of the Argonau- 
tica after the departure from the Phasis ; and course supposed to 
hare been taken by the Argonauts on their return . . page 311 
ii. Resumption of the chronological rule of the Argonautica 

page 315 
iii. Date of the passage of the gulf of Charybdis . . page 310 

iv. Chronology of the Argonautica from the day of the pass- 
age of the gulf of Charybdis to that of the arrival at 
Pagasse page 318 

▼. Date of the commencement of the voyage of the Argonauts 

page 320 

vi. Length of the interval passed in Lemnos . . page 324 

VIII. On the date of the Argonautic Expedition adopted by ApoUonius 

page 325 

IX. Chronology of the Argonautica. 

Part i. From the beginning of the voyage to the arrival in Paphla- 
gonia, on the return page 329 

Part ii. From the day of the passage of the gulf of Charybdis to 
the day of the landmg at Paga88e . . page 332 

X. Inferences from the preceding review, illustrative of the calendars or 

of the customs 01 classical antiquity . . . . page 333 

i. Lenmian calendar of the time of ApoUonius . . page 333 

ii. Date of the Samothracian mysteries . . page 335 

iii. Relation of the Calendar of K vzicus to the Rhodian ; and 

date of the Parentalia to the Manes of Kyzicus there 

page 336 
iv. Consecration of the Lunar Numenise to all the gods 

page 339 
V. Date of the appearance of Apollo 'E&os; and Lycian calen- 
dar of ApoUonius' time page 340 

vi. Calendar of Corcyra in the time of ApoUonius ; and date 

of the sacrifice founded by Medea in Corcyra . . page 341 

vii. Calendar of Anaphe, and date of the sacrifice to ApoUo 

AlykTfTrjs page 342 

viii. Date of the 'Ydpo(l)6pta at iEgina . . page 344 



DISSERTATION VIII. 
On the Parthenian Ennead of the Boeotians. 



CHAPTER I. 

On the Daphnephoria and Parthenia of the ancient Boeotians. 

Sbct. I. Testimonies page 346 

II. On the return of the Boeotians to Thebes, from Ame in Thessaly ; 

and its time page 348 

III. Thucydidea' date of the Capture of Troy . . page 351 

IV. On the nature of the Parthenian Ennead ; and on its connection 

with the proper Lunar Cycle of the Primitive Solar year 

page 353 



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vui CONTENTS OF VOL. V. 

Sect. V. On the historical date of the institution of the Kttir<o ; and on 
its Epoch in the Primitive and the Julian calendar . , page 358 

VI. On the Cycle of the Parthenian Ennead in the Aj^ Cycle page 363 

VII. On the relation of the Parthenian Ennead to the Boeotian Correc- 

tion, B. C. 567 ; and on the date of the Kcmto) in that page 365 

VIII. Confirmation of the preceding conclusions hy some other con- 
siderations. 

i. Relation of the Parthenian Ennead to the Primitive Apis 
Cycle page 368 

ii. Decorations of the Kam-cb; and the Apollo XaXdCios, to 
whom it was dedicated page 370 

iii. The Uap$€via, or UapOwia page 372 

iv. The Aa<lnnf(fH>pia older at Thehes than the Parthenian 
Ennead page 374 

IX. On the probable motive to the institution of the Parthenian En- 

nead, and on the Fable of TUyus page 375 



DISSERTATION IX. * 

On the Carnea of Hellenic Antiquity^ and the Carnean 
Ennead. 



CHAPTER I. 

Sect. I. Testimonies page 381 

II. Observations on the preceding testimonies; and inferences from 

them page 385 

III. On the date of the return of the Heradidie . . page 390 

IV. On the institution of the Carnean Ennead along with the Carnea, 

B. C. 1096 . . page 391 

V. On the stated season of the Carnea in the natural year; and on the 

Julian Epoch of the Carnean Ennead page 397 

VI. On the Carnean Feria, or the number of days for which the Carnea 

lasted page 400 

VII. On the Carnean Epoch in the Octaeteric Correction of the Spar- 

tans, B. C. 592 page 406 

VIII. On the cases of the Carnea, older than B. C. 592 . . page 409 

IX. On the cases of the Carnea, later than B. C. 592 . . page 410 

i. B. C. 480 page 410 

ii. B.C. 436 page 411 

iii. B.C. 419 page 412 

iv. B. C. 418 page 420 

V. Rule of the Carnea in the Syracusan Calendar ; and date 

of the Syracusan Carnea B. C. 413 . . . . page 421 

vi. Rule of the Carnea in the Calendar of Cyrene . . page 424 

vii. Cycle of the Carnean Ennead B. C. 240 . . page 424 



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CONTENTS OF VOL. V. 

DISSERTATION X. 
On the Hyakinthian or Amyclaean Ennead. 



CHAPTER I. 

SscT. I. On the rale of the Hyakinthia in the Spartan Calendar, from 

B. C. 59a d ow nw ar ds page 428 

If. On the Calendar-dates of the three Hyakinthian Ferim . . page 431 

IIL On the Calendar-dates of the Hyakinthian Ferim, and on their 

relation to the moon, B, C. 479 page 436 

IV. On the original Epoch of the Hyakinthia, and on the date of their 

institution page 438 

V. On the historical occasion of the institution of the Hyakinthia 

page 441 

VI. On the original Lunar dates of the Hyakinthian Feruf, the Luna 

sezta, the Luna septimsy and the Luna octava . . page 449 

VII. Amydean or Hyakinthian Octaeteris. In four Types, 160 years 

asunder, from B. C. 1073 to B. C. 593 . . page 45a 

VIII. On the original date of the first of the Hyakinthian Ferimj and 
on the connection of the institution with the personal history of 
Hyakinthus page 45a 

IX. On the cases of the Hyakinthia mentioned in history, before or 

afterB. C. 593 page 463 

X. On the Tvistwnudiai of the Spartans, and its Calendar-date 

page 466 



DISSERTATION XI. 

On the Gronia or Olympia of Hellenic antiquity ; on the Gro- 
nian Calendar of Pelops; and on the Olympic and the Civil 
Calendar respectively of Elis. 



CHAPTER I. 

Sbct. I. On the rektive antiquity and order of the principal Games of the 

Greeks page 473 

H. On the Games of the Period, properly so called . . . . page 476 
i. Nnroher, Names, and respective Authors of the Games of 

the Period page 476 

ii. Prizes at the Games of the Period . . page 481 

HI. On the Olympic Calendar ; or the particular Calendar by which 

the Olympia were celebratea page 484 

IV. On the Olympic Rule of later times, and its proper Characters 

page 490 

i. First Character of the Oljrmpic Rule, the Olympic Season 

page 490 

ii. Second Character of the Olympic Rule, the Olympic Cycle 

page 496 

EAL. HELL. VOL. V. b 



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X CONTENTS OF VOL. V. 

iii. Third Character of the Olympic Rule, the Olympic FeruB 

page 501 
iv. Fourth Character of the Olympic Rule, the Calendar-dates 
of the Ol3rmpic Feria, and their relation to the Moon 

page 501 

Sect. V. On the relation of the Four Characters of the Ol3rmpic Rule to 

the different kinds of the Civil Calendar at different times in 

use among the Greeks page 507 

CHAPTER II. 

On the Date of the Institution, the Date of the Restoration, and the 

Date of the Historical Commemoration of the Olympic Games. 

Sect. I. On the reputed authors of the Olympic Institution . . page 509 

II. On the personal history, and the chronology of the life, of Pelops 

page 510 

III. On the Foundation of the Olympic Solemnity ; and whether it is 

to he ascribed to Pelops or to Hercules . . page 533 

IV. On the original idea of the Ol3rmpic Institution, as deducible from 

the Chi^eters of the Olympic Rule page 539 

V. On the Equable and Julian date of the Ol3rmpic Institution of Pelops, 

Epagomenl i. Mm Cydica 3743, June 35, B. C. 1364 

pag«634 

VI. Confirmation of the date of the Olympic Institution of Pelops by 

other and distinct arguments . . . . . . page 537 

VII. Scheme of the Cronian, or Olympian, Calendar of Pelops, for 

each of the years of its proper Cycle of Leap-year . . psge 547 

VIII. On the Oljrmpia ascribed to Hercules; and on the nature and 
date of the change made by him in the Cronian Institution of 
Pelops P&ge547 

IX. On the Olympiad of Iphitus and Lycurgus, and its date page 560 

X. On the first Historical Olympiad, B. C. 776 . . page 569 

CHAPTER III. 
On the Lunar Calendar of Elis. 

Sect. I. On the identity of the first Type of the Lunar Correction at Elis 

with the Attic Correction of Solon page 574 

IL On the date of the adoption of the Lunar Calendar for the regula- 
tion of the Olympic Games page 576 

III. On the liability of the Olympic Feria in their proper Lunar Calen- 

dar to follow the Moon page 578 

IV. On the Olympiad of Cleisthenes, and the inference firom it, respect- 

ing the dates of successive cycles of the Olympic Octaeteris 

page 583 

V. On the second Type of the Lunar Correction at Elis, or the Metonic 

Calendar of Elis, and its beginning page 585 

VI. On the names and order of the months in the Calendar of Elis 

P«ge590 

VII. On the probable date of the adoption of the Metonic Correction 

for the regulation of the Olympic Games ; and on the Oljrmpic 
Terms in that Correction page 594 

VIII. On the Civil Calendar of Elis, as distinct from the Olympic 

P«ge 597 



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CONTENTS OF VOL. V. xi 

CHAPTER IV. 

On the verification of tbe Olympic Calendar of the Oriffines 
Kakndart^ HeUenica, 

Sect. I. i. Olympiad Ixzzviii. B. C. 428 pag^ 600 

ii. Ol3rmpiad evi. B. C. 356 page 601 

in. Olympiad dxzziv. B. C. 44 page 603 

iv. Olympiad ccxzzvi. A. D. 165 page 607 

II. On the final cessation of the Olympic Games ; and on the Ol3rmpia 
of Antioch page 013 



DISSERTATION XII. 

On the Pythian Games of Antiquity, and on the Lnnar 
Calendar of Delphi. 



CHAPTER I. 

On the institution of the Pythian Games, and on the author of 
the institution. 

Sbct. I. On the original Cycle of the Pythian (james . . . . page 635 
II. On the traditionary author of the Pythian Institution, or Pythian 

Chorus. Testimonies . . page 626 

Sbct. III. Inferences from the preceding Testimonies. . . . page 62S 

IV. On the fable of the Pytbo; of the Pythian Apollo; and of the Py- 

thian Oracle. Testimonies page 634 

V. Observations upon the preceding Testimonies, and inferences firom 

them page 642 

i. Final end of the Pjrthian Fable page 642 

ii. The Pytho of the Fable the Type of a Lunssolar Cycle 
of eight years ; and the original Pythian Period an Octa- 
eteric Cyde page 645 

VI. On the etymon of the names of Uv&»v, 'AirSkXwv, "Aprtfur, and 

Aori^, respectively page 656 

VII. On the Oracle at Delphi, and its traditionary history before the 

Pythian Institution page 673 



CHAPTER II. 

On the recovery of the Epoch of the Pythian Institution, and the 
Pythian Cycle, of Philammon. 

Sbct. I. On the JE^pocA in terms of the Month. Sacredness of the seventh 
day among the ancient Greeks, and the reason on which it was 
founded page 678 

II. Traditionary date of the birth of Apollo, whether the seventh of the 

lunar, or the seventh of the solar, month . . . . page 684 

III. On the ^paeh in terms of the Year. Fable of the Dragon and 

the Sparrows in Homer, and the historical fact implied thereby 

page 687 

IV. On the Epoch in terms both of the Year and of the Day page 693 



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xii CONTENTS OF VOL. V. 

V. On the confirmatioD of the Epoch of the Pythian Institution, August 

26, in general, by the testimony of the Poet Alksos page 697 

VI. On the relation of the Pythian Cycle of Philammon to the Cretan 

Cycle of Minos page 699 

VIL On the Lunar Character of the Cycle of Philammon ; and on the 
relation of August 26 B. C. laaa to the Primitive Solar and the 
Primitive Lunar Calendar page 703 

VIII. On the dates of the births of Apollo and Artemis in later times ; 
and on the fable of their birth at Delos . . . . page 708 

IX. On the interval between the Luna Prima in the Cyde of Philam- 

mon and the Epoch of the Cyde ; and on the (economy to which 
it was subservient . . page 71a 

X. Type of the Pythian Ennead, or Octaeteric Cycle of Philammon, 

adapted to successive Periods of 160 years, from Period i. B. C. 

1333 to Period vi. B. C. 433 1^^719 

XL On the Natalis of the andent Thessaly ; and on its coinddence 
with the Epoch of the Pythian Institution . . . . page 719 



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ORIGINES KALENDARI^ HELLENICiE. 



DISSERTATION VL 

On the Diont/siay and the Dionysos, of Classical 

Antiquity: and on the Dionysian Correction 

of Afelamptcs. 



CHAPTER I. 



SscTioN I. — On the method proposed to be observed in treat- 
ing of the Dionysia. 

The Dionysia and the Thesmophoria appear to have been 
those two of the observances of the ancient Greeks, which 
were most characteristic of them. These two were as wide 
spread as the Hellenic name itself; nor was there perhaps a 
single community of Grecian extraction, howsoever small 
and obscare^ and howsoever remote and isolated, which had 
not its Dionysia and Thesmophoria, in common with the 
rest, and celebrated more or less according to the same rule. 
These two solemnities in particular were the most ancient of 
the national rites and ceremonies of the Greeks : and being 
in honour of cerate and correlative principles, predisposed to 
coalesce with, or to accompany one another^ one as the im- 
personation of a masculine, the other as that of a feminine^ 
idea of the same kind in general, they naturally went toge- 
ther; and wheresoever the one had been introduced, there 
the other, in the course of time, if not from the first, came 
to be introduced also. 

The Thesmophoria indeed were older than the Dionysia ; 
and the name and idea of the Demeter of the former were 

KAL. HELL. VOL. V. B 



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2 Dionysian Correction o/'Melainpua. diss. yi. 

older than those of the Dionysos of the latter : yet the fact ttill 
holds good that the idea of the latter having onoe been con- 
ceived as something necessary to the complete realisation of 
the former, both were ever after associated in the minds of 
men, as objects of worship which from the nature of things 
must go together. The Thesmophoria too, at their first in- 
stitution, having been attached to a particular season of the 
year^ the Dionysia^ as first introduced, appear to have been 
attached to this season of the Thesmophoria. Nor is. there 
any reason to suppose that both these institutions were not 
intended by their respective authors to continue attached to 
it, to that^ from the time when both were in existence at 
once, the celebration of both might go on simultaneously, or 
that of the one directly after that of the other. The rule of 
the Thesmophoria also^ in this respect °, never experienced 
any material alteration ; that of the Dionysia appears to 
have been so modified by the course of time, that we find at 
last the stated time of the same, or a similar ceremony, (of 
one called by the name of the Dionysia at least,) at the oppo* 
site season of the year to that df the Thesmophoria. Fro- 
posing therefore to investigate the history of this andent 
Oreek institution, and to connect, if possible, its role deftuto 
at last with its rule de facto at first, we shall perhaps, under 
the circumstances of the case, be most likely to succeed^ if 
we trace it backwards ; i. e. begin with ascertaining the rule 
of the observance in comparatively later times, in the hope; 
of finding it instrumental to the discovery of that of eadier. 

Section II. — On the distinction between the Dionysia in the 
sense of the Orgies ofDionysos, and the Dionysia in thai nf 
the Dramatic exhibitions of classical antiquity. 

Preliminary however to this undertaking, it is necessary to 
draw an important distinction in the sense and meaning of 
this word (that of the Aioin/o-ia) itself. The proper meaning 
of such a term in Greek is ret rov Aiovv<rov Upa, the rites or 
ceremonies of Dionysos ; in Latin the Sacra Liberi Fatris : 
and in this sense and this relation the Atoi^o-ia were the 
same with ''Opyia, the name which the Greeks gave to the 

n Cf. Vol. iv. 478. I>i»»ert«tion iL 



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CH. t. ft. 2. DkmgMy in the setae of the Orgies. 3 

cbtfiicteristic rites and ceremonies of this one of their ob- 
jects of worship, because of the effects which they produced 
in those who took part in them ; the violent emotions which 
they excited^ the outbursts of passion, and even of rage and 
fiuy, with which they were accompanied. For that this is 
the tme e3q>lanation of the name of the "Opyia, from dfyyif^^ 
impetms^ ira, furor — there can be no reasonable doubt ; 
though some of the etymologists of antiquity derive it from 
fpyotff as if from the idea of some stated work or service; an 
explanation, which would render the name of the Orgies as 
apidicable to the rites and ceremonies of any of the gods of 
classical antiquity as to those of Dionysos ; whereas it is cer- 
tain that the proper and classical use of the term, is restricted 
to the services of Dionysos only, or extended to those of no 
other oligect of worship besides^ but one whose proper cere- 
sotties were characterised by the same excitement and en- 
timsiasm as his. 

One sense of the tiwviaia then is that of the "Opyta^ the 
ehanusteristic rites and services oi Li6vv<Tos\ and this must 
have been its first and proper meaning. Another is that of 
the aeenic representations of antiquity, the Dionysia under- 
stood of the exhibitions of tragedy or comedy at stated times 
among the Greeks of old. Exhibitions of that kind were 
daaaed by the ancients under the general denomination of 
AtoyiNnojcol dy«>i/c$ : T&v h\ iydvcav ol /A€r yviiviKoif oi b^ icoXot^- 
pcMK tnofviKol dvofxairOeUp hv AtowtnaKol re fcai ixovcikoC^: 
and the ivo^M-ol or actors in them were best known by the 
name of the rcxi'troi AiawaioKol also. This sense of the term, 
it is evident, must have been entirely secondary in compari- 
son of the former : and must have grown up out of an acci- 
dental association of things between which there was no 
necessary connection — the rites and ceremonies in honour of 
Dionysos^ and the dramatic representations^ or any other kind 
of poetical exhibitions. Nor would it perhaps be difficult to 
explain out of what concurrence of circumstances it might 
have arisen ; and something may require to be said on that 
subject as we proceed. At present it is sufficient to have re- 
minded the reader that this term Aioin/o'ia, in the common 

o PoUaz, iii. xxi^ ( 149. p. 34P. 
B % 



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4 Dionysian Correction of Melampus. diss. tx. 

use of it among the Oreeks, had a double meaning, one, that 
of the Orgies, the other, that of the Scenic ExhibUions of 
classical antiquity, between which, it is evident, there could 
never have been any necessary connection ; and if there was 
an actual one, it must have been in the first instance per 
accidens, or by virtue of an arbitrary and positive association. 
We must therefore ourselves treat them as distinct ; and if 
we are to take them in the order of time, we must begin with 
the Dionysia, in the sense of the Orgies. 

Section III. — On the Dionysia in the sense of the Orgies, 
according to the ride oftater times, i. Cycle of the Diony- 
sia in the sense of the Orgies, 

The "Opyia or Rites of Dionysos, the Aioiriaia properly so 
called, wheresoever and howsoever celebrated among the 
Greeks, appear to have been subjected to one and the same 
rule ; that of being celebrated every third year. The cycle 
of the Orgies was consequently a period of two years 
complete. 

i. Dionysos multos habemus ... quintum ... a quo trieteri- 
des constitutae putantur P — Unde mysteria quse Libero Patri 
altemis fiunt annis trieterica a poetis dicuutur^ — Trieterica 
hujusmodi sacra quidam existimant adpellari'' — Kat ri^ d«p 
rpi€Trip[b€S iyoirrat lopraC^ — A I filv tov 6€ov rpi^nipibes i4>C^ 
uoinro* — 

'Qs dc ra ficv rpia trot, ndvrais rpunjpia-iv alfi 
8v6ptanoi ptfovai rt\fifa<ras iKorofi^s^ — 






OvK i6i\M Tpurrj ere ravvv 'OpiBaxxov dct^ctv, 
ov x^pov *Aopiov iraph fiiv6t(nv *Ao-tffro(o. 
Xcc'^ftoi, o>r KcXcoi, ra aaBd(ia vvKxtpa Bv<r6ka' 
dff6dtas dp<l}€x6p€va'a Stwvai^ Aiovvo'^ 7 — 

P Cicero, 0e Natura Deorum, iii. > Artemidorufl, Oneirocritica, iv. 41. 

33f 5S. cf. De Legibos^ ii. 15, 37. t iElian, Varr. Uistor. ziii. 2. 

Also Ljdua, De Mensibus, iy. 38. 71. v Hymni Horn. w'. In EKoDyBon, 

1. 11-7S' »• 1- II. 

q Cenaoriuus, De Die Nat. xriii. < Euripides, Bacchae, 159. 

r Ainmianus Marcell. xzii. 8. 300. y Oppian, Kynegetica, i, 14. 



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en. I. «, 3. DUmysia in the sense of the Orgies. 

Oi Bijptt fikoovpcl xapofTdi d* tniXovro yvpaiKMS, 
otradcff 6axo(p6f>oi rpitrtipUitg dv6oKapr)voi, 
BoKxov il>oiTaXiTJof €y€pa-ix6poto riB^vcu ' — 

Ti^of T€v(afjitvff ircip ayavris Il€p<r€<f)o»fifit 
€P ^w9jToi<n fipOTOurip a»h Tpierrfpibag &pa£, 
^rcm ow Bwcxov yopifupf ^Siva reXcocrcy *. 



'Qftioilkt, ataprrovxt, xppoiiuofis, riyera KcupMp' 
/3ajt;(ffv«y ayUts Tpt€njpliag dfiffn yakrjvds ^^ 



typofiivov Kovpats ofxa yvpxftait eifirkoKdfxoKrur 
tg napa TLtpatfttovrff Updiax hifiOiirw lav»v 
WMfufci rpuTijpa xfidvov Bwcxriiop dy»6v, 
mrrhs d* fjvlKa. rov Tpi€Tfj ndXi K&fiov ty^lpfi, 
€iff v/ivov rp€V€rtu tn)¥ iv^^vottri Tt$^vais, 
9ifaC»v, KUfSnf T€ x^povs ev\ KvieXaaip &pais ^. 



KXv^tfMV 

ScXi/vtty t^x opurrt, TtTifup€ Trcuri Btoltrip 
Koi BpfjToUri fiporoltrtp M rpttrripiaw &pai^ ^, 

ii. De Gelonis (Greeks originally, settled ia Scythia): 
Kal T^ Acoiniio'a) TpurrjpCbas avAyovai Koi Panxevovai,^ — At bi 
0vidb€t yvvdiKfs lUv €hTiif 'Arrifcaly tfyoirQaai h\ i^ rov ITap- 
vaxrahv naph lro9, avraC re koI al yvvoiKts A€\<f}0}p^ iyovatv Spyia 
Aiovwn^ f — In hoc monte Famaso Bacchanalia altemis agun- 
tnr anniss — De Libera Patre^: Itaque post annum tertium 
com eo redit in gratiam, simulatque in regno se sacra facere 
Telle quae trieterica dicuntur, quoniam post tertium annum 
fadebati — 

Mods Phoebo Bromioque sacer, cui numine mixto 
Delphica Theban» referant trieterica Baccbse ^ — 

Qualis commotis excita sacria 
Thyiaa, ubi audito stimulant trieterica Baccho ^ — 

< Of^pian, Kynegetiea, iv. 334. De * Cf. Diodonis, iv. 3. (Euaebius. 

Lfeopvdifl. cf. W. 948-3 50b Pnep. Evang. ii. 2. 115. § 5.) of the 

* Qipfaica, xIiY. ^fiiKiis, 6. cf. xW. origin of these rpirripidis out of the 
*Tfiv«s AiMfiaou Ba0'o-ap4ms rpterripiKov. supposed Indian expedition of Diony- 

^ IM. lii. Tpunipucovf 7. sos. Also Plutarch, Sympos. iv. yi. 1 . 

c Ibid. KiL 'Afi^icrovj, 1. the rpurripuch troyrcActa — a mystical 

* lUd. Ihr. 'XtKupov, i. ceremony at Athens, in honour of Dio- 
« Hcrodotos. iw, 108. nysos. 

' Paimniaa, x. iT. 2. cf. xxxii. 5. k i^ucan, Pharsalia, v. 73. 

c Macfobiui, Satiomalia, i. i& 299. ^ ^neid. iv. 301. 

^ Uygnuii, Fabb. cxzxi. Nysoe. 



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6 Dionysian Correction of "Melamfua, dibs.yi. 

Trieierica: Trionnalia. Liberi enim sacra tertio quoqoe 
anno innoYabantar <" — 



Ibaty ut EdoDo referens trieterica Baccbo 
Ire solet fueU barbaia turba comiB° — 



Tempus erat, quo sacra solent trieterica Bacchi 
Sithonise celebrare nurus : nox conscia sacris <>- 



Utque tuo motie, pioles Semdeia, thyrao 
IsmarisB celebrant repetita triennia Bacch« ; 
Byblida non aliterP — 

Edonis ut Pangiea super trieteride mota 

It juga, et inclusum suspirat pectore Bacchum 4 — 

Tacita paridum turn sede locavit 
Sub pedibuB deztraque dei. latet ille receptus 
Veste sacra ; voces chorus et trieterica redduut 
iEra sonum, fizeque fremunt in limine tigres r — 

Lampsacusy Ogygii quam nee trieterica Bacchi 
Sacra" — 



Non hsec trieterica vobis 
Nox patrio de more venit* — 



Cum Bacchica mugit 
Buxus» et insanse maculant trieterida matres^ — 



Hcgus in umbra 
Altemam revocare pis trieterida matres 
Consuerant ' — 



Non Bacchum trieterica exserentem 
Describam, et tremulas furore festo 
Ire in Bassaridas, vel infulatos 
Aram ad turicremam rotare mystas f. 

And agreeably to this rule of the cycle^ the Dionysia^ 
supposed to have been in course at Thebes in the first year 
of the action of the Tbebais of Statins ', are represented as 
again in course at the same time in the third year \ 

n Serviiu, in loe, * Ibid. ix. 479. 

* Orid, Remed. Amoris, 595. * AdiiUeis, i. 594. 

" Metam. yi. 587. J Sidonias ApoUinaris, ix. 404. 

9 Ibid. ix. 64a • i. 71 . 

q Silias Italicof, Panica, iv. 778. » iv. 1-7 : 377-405 : cf. 651-^58 j 

' Taleirtas Flsccus, Ar^nsutica, U. zii. 787-794. See supra, Vol. ii. 341. 

15 7. ^ Ibid. ii. 634. 346. 

* Statius, Thebais, ii. 661. 



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CH. I. 8. 3. Difmjfna in the senKofthe Orgies. 7 

Section III. — ^ii. Seamm of the Dionyria in the sense of the 

Orgies. 
L Winter. With regard to the season at which the Dio- 
nysia in this sense appear to have been celebrated, according 
to one class of testimonies it woald seem to have been the 
winter : *Tr^ **• iirid^Tov t^ioirutrov ci>9 K\€ A77/X09* ^weiSr) ^irtrcXoO- 
^1^ Tos Ovtrias air^ Koff hv 6 O^bs ifi \p6vov. And though this 
explanation of "Tij;, as an epithet of Dionysos, is mistaken, 
(that appellation itself having been derived not from the 
Greek &», but from the Phrygian "Tri^ "Arrri^) it implies not- 
withstanding that the stated season of the Dionysia was 
notorionsly the rainy season, the end of the winter, or the 
banning of the early spring — 

Festa corymbiferi celebrabas, Gnecia, Baccbi, 
Tertia qus solito tempore brama refert®- 

Marcidus edomito bellum referebat ab Hsemo 
Liber : ibi armiferos geminse jam sidere brumn 
Orgia ferre Getas^ canumque vireacere dorso 
Othryn et Icaria Rbodopen adsueverat umbra. 
£i jam pampineos matema ad moeoia cmrus 
Promovet<i. 

Thus the Dionysia at Eynsetha, in Arcadia, are repre- 
sented by Pansanias® as celebrated &p(^ x^kyMvos : and a fact 
is mentioned by Plutarch, which happened at Delphi on 
some occasion, when the orgies were going on on Mount 
Parnassus in the depth of winter f: '£1; lik A€\4>oUavr6s'qKov€s 
OTi T&v cb rbv Uapvaaop ivapdvrtAV^ fioi^Orj^iu rais Ovia-tv 
&g€tKinifiitHus vtth vpei^aroi xaKenov xal \i6voSy aSrois iyivovro 
di^ thv viyop atcAxipal xa2 ^Acidcts al xXafA^^tiSj &s koL 6pa6' 
€a$ai hw,T€t,voyAva^ koX priyvv(r0ai. 

ii. The Spring. And yet, according to another class of 
testimonies, it is clearly implied that they must have been 
celebrated in the spring. For example, the action of the 
Bacchse, of Euripides, opens at the stated time of the orgies, 
(the first supposed to have been celebrated among the 

^ Etym. liagnum. cf. in AUrwros : « Ovid. Fasti, i. 393. 

Phot Lev. 'Tuf : AJleedoU^ (307. 25.) ^ Statins, Thebais, iv. 651. 

"Anpt^s: S«iidaik''X^<: Emtathiut, e viil xix. i. 

ad IL 2. 485 : 1155. 64. ' De Primo Frigido, xviii. 



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8 Dkmynan Correction of Melampus. Disa. vi. 

Oreeks^) and all the allusions to the time of the year, which 
occur in it, are characteristic of the end of the winter and the 
beginning of spring s : the smilax in flower ^ ; the flocks and 
herds pasturing in the open air > ; the com already sprung up 
by the Asopus ^ ; serpents in active motion * ; yet the snows 
still unmelted on Mount Kitheeron °>, and the winter torrents 
not yet dry " — 

Ovd* M. tcoKkixopois OTtil>d»otai v€apidos &pas 
^arpvxov dfimTaaas ® — 

Aioviaov hi Spos Upov^ Aapv<nov KoKovfjiCifov^ icrriv virip tov 
Miy<AvCov, Kai fjpos d,pxofxivov Aiov6(rov ttiv ^opTtiv Syova-tv^ iWa 
T€ h ra bpdfjLfi/a \iyovT€s, Koi &s fiorpw ivravOa av€vpurKOv<nv 
&paiop P — 

Kai 

Kurtniptiv SxBai 

X^^pd f* dierh irokvarrd^vKof n€fin€i 

affp&roiv eVecoy 

€va(6irnov Qrjficuas 

tnia-Korrovvr dyvids *1. 

^H rh iv Evfiola <^(rli; SXcros, fj t6 iv TlapvaxrfT^' kv ifjL(f>oTipois 
yhp rdiroLs ^ 2/x7^\o9, ^ Kaff* iKaarTjv fjiiipav TT€pl piv ttjv ((o ^6^ 
Tpvas <^p€i irepl h\ pLfcrr^pLfiplav 6pL(f>aKas, irpvyaTO hi TT€Trav$€l(ra 
TT€pl riiv kirnipav^ — 'Ev Alyais riyy Evfiola^ irapiho(a tioWcl yiv€- 
rat. Karh. yhp rhs ^rqaCov^ tov Aiovvaov re^era?, dpyiaCovfrSiv t&v 
livarChfav yvvaiKoiv, pXaxn-ivovow al KoKovpLCvac i(l>rjpL€poi afiVcXot, 
aXrtvf^ la>d€V pihf rhs rQv Kopm^v iKfioKhs TTowvvrai^ e?r' av irikiv 
Porpvas Papwirovsy icai tovtovs (ita leg.) vpo pjeirripfiplas it^Ttair 
vown' vpbs hi Trjv koTsipav rp^Tt6p,€vai axparov xopriyoviri (ita leg.) 
ha^tkis Tttij iiri tov \opov vapOivois k^t.K,^ — Alyal hi Trc^Ats 
'Axaitas tv Ufkoirovvrjaia, tvOa npMrai piiv 6 Uotreih&v^ aycrat hi 
fccU Aiovjia-tf koprri, iv fj iircihav 6 x^pos avaras ras rod halpiopos 
TtXtras opyiACa, OavpLaoLOV iTriT€k€iaOaC (paoLV Ipyoir a/xireXot 
yap, hs KoXovaiP i<t>ripLipovs, iviaxoioris piif fjpiipas Kopvhv )3Aa- 

' Ver. 64 sqq. k Ver. 38. ^ PhoeniBsie, 787 : cf. Schol. in loc 

Ii Yer. 107, 108: 701, 703. also ad 226-231. 

1 677 : 714: 735 sqq. P Pausanias, iii. xziL 2. 

k 748, 740. 1 697 : 72a 4 Soph. Antigone, 1 130. 

m 660-602. ' Scholia in loc cf. Ad Phoenissas, 

" 1092. cf. the Helene, 1360: Etym. 226-229: Soph.Fragm. 239. eThyeste. 

M. roAAot. ■ Scholia ad Iliad. N. 2t. 



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CH. f . 8. 3. Dumysia, in the sense of the Orgies, 9 

^ipowfUfi &rT€ Tpanivras ainoit^ €k kinripav oTvov &^ovov ^cty. 
il IffTopia vapa Ewf>opUi>Pt ^ — 

l£T€<ln2vri<f>6pov fter ^pos 
fiMXirofuu p6dcv B9ptv6v 

r^ ao<^ rdd* avro Ttpirv^v, 
$(iX.tais re Koi TpaTrt^ais, 
Atowaicus ff toprais ^^ 

ar€<f>a»t<rKovs $tfuvoi vvw 
BaKtuuf toprffv 

^Efo^a d* dfiirtdiop Maiavdpiov, €vOa Kavarpov 
fjwxfi KaxXaC^PTOs €vrippi€i ay\a6v t;d«p. 
o^ fAOv avdi ywaiKas 6»6a-a'tai, at n-rpi K€wo 
Bwnf €Jios xP^HTolo Kor l^vot dfifui PaKowrai 
opxtwToi, Brfjrhv (Xitr(r6fuvai irtpl kvkXov, 
fZrt AiaufCaou) xopoaraaias reXeoccp. 
irvp Koi vapS^viKoif v^oBrjktts ola t€ ptfipol, 
vKolpovatp' TTJatv dc ircpc afMipaytvvT€£ dfJT<u 
ipitprovs iovtmiraf eirt trrri$€<rat xtTwwiffy — 

Aut qualeB referunt Baccho soUemnia nymphas 
Mseonie^ qoas Hennus alit '. 

Xtifueros TfP€fjL6«vros car aWepos olxo/imto 
vop^pifi fJLtldfja€ <f>€p€U'6(0£ clapos &pi) ^ 



ol d* airaXi)y irlvovTt£ aE(i(f)vTOV hp6tTov ^ovr 
\€ip&P€s y€\6»frt», apoiyofuvoio poboio, 
X"^^ ^"^ (Tvpcyyt pofuvf iv 6p€(r<ri \iyauwv, 
teal woKtois ipinftois iniripirrrcu alvSKos aly&p» 
ffS^ di nXMOwruf hr €vp4a Kvfiora vavrtu 
frvoij amifiajrrtjp Z€(f)vpov Xtya Ko\7roixra»T€S. 
rfSrf d* rvd^bvo'i ([ifptaraxlivX^ Aiovwrtp, 
&fO€i^ porpv6€PTOs (p€ylfdfifvoi rpixo Kiaaov. 



Ovdff ns fyf dx6p€vros opii itrSKiv, dypov6pM» dc 
daptmns in riliXotcrur 4pirp&$riv€af dyviai ^« 



* Ibid. cf. Enststhins, in loc. 9 1 7 . 37. * Anthologia, i. 32. Meleager, ci. De 

▼ AmcKon, liii. E«s ^^y, i-i8. Vere, i. 

« Ibid. Pnig. xirii. p. 348. cf. Athe- ^ Cf. vera. ai. 

IT. 16. « Nonnns, xliv. 125. of the first Dio- 



' Dionjitiii Ferieg. 837. nysia at Thebes. 

«ClMdiMi,De Rapttt Proserpine, ii.67 . 



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10 DioHysian Correetian qf Mdampus. diss. vi. 

VfitTfpoiP, ore yaui <^vr»v ^diya irefra/vf t, 
fjLapfuipvyffv bpoaS^O'crav dKoifM:^ou} ^tXrfvrfs 
dtx^vfJitinj * — 

Kal Ka^pircMDy ^vXov ficya, roi nort BoKXpp 
*Ivbav €K woXtfUHO dcdcy/icyoi f^tiPKraav, 
Kal furh Aijpomv Uphv xop^v ifrniaavTO, 
C^futra KOI vt^pTbas. C9r2 frnfitinri fiaX^vrts, 
fM BoKX^ Xiytnrref, 6 dc fl>p§a\ ^/Xoro dalfutv 
K€awv apdp^ap ytvf^v kcu jfBta yalijt * — 

Exstimulat vatem per Dindyma castra Kybelles, 
Perque Kith»ronem Nyseaque per juga Bacchi, 
Per sua Parnassi, per arnica ailentia Musis 
Pierii oemoris, Bacchea voce frementem 
Delie te Pean, et te Euie Euie Paean'. 

*Ep44M>ff* 6 Ai6wtrog. tpuf>ost 6 fUKp6s ^ijf , 6 tv r^ tapi tJKutfOfAWog, l[yow 
6 irpQHfAOS* xipapos hi 6 iv r^ xtipSuvt^ — QioKxn' ayBfj €v Sihcvo^m^ — ^"AXXd 
ptfv Koi 'laKxcw Tiva Kcikovp^vov oida arc^avoir virb 2tKv»vl»p, &s (fiyjai Tifui- 
Xibas €v rcuf rXctfO-cratf '. 

If these different testimonies are consistent with each other, 
the Dionysia in the sense of the orgies mast have had an 
equal relation both to the winter and to the spring ; i. e. their 
proper time' must have been critically between the two, — the 
early spring — the first of the spring months, according to the 
division of the quarters made by the ancients; the month 
which in the Attic calendar was called Anthesterion, and in 
the Boeotian Hermseus. If then the Dionysia, in this sense 
of the orgies, had a stated season in the natural year, they 
had also a stated month in the civil calendar ; which, in the 
old octaeteric calendar, must have been the second in general. 
But as this is a point of importance^ it is desirable to confirm 
it by some further proofs ; in order to prepare the way for the 
discovery of the rule of the orgies in this respect from the first. 

Section III. — ^iii. Seat of the Dionpeia^ in the sense of the 
Orgies^ in the old Octaeteric Calendar. 
i. The Dionysia among the Athenians were associated with 
the mysteries : ^Q,p rrjs rcXcr^s oi fiSvov xopevriis ik\h koSL I^ 

' zliy. 319. ubi Luna loquitur. ^ Hesychiua. 

* Dionys. Perieg. 700. ^ Ibid. cf. in 'Icbrxo. 

f Columella, De Hort. Cnltuni, 220. i Atbensus, xv. 2%, 
lib. z. 



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CH. 1.8.3* Diamj^siaj in the ^ense of the Orgies. 11 

ofX^ *!' ^ AufaoKrov. Koi fA^y d^ Aioviaov iv 'EAci/au'i Ic/m(</ e<m^ 
tuu iv ^wvwtUhs JTcAciro rit fivo-n(pia^ — ^^Ev roi9 AT/roiicois iywri 
ro6 AtovMTOv 6 d^doDx^^ KariyjAV KajXTriba X^yet, jcoXciTe ^eoi^. 
KcU ol ihroKOilioirres fiown^ 2€/(a€Ai{i€^ '"'a'^X^^ ITAotn-odora ^. Now 
we read nowhere of any Dionysia at the greater mysteries. 
It mnst therefore have been with the lesser^. And this 
conjunction of the Dionysia with the mysteries must have 
been ultimatriy due to the coincidence between the stated 
time of the Dionysia and that of the lesser mysteries ; conse- 
quently in Anthesterion. 

ii. The suppositions in the Thebais of Statius^ which we con- 
sidered at large in illustration of the Boeotian calendar ^ were 
no doubt founded on the rule of the Dionysia at Thebes^ as 
still kept up eren in his time, or at least as known to have 
been formerly observed ; and according to these they were in 
course both at the opening of the action of the poem, in the 
first year^ and again, at the same time, in the third year ; 
and that time in each instance the beginning of the early 
springs the Flatus Favonii^ the second month in the Boeotian 
calendar. It is no objection that on the second occasion^ and 
after the celebration of his orgies among the Thracians^ Dio- 
oysos was returning to Thebes just before the institution of 
the Nemean games ; a much later period in the natural year, 
as we may probably see hereafter. It is not said how long 
before his orgies had been celebrated in Thrace ; only that 
they were over at the time of this return : but whether one 
month, or two months, or even three months before^ is not 
specified, and we are at liberty to suppose, just as the neces- 
sity of the case may require. 

iiL In Ovid^s account of the death of Orpheus, which both 
lie, and all the poets, agreably to the common tradition, date 
at the time of the orgies; the third year since the death of 
Surydike is described as follows : 

Tertius aeqnoms inclusum I^cibus annum 
Finierat Titan; omnemque refiigerat Orpheus 
FoBiiMain Venerem ^ — 

And this supposes the proper termination of the natural year 

k Sdiolift in BaoM, 346. n Part i. VoL ii. 336 iqq. 

1 Ibid. Tcr. 482. • MeUm. x. 78. cf. f-77. 

« rf. snpim, VoL it. page 315, note. 



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12 Dianysian Correction o/Melampus. dibs. n. 

to have been the sign of Pisces ; the last before the vernal 
eqninox. And now the orgies^ followed by the death of Or* 
pheus, are in course ; and the labours of husbandry going on 
at the same time, the Bacchanals take advantage of that co- 
incidence to wreak their vengeance on Orpheus, with the 
instruments of agriculture — 

Neu desint tela furori — 
Forte boves presso subigebant vomere terrain ; 
Nee procul hinc, multo fructus sudore paraotes. 
Dura lacertosi fodiebant arva coloni p. 
To understand this of seed-time, properly so called, would 
be contradictory to the context. But such operations as 
these of ploughing and digging were characteristic of the 
early spring too ; and there was a spring seed-time as well as 
an autumnal one^i — 

Vere novo, gelid us canis quum montibuB humor 
Liquitur, et Zephyro putris ae gleba resolvit, 
Depresso incipiat jam turn roihi taurus aratro 
Ingemere, et sulco adtritus splendeacere vomer '. 

Pingue solum primis extemplo a mensibus anni 
Fortes invertant tauri, glebasque jacentes 
Pulverulenta coquat maturis solibus sestaa *. 

The death of Orpheus then is clearly laid by Ovid in the 
first month of the natural year ; and consequently the Dio- 
nysia too. If we compare VirgiFs account of the same event, 
though differing from his in its circumstances, it will be found 
to lead to the same conclusion, about the time of the year at 
which the catastrophe happened at last — 

Septem ilium totos perhibent ex ordine menses 

Rupe sub aeria deserti ad Strymonis undam 

Flevisse, et gelidis b»c evolvisse sub antris 

Mulcentem tigres et agentem carmine qnereus K 

Nulla Venus, non uUi animum flexere hymensei. 
Solus Hyperboreaa glacies Tanaimque nivalem 
Arvaque Riphaeis nunquam viduata pruinia 
Lustrabat, raptam £urydicen atque inrita Ditis 
Dona querens. spretse Ciconum quo munere matres 
Inter sacra deum nocturnique orgia Baccbi 
Discerptum latos juveoem sparsere per agros ^. 

P Ibid. xi. 30. cf. 1-66. ' Georgios i. 43- « Ibid. 64. 

q Of. our Ori^nes Kalendarie lU- ^ Ibid. iv. 507. 

Uc«, ii. 41, note : also supFS, Vol. iv. ^ Ibid. iv. 516. 
p«««3«S»»ot«- 



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CH. I. B. 3. Dinmyna, in the iense of the Orgies. 13 

Now the death of Orpheus, which thus ensued at the end 
of these seven mouths, was speedily followed by his venge* 
auce, and that of the Nymphs, which took effect on the bees 
of Arists&ns — 

Futor Ansteua fdgieDs PeDeia Tempe» 
Amissis, ut fama, apibus morboque fameque Tf — 



Non te nullius exercent Duminis irse ; 
MagDa luis commissa : tibi has miserabilis Orpheus 
Haudquaquam ob meritum pcenas, ni fata resistant, 
Suscitat, et rapta graviter pro conjuge ssevit 2. 



Nate, licet tristes animo deponere curas. 
Haec omnis niorbi causa ; bine miserabile Nymphae, 
Com quibus ilia choros lucis agitabat in altis, 
Exitiam misere apibus ^. 

The destruction of his bees then must be supposed to have 
coincided with the close of the seven mouths also ; in which 
case, these seven mouths must have expired at or about the 
time when, under ordinary circumstances, bees were expected 
to revive after the winter, and to take to their usual employ- 
ments in the fields. What this time was for the climate of 
Greece* we may learn from Aristotle, speaking of the habits 
of the bee : 'Hcrvxcifei V diro riAetdSos 5v(r€a>9 ft^xpt tov fapos ^ 
— ^E» b^ Tols €v$rivov<Ti T<av o-firjvQv c/cAetVci 6 yovos ran; fieKirrQi/ 
Tcpi r€Trap6xovff tiyiipas fiovov, ray fi€Ta \Hfjk€pivas rpo-ni^^ — 
n€ipQ<ri S€ fiAKiaff" tjihk &v ipyjuivrax kK tov \€ifxQvos ^ — ^Eav bi 
lap o^iov yivrp-ai rj avx^bs^ Koi orav ipvarCfiri, ikarrov ipyiCovrai 
ol lUXiTTOi Tw y6vop « — De Vespis : Tov yhp \€ipiAivos i^xofii- 
vov fiMpoi ylvovTfu ol ipyircu avT&v v€pi rpoirhs d' ov (l>aCvovTai 
SXms^ — Pliny gives a similar account of the bee in Italy : 
Condontur aVei^iarum occasu, sed latent ultra exortum ... 
ante fabas florentes exeunt ad opera et laborese — A bruma 
ad Arcturi exortum (Dec. 25 to Feb. 23) diebus Ix somno 
alantur, sine ullo cibo. ab Arcturi exortu ad aequinoctium 
▼emum tepidiore tractu jam vigilant ; sed etiam tunc alveo 
se continent, servatosque in id tempus cibos repetunt. in 
Italia vero hoc idem a Yergiliarum exortu faciunt : in eum 

r Ibid. tT.317. « Ibid. 453. * Ibid. <3i. 

^ De Animalibiis, Tiii. 13. 334. 6. « Ibid. ix. 40. 290. 13. ^ Ibid. 293. 43. 

• Ibid. 194. 15. ' ix. 41. 495. 2. » H. N.xi. 5. p. ^30. 



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14 DUmysian Correction o/Melaiopi». diss. vi. 

dormiont >^ — De Melle: Veuit hoc ex aere, et maxime side- 
ram exorta, praecipueque ipso Sirio exsplendescente €t, nee 
omnino prius Yergiliarum exortu K So likewise Columella : 
Ex Hygino^, a commentator on the Georgica of Virgil ': 
Ab occasu Yergiliarum ad brumam...jam recondite melle 
utuntur examina'i' — Post confectam brumam diebus fere 

quadraginta quidquid est repositi mellis consumunt, et 

ssepe etiam vacuatis ceris usque in ortum Arcturi, qui est ab 
Idibus Februarii, jejunse favis accubantes torpent more ser- 
pentum ^ — Ab aequinoctio prime, quod mense Martio circa 
?iii kal. Aprilis in octava parte Arietis couficitur, ad exortum 
Yergiliarum dies verni temporis habentur duodequinqua^ 

ginta (March 25 — May 11): per bos apes curandas 

esse, adapertis alveis^— Ab aequinoctio vemo sine cuncta*- 
tione jam passim vagantur ^ — Duodequinquagesimo die ab 
sequinoctio verno^ cum fit Yergiliarum exortus^ circa v Idus 
Maias, incipiunt examina viribus et numero augeri 4. 
Lastly^ Yirgil himself — 

Quod superest, ubi pulsam hiemen sol aureus egit 
Sub terras, coelumque estiva luce reclusit, 
lUfis continuo saltus silvasque peragrant, 
Purpureosque metunt flores '. 



Bis gravidos cogunt foetus ; duo tempora messis — 
Taygete simul os terns ostendit honestum 
Plias, et Qceani spretos pede reppulit amnes, 
Aut eadem sidus fugiens ubi Piscis aquosi 
Tristior hibernas cc&lo descendit in undas *. 



The time then, at which bees in the common course of 
nature should have begun to bestir themBelves and to have 
repaired to the fields afresh, must have been soon after tbe 
Orgies. The vengeance therefore of Orpheus and of the 
Nymphs must have made itself felt just at this time. And 
though the discovery of the cause of the visitation is pro* 
tracted until midsummer — 

Jam rapidus torrens sitientes Sirius Indos ^ — 

b H. N. XL 15. 262. * xi. T2. k De Re Rustics, iz. 14. $ i. 18. 

M. I. f 13. p. 394. » ix. 14. $ 12. n Ibid. % 17. 

o ( t. » $ 18. * $ 4- 

' Georpcft, iv. 51. • Ibid. 331. t iv. 425. 



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CH. 1.8. 3- Dionyma in the sense of the Orgies, 15 

th«t IB merely met* oUovofUaif. The directions given to Ari- 
flteus at last, for the reprodaction of his bees, are sach in 
themselves, and as so described, as were proper only for the 
early spring- 
Hoc i^eritor, Zephyrie primum inpellentibtis undas. 
Ante novis rubeant quam prata ooloribus, ante 
Gamila quam tignis nidum suspendat hirundo ^ — 

though, from the special reasons of the case, they were both 
eDJ<»ned and executed in this first instance at midsummer*. 
IT. It appears from the Argonautica of Valerius Flaccus ^ 
thai the extermination of the male population of Lemnus by 
the women coincided with the time of the Orgies. Thoas 
was concealed by Hypsipyle in the temple of Dionysos^ and 
under the vest of the god itself, while this massacre of the 
rest was going on. The time of the year was still the 
winter; as may be collected from the description of the 
vessel in which Thoas is soon after sent away — 

Visa ratis, saevse defecta kboribus unde, 

Qoam Thetidi longinqua dies Glaucoqoe repostam 

Solibns, et canis urgebat luna pruinifl r. 

It follows that the sea must now have been open ; and 
therefore that the time of the Orgies and that of the Mare 
apertmrn, in the sense of the earliest epoch of that kind, 

* This traditionary account of the time of the year, at which the death 
of Orpheus was supposed to have happened, is illustrated by another tra- 
ditioD, relating to the constellation Lyra : which being supposed to have 
been the Ljrre of Orpheus translated to the heavens, and asterised, was 
supposed also to set (that is, disappear from view) every year, at the same 
L and time of the year, at which he had been put to death. Erato- 
( observes of this constellation ^ : 'En-unz/MKrioy d* tx*^ «rl tw cWrav 
myMT«»fi«ri, bvofuvri Koff &pa». Now in all the Parapegmata of antiquity 
which have come down to us, the date assigned to the Lyra occasus is 
some time towards the end of January, or the beginning of February. 
in TttAemy, for the parallel of 15 hours, Mecheir 5 and 13, Jan. 30 and 
Febr. 7 ; in Ovid, Jan. 23— February a ; in Columella, January aa — 
February i ; in Pliny, February 4. 'Such then must have been the tradi- 
tionaiy season of the death of Orpheus. 

1 Kmrm^r^pt^ficl 14. OpoACula My- deed explain this coustellation of the 

tlMikfica : ct Msnilius, Astron. i. Lyre of Arion : Hyginns, Fabb. cxciv : 

33'-334 i Hyginus, Poetic Astron. ii. Servius tA Eclog. ▼iii. 55. 
TiL lijn. Bomm of the andeiits in- 

V IT. j)05. » iJ. «54-«76. ' ii.i85. cf. 28«;-305. 



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16 Dionyiian Correction of Melampus. diss, vi- 

(which Ilesiod ' dated with the first beginning of spring,) 
must have coincided. This coincidence may be inferred 
also from what Philostratus relates of a custom, still kept 
up at Lemnus^ as a memorial of this Lemnian massacre'^ : 
^EitI bi T^ ipy^} f^ Tf^p^ '^ovs ivbpas v-no r&v iv Arjfivij^ yvvai- 
K&v i( \A^/}oWn;s ttot^ TtpaxOiim, xaOaCp^rai fxiv fi Arjfivos Ka6l' 
iva (jirjva) rod Irovy, ical trfiivwrax to iv avrrj imp ffiiipas 
ivvia, 0€(apU be vavs Ik ArjKov TTvp<l>op€L' k&v d0iVi7rai itpb rCiv 
ivayio-fAiroaVy ovbaixov rrj^ Arjixvov KaSopfilCeTai' p.€T4<apos d^ iiti- 
<rak€V€i Tois iKpoarripCot^ h r* hv aCuiov to irKcva-ai yiinfrai. Oeoifs 
yhp xSovCovs kcu iiropprJTovs icaKovvres t6t€, KoBapov otpjoi to mp 
TO €if Txi OoX6.TT^ <f>v\iTTov<riv. iTteibav 5^ fj Oetapls ^ottXcvot;, koI 
velpMvrai ri nvp h rf rr/i; iWrjp biairav h re rhs tfAitvpovs Ttav 
T€xyiav, KOUfov ri iprevOep fiCov <f>aaiv ipx^aBai. 

V. It appears from Arrian ^ that^ there was a yearly sacri- 
fice to Dionysos in the Macedonian calendar ; the omission 
of which by Alexander on the occasion in question was sup- 
posed to have moved the anger of the god, and to have been 
ultimately the cause of the death of Clitus : C7rat fxkp yhp 
fiyiipav iepav tov Aiovvcov MaKedoort, koI 6v€iv Aiori;o-<p Sa-a hq 
iv avrfi "^Akilavbpov, t6v b^ tov ^lov^crov iv T<j) Tcfrc iLpLtK^aox 
XeyoviTi, AiooKovpoiv b^ Ovarai, i^oTov bii iituPpaaOivra tow 
AtooMvpoiv, TTiv Sva-lav^. Alexander at this time was at 
Zariaspa^, and the season was the ^Kfiawv tov 'x^ipLMvos^. 
The proper time then of this stated sacrifice to Dionysos 
must have been the iLKfirj of winter : which at that time, 
Cycle xviii. 4 of the old Macedonian calendar, would have 
applied exactly to the site of the second month, Jan. 15 — 
Feb. 13, B. C. 328. Only two or three days also before the 
death of Clitus Alexander received a present of what Plu- 
tarch calls the oirdpa 'EWrjviKri ^ (i. e. the summer fruits of 
the climate of Greece,) sent up to him from the seacoast: 
and this could scarcely have reached him where he was in 
less than six or seven months. 

vi. The stated season of the Orgies may be inferred also 
from a passage of Oalen, which gives an account of a pre- 
scription for the composition of the Theriaca ; the author of 

' Opp. et Dies, 676-684. * Heroira. 7 1 6. C. Neoptolemiu. 

»» iv. 8. c Cf. Part i. vol.iii. 135. 

*■ Arrian, iv. 7. * Ibid. ' Alexander, 1. 



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CH. 1 . 8. 3. Diomyna^ in the sense of the Orgies. 17 

which was Andromachus, the ipxCaerpos of Nero, and in which 
one of the ingredients was the flesh of vipers or of other 
serpents — 

Ilp&ra flip dypfwraiTO KudiBtas tfiwtpcLfiov <fiS>s 

^^l^ri fiaptmav x'^P^ Boovs offitas, 
rmf£ ff^ti Kpv€pov arrb x^t/Mit-or oifKtTi y€urjs 

Kpvwrwtri aT€iPo\ irdfAirap tvtpOt ftvxoi, 

dt(6iMitvot x^^^P^ avMpfta Xafitw fiapaBpov * IT. 

The time when the snake reappeared after the winter, and 
when it sloughed its skin^ according to the ancients, were 
the same ; and that of both, the beginning of spring : Kal 
fiiXurra vivrmv oX o<^€ft9' iKhvvovo'i yap koI tov lapos Srav t^Coixri, 
Koi TOV fieroTT^pov viXiv. fKbvvovai de iced ol c^eis to yrjpas koa tov 
tapos Kol TOV fAcroTTtipov^ — "Otuv iTTobvirqTai to yrjpas 6 oc^ty, 
VTtapxp^vov ik TOV ^pos bpq rot)ro, . . . ^/3Avc$tt€i bi &pa bta rod 
X^ifuivos, <tK^X€if(ra9 iv tiv\^ ical trK6Ti^ ' — Ut solent verno tepore 
foveis exsilire serpentes^^ — 

Ceu lubricuB alta 

Anguifl homo verni blanda ad spiramina soils 

Erigitur, tiber senio, et squallentibus annis 

Ezutas, ketisque minax interviret berbis K 

These descriptions would suit the early spring, the Zephjri 
flatus^ the season of the revival of vegetable nature in gene- 
ral* Let OS compare then the directions of Andromachus 
with Gralen's commentary upon them™: KikkiOTos oiv €(m 
Koip&s (for using the viper) 6 /ieraf v ToiiTiav (the torpid season 
and midsummer), &v koI avros 6 * Avbpoixaxos ibriXfaaev^ fjvUa 
Kol Pi T^ Atoi^o-y fiaKX€vovT€s ildOofTL bia(rnciv tols ^xiSi^ay, iravo- 
lUvov yiv TOV Jjpos ovttoi d' '/jpyfiivov Oipois, ^, c! \€iijJpiov iitl 
voXv ri iap yCyvotro, icarci ttip iipxv^ ^oi; Sipovs, ov naTh (ftcro) 
ToAv 1^9 T&if TlkiMiav iiriToKrjs. We may infer then from 
these observations, that the flesh of the viper was in the 
greatest perfection between the close of the torpid season, 
(the end of winter, or the beginning of the early spring,) 

* Cf. Lsctantiiu, ad Theb. iv. 97 : Herba qusedam dicitur Maratbros, 
qasm cam comederint (serpentes) senium deponunt sttatis. 

t 0pp. nr. 37. n«p2 ArriMrtrr, i. 6. ^ Ammianus Marc. six. 13. 

k Ariftotle, De AnimaUbut, viii. 17. 1 Statius, Thebais, iv. 95. 

aj7, 4. 1° Libro citato, cap. 8. p. 45. 
1 .filial], De Natora Anim. ix. 16. 

fLAl, HELL. VOI-. v. C 



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18 Dionysian Correction q/*Melampu8. diss. vi. 

and the UKcMa^v cTriroAif: and this being the time when 
those who were celebrating the Orgies were accustomed to 
tear them in pieces *, the same in general must have been 
the usual season of the Orgies^ TlavoijJvov fjJkv tov ffpos oi^Trai d* 
Tjpyfiivov dipovs» 

Section IV. — On the Dionysia in the sense of the Scenic 
representations of classical antiquity. 

As the Dionysia^ in the sense of the Orgies, were much 
older than the Dionysia in this sense of the dramatic repre- 
sentations of antiquity, and as the latter were not neces- 
sarily connected with the former, there would be every rea- 
son a priori to suppose that the rule of the former, with 
respect to times and seasons, must have determined that of 
the latter ; and if the cycle of the Orgies was a period of two 
years, that of these exhibitions would be one of two years 
also ; if the stated season of the former was the end of win- 
ter, or beginning of spring, that of the latter would be the 
same. 

Now with this latter expectation in particular, the state of 
the case, as far as we have been able to discover, appears to 
have been entirely in accordance. The Dionysia, in the 
sense of the dramatic exhibitions and contests of classical 
antiquity, seem to have been everywhere attached to the 
same season of the natural year, the end of winter, and the 
beginning of spring. It may be confidently assumed at 
least, that this was the case with those of the Athenians ; 
the rule of which happens to be better ascertained than that 
of any others among the Greeks. But with regard to the 
cycle of such exhibitions, the dramatic representations of the 
Athenians, of later times at least, were annual : and yet it 
may be doubted whether they were always so. A scholium 
occurs in Demosthenes Contra Midiam °, which, though mis- 
taken of the time to which it is there referred, might have 

* Cf. Pradentius, Contra Symm. i. lap : 

His nunc pro mentis Baocho caper omnibus aris 
Cspditur, et viridee discindunt ore chelydros. 
Qui Bromium placare volunt. 

n xx\. Argum. ii. 



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cH.i.s.4,5' Dionyna,or 8cemc Representations, at Athens. 19 

been trae of some former time : '^Hycro tk irap' avr&v ra Aio- 
pvtrca, fcal raSra diirAa, fuxpd re kcu /xcyciAa* kolI ra fxkv fiiKpa 
^ycro Kor fros, tcl tk ficydka bta TpitnrjpCbos h rots krjvoLs. It 
is certain however that elsewhere, if not at Athens, these 
exhibitions were trieteric in some instances, as much as the 
Orgies. For instance, at Bhodes; as appears from extant 
inscriptions ^ : 'Ei/ ra tQv ^oKyj^Uav irnobo\i^ Kara TpicrqpCba — 
*Ap46fiK( Tpienip(tn Kal rf koii^^. Also in Bithynia, and at 
Pergamns : TpienipCbes p* 'H/iepcu iraph BiOvvoh iv cits i4> fifxi" 
pas voTol avvex^Ts iylvovro' Kal itapa ras avvovaCas isav yivos 
liKpoayATfAV ^Urrfyero' Kal KaOdkov irokX-^p nva pqBvyiiav €t\€ rh 
nipryaiwv. 

In treating however of the Dionysia in this more limited 
sense, the necessity of the case restricts us to those of the 
Athenians, of the rule of which we possess abundant means 
of judging even at present ; whereas with respect to any 
others, and elsewhere, we are almost destitute of information 
— ^though the little which is known concerning them, leads to 
the inference that they did not materially differ from the Athe- 
nian, especially as to the season of the year ; and that every- 
where else, as well as among the Athenians, their rule was 
ultimately to be traced to that of the Orgies. 

Section V. — On the Scenic Dionysia of the Athenians in par- 
ticular, i. Number and names of the Dionysia in this sense, 
at Athens. 

With respect to the number of the Dionysia in this sense, 
and their several denominations, among the Athenians, it 
appears there were three such representations, to which they 
gave the names of the Aioi^<rta iv ACpLvoLs, the ^lovvaia iv 
SffTtty and the Aioi^<ria kv iypois, or iv Ilcipatci, respectively : 
and all three are mentioned together in the law quoted by 
Demosthenes Contra Midiam ^. 

L The Aiowota iv &ypot$, or iv Fldpatei. 'AAAa Kal (Is Aio- 
viaia ds iypov Ijyfv icl fjims^ — -"^Xlorc itpiirjv iv tois fcar aypovs 
Aiovwrlois KMfjufb&v ivTfi^v iv KoAvrrf ^ — •''Orafi voi&ai n€ipat€is 

o Corpos Inscript. 3515 b. ii. 392 d. r laaeoa, Tiii. 31. 

P SoidM, in Tooe. ■ i£schmes, i. 157. Contra Timar- 

4 mmL 15. dram : cf. 41. 49: Epp. t. 30. 

C % 



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20 Dionyrian Correction o/MeiBmpMB. diss. vi. 

r^ Aiovii(na ^ And tliis title of the A'tovicia iv iypoU is ap- 
plied even to the Arfvaia ^. 

ii. The Aioirv(na iv ACixvcus. AifjLvai (d^) x<aplov rrji ^Arrt- 
K7J9f iv (p Aioviiaov Up6v,...K.a\klixa\09, iv 'Eic^iAj; — 

Aiftvaitp d« x^P^^'^^^^ ^yov ioprds * — 
ACfivaiy, K<d irepos roTroy t^s 'Arrwc^y, ACfjLvai Kokovfievos, tvOa 6 
Ai6w(ros ivLfMro, koI ol Aiixvdioi — 

Xopoirrddav ^yop ioprds — 



T6y dfjxln Alfxtfas Tp6xov *. 



*Ei; Alfivais Aiovva-iov^. ^Icdios, it^pX rov KCpiovos fcXi^pov. t6tto9 
i(rTlv iv ^AOrjvais A^fjii/at, iv ^ 6 TLpidpLevos Ai6w<tos^ — To iv 
Alfjivous Atovv(nov^ — Aip.vayivis. ACfivcu iv 'A^vat? roiros ivci- 
li4vo9 Aioviar<^^ Sttov ra Arfvaia rfyfro ® — ACfwai yovv, <f>aaly tSttos 
iv 'ArriKi}, koI AipLvalos iK^ldev Aidwa-os ^ — iKCfivax' tSttos iv r§ 
dfcpoTToAei T&v '*AOrjv<avfi — *Eairra)v T€fX€vos \iyovai to iv ACpLVCus 
rofi Aiovva-ov Up6v' irpos b^ ttiv opMwiiCav, 6ti iv ACpivais €lalv 
ol fiirpaxpi, ACfivai Vk /cat to Up6v ^ — 

*Hi/ dfA<f>\ Nvarjtop 
Ai6( Ai6wa'ov iv 
hip.vaunv laxri<raiJi€V * — 

Ai/jvaiov iepdv Aiovi<rov i<f>^ oi Tois iy&vas iTiO^a-av itpo rov to 
OiaTpov iLVOiKobofii]0i]vai^ — 'Eirl ArjvaCiaK ay<&v i<mv iv t^ 4ot€4, 
ArivaioVf Tt€pCfioXov Ixo^v fxiya, kcu iv avT^ Ar\valnv Aiovva-ov 
Upbv, iv ^ iT[€T€\ovvTo ol i,y&v€9 T&v ^AOrjvaCfav, irplv to OiaTpov 
olKobopLTjOrjvai ™ — 'Eoprr) irapa tois ^AOrivaCois Th Aiji^aio, (i<rr\ 

t Corpus Inscript loi : i. 139. e Scholia in Thncyd. ii. 15. cf. Athe^- 

▼ As by Aristophanes, Acharn. 202. mens, iv. 5 : xi. 13. 

cf. 150, and compare 961. 1000. 1076. h Scholia ad Ranas, 221. 

1086. 1 21 1. 1155. 544, which shew > Ranse, 215. There was a Ai/Avtu 

that the A^vcua were really meant: at Sparta also, and a temple of Dio- 

cf. also Steph. Byz. Aiiyaios ... hy^ nysos there too: Strabo, viii. 5. 185. 

Aiovlurov iv kypoiSf kw6 rov AifyoO. ad calc. : T^ tk vaXaubv iKifAwaCt rh 

> Scholia in Ranas, 218. wpodartiovt ical indkow cArh At/ufas. 

y Steph. Byz. koI r6 rov Aioy^Jurdv Up69 iv Ai/iyais 

« Hippolytus, 228. ip* irypov fitfiriKhs ir<rfxo»^' vw V M 

• Ibid. 1 132. {npov T^F Xipuiriv lx«i. 

b Harpocration. k Anecdota, 278. 8. 

^- Cf. Suidas, in voce. I Hesychius. cf. Acharn. 504. 

d IsKus, viii. 48. « Cf. in Upla : Photii Lex. AiffoSbr : 

« Hesychius. cf. in AifiyofUxai, Suidas, 'Eirl Aifval^ : Etym. M. •£»!- 

' Eustathius, ad Iliad. A. 641. 871. AijycUy. 
42. 



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CH. 1 . 8. 5- DUmysia, or Scenic Representations, at Athens. 21 

tt tls AufirtNTOv)* iv ^ M^i vvv iy^vlCovrcu iroiriTal, avyyp6xpov- 
ris TOW ^afiora rov ytXcurO^vax x^P*^^ — ^Ta ATJvaia Acyc^fxera. 
l»$€P TaArjifOxa kcU 6 iviXrivaios iyiav reAftrcu r<p Atan/o'<p^ — 
A^iwuop ydp ioTiv iv iyfnns Upbv rov Aioirwrov P. 

These Dionysia h \Ctivcus, or M Arfvaita, were called ^Ai;- 
^€<n^/Ha also ; as we shall see by and by. 

iii. The Aiovv<ria iv tarfi. They are generally alluded to 
under the name of the Aiovva-ia absolutely, or that of the 
AutvAria fteyiKa : 'Ex AvowirCav tifOis t&v iaTiic&v 4. 

Section V, ii. — Season of the year of these different kinds of 
the Scenic Dionysia at Athens respectively. 

With r^ard to the time of the year at whieh these Dio- 
nysia appear to have been respectively celebrated ; the AiovH- 
4na iv iypoh in particular are seen to have fallen out much 
more decidedly in the winter than either of the other two ; 
the reason of which we hope to explain by and by. With 
respect to the other two^ the Atovvaria iv Aiixvais and the Aio- 
jrvcrui iv iaT€t, the rule of the Dionysia in the sense of the 
Orgies, as regarded their proper time and season, was strictly 
applicable to each of them. The proper season of each of 
these also appears to have been the end of the winter or the 
beginning of spring. 

In the Anecdota Grseca Parisiensia of the late Dr. Cramer, 
there is a long extract FFepl Ka>fia>5ia9, in which the Kara- 
o-fccv^ or furniture of the ancient stage is circumstantially 
described; and it begins', 'Ei; icipiv^ Kaip^ TroAvreA^o-i 5air<£- 
v(us KaTfo-MvaCero ^ aKrjvri k, t. A. Aristophanes speaks of the 
Dionysia absolutely as later than the Hirundinis adventus^ — 
To 5^ '^AOfjvaCoiv tC xpri X4y€iv ; irivra jxeora lopnjs to ""ATrtico, 
vivra Bvyafilas. icol hU\a\ov aurols &pai rhs ffbovas, rjpos Aco- 
v6(ria, fA€TOTti&pov fjofirrripui * — Zi^rciTOi be irQs fi€yi\ai to? vvKras 
Xiy€i. AiowaiaKOV ybp Svros rov hpifiaros, arvveariXOai tols 
vvKTos ipiyKt) hui rh roiovrta maip^ intoiitTmiv to Aiovitna'^ — 

> SdioUa in Eqnitei, 544. Anim. iv. 43, &c. 

• Sdiolia in Aduum. 201. r i. 9. 2. 

P Ibid, cf Soidas, Aifvorr^f : A^- • Pitx, 797-800. cf. Aeharn. 136 sqq. 

MMS A3|B«2lf. 9-12. 

< Tbneyd. ▼. 10. cf, .Acfain. Contra ^ Maztmus Tyriiu, iii. 10. 29. cf. iii, 

Tim. 43. Hesychina, Aior^M : Xeno- 7. 25 : vi. 8. 59. 

piMNi, De Officio Mag. Equit. iii. 2 : * Scholia ad Nabes, 3. 

AXhaueoBj xi. 13 : ^^ian, De Natura ^ 



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22 Diontfsian Correction of Melampas. diss. vi. 

'lor^ov b^ Sti kriYovTos fA^v tov x^iM^vos iLp\oiuiH3v Vk tapos &ye- 
rai rh Atoi^crta' — ^"H yhp ipxri r&v £nouv<rimv X'^^'^^os iyercuX 
— ^Hpi T iTT^pxoijJpi^ Bpofilov x<ipW.. TOvWtn'i ra Aioi^o-ia* ipxo- 
fjJvov ybp TOV fjpos ipx^^(u koI ff iran/yvpis * — ^'Hptyois*... Srt ry 
lapi iif &<TT€i TcAoi/cn r^ Aiovvaria — T6v Karh Kaipbv if>aiv6fi€Pov 
Ai6weov ^. ^Trd tov ictuphv tov lapos ras ioprh^ avrov ffyovy teal 
ra Ki»iuiciL bpapLora iv tcc&tcus cun^ycro. 

Moreover the Dionysia at Athena being distinguishable 
into the two principal kinds, the ^lovwria ip Aliivais or htl 
ArivcUta, and the Aiopvaux ip Aoret, or the Aiopviria absolutely ; 
the proper time of each in comparison of that of the other, 
though the same in general, was discriminated by this pecu- 
liarity, that at that of the former the sea was not yet consi- 
dered to be open after the winter, at that of the latter it was 
— Koi TTiP 66\aTTap iK /^iow(rUiv TtKd'ifAOP tlpoi^, i. e. the Dio- 
nysia ip Aorci. By reason of this distinction strangers from 
abroad were not usually present at the former, but they might 
be so at the latter ; and it was one of the fiscal regulations 
of the Athenians, that the annual tribute from their subjects 
or dependencies beyond seas should be brought at the Dio- 
nysia ip IIlgt€i, 

0{f yap fu ¥V¥ yc diajSoXci KXcoov iri 
(cvttv irap6vT»p rrfv iriSXcy kokw^ Xeyoo. 
avTol ydp ivp/ev QvnX Ajyvtuy r* ayiw, 
KoCirm ^€voi irdpturw offrc yap <l>6poi 
ffKOVcuf oUr €K T&p ir6K€9»p ol ^ppaxoi ^. 

EZttc yap bpapia, observes the Scholiast, tovs BafivK<ii>p(ovs, r^ 
tQp Aiopvcltop iopTJj, rJTis ip r<p (api ^TrtreAcirat, ip ^ tif^^pop Tois 
<t)6pov9 ol (vpjJLaxoi...Ta hi Arjpoia ip r<j> p.€TOTtiipf^ vy^'^^> ^^ ^^^ 
ov irapfjo'ap ol $ipoiy St€ ri bpa^a tovto ol *AxapP€is ib^bia'K€TO^ — 
XfifjMpos yap KoiTtop Sptos €ls tol Ai/jpata KaOrJK€ t6 bpcLfxa, tis bi 
rh Aiopva-ia ^reVaxro '^ABrjpaCe KOfxlCap tcls ttoK^is Tois <l>6povs, &9 
EiiToXCs <l>rjartv ip Udkeaip ^ — ^*0 t&p Aiopvalmp iyi^p hiktlTo bU 
TOV h'ovs^ Th flip TtpQTOP lopoi ip &0T(i, 8t€ kolL ol il>6poi '*AOi/jpria'ip 
i(l>ipoPTO' Tb be bevrcpop ip iypots^ S iirl Arjpali^ k€y6pL€Pos, &r€ 
(ipoi ov iraprja'ap ' A^vryo-i' x'^^^ 7^ Xonrbp fjp E, 

* Scholia ad Nubes, lo. ' d Aristophanes, Acharnenses, 50a. 
7 Ibid. 167. s Ibid. 510. « Schol. ad 377. 

* SchoL ad Aves, 684. f Ad vera. 503. 

^ Ad Ranas, 398. K Ibid. cf. ad 972. 1089. 

c Tbeophrastus, *ASoA(«rx/a. 



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CH. I.8.5* Dunitysui,(n' Scenic Bepretentatiane, at Athens. 23 

Sbction V. iii. — Caiendar-dates of these different kinds of 
Scenic Dionysia at Athens respectively. 

With regard to the dates of these different kinds of Dio- 
nysia, i. Kal is Borfhpofu&vos yiiv i<ni rh fivarripia, Ilvav^^/rica- 
pos 5J ^Airaroi/pia, Tloafth^Ctvos ik tol near* iypovs Aioiruaria^ — 
Aiovwruk^' kopTTi ^A$rlifj)<ruf fj dioiria^ 7Jy€ro, rh fjL^v Kar iypovs 
fuyvos Hoo'tthfQvos' rh 5€ jcXaia (A^i^aia) fxrivos ArfvaiQifos' tck bk 
hf i<rr€i ^Ekait>riPoKi&vos — Aiojni<ria' koprri ^AOrjvpin Aioviaov. rj- 
ym ^ rh luv car iypobs iirfi^os Uocfib^&vos^ rh H Arfvaia 
Ta^Xi&vos, ra hi iv iar^i ^^EKatpv^^Xi&vos^ — Awvvma ioprri 
'^AOrjiFpo-w Aiorvo-^ ifyfTo' ra ix^p Kar* iypohs fxripos TIoa-ftbtQifoSf 
ra hi Aripaia fiifphs MaiixaKfrjpiQvos, rh hi ip &rr€i ''CAo^jSoAu^ 
pos ' — AiovAiTia kopTi} *AOtqpff<np Aiopiie<f 7Jy€T0' rh fiep Kar iypohs 
fifipos noa'€tb€&POS, TO, hi Arjpoia firipos Arfpawpos^ rh hi ip &<rr€i 
§aipis 'EIXa^iy/SoAcwros ™ — Oi rcoreA^y, dAAa iirjpts kirrh <t\Mp 
ivh Awpva-Utp, St€ vp&TOP ctbop avT6p...KaL p.7\p iTrifAPurai bvo xal 
cbcHnjr tls rip iaoficpop 'CAa^iy^oAitti/a rfAcVcw" — ^*CAa<^j3o- 
kimpos fjaipos fterji <f>$CpoPTos...iK AfjoiruvUap €v6vs r&p ioTiK&p^ — 
Au(ri ficra ra Aiopicia (sc. rh ©apyi/jXia)' hrjXop yap Sn Movpv- 
Ximpos Koi irepl laTjfitpCav iapu^p ijyfTO Aiopitn^ ^ iopv/j P. 

ii. ^Ap$€<rrTipia^. Th Aiopvaia- OCrw yap 'A^i/aibi ttip k>pT7iP 
kiyown' koL * Ap$€<TTr\pfMpa rhp jirjpa koB^ tp ravra ^r^Aciro, 
foeid^ ri y^ t6t€ ipxer€U ip$€lp. rj Trapa rh ra ipOri ivl ijj ioprfi 
iTfuff4p€ip, S$€P KOL TtapoipXa' 

BvpaCe Kopcf * ovKer ' A»^«T^pia ' — 
^A»0€{rrripui' rh Aioi^ia' — '*Ap$€(mripuip'....Uphs Aaopvcrov^ — 
\6€s^'..,UkpTfi Tis itap *A&iipaCois iyopjpri ' Ap6€<rnipi&pos hwh^Kirr^. 
4n?<ri hk 'AvoAAodctpoff '^ApOtariipia flip KoX^laSai Koipm riip SKrip 
ioprrip Awpva-i^ iyopJprip^ Karh fUpos Vk Ili$oiyia \6as X&rpovs ^ — 

k Theophnstas, 'AS«A«ffx^ Mil rk Aip^ma wop* 'KOnfoiou. cf. snpim, 

> Hesfcluns. VoL i. page 254 : also Hesychius in 

^ Aneodotay 235. 6. Ai|mui^. 

I Sdioi in Platon. 407. Reap. 365. i. < Btym. M . in 'ArtfcrHi^ia. 

■> ScboL in .Aachin. contra Thnar- ' Cf. Hesychina, in eopa^c Kopcf : 

dnn, 378. ad pa;. a6. 17. alao Aneodota Gneca Paris, iii. 391. 

■ LodaB, iiL 309. 53-61. Dialogi 13. 24. Scholia in Homerom, napo^acu. 

Jferitric. zL ica2 ticurvos fin^ *Aj^ff<rr4pia. 

* Tlmcydidea, ▼. 19. so. ■ Heaychiua. 

P Gasa, De Maoaibna, ir. 283 B. cf . %^ Harpocration : cf. AneodoU Gneca, 

V. 385 B-C Add to these statements 403. 31. 

llMt of Flaftardk (apod Prodnm in He- ▼ Harpocration. 

aod. Opp. ci Diea, 501), speaking of > Cf. Snidas, XUsi Photius, Mi«^ 

the Boeotian month 'Ep/MM»t, as Ws i^^^pa: Aneodota, 316. 19. 



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24 Dianysian Correction q/'Melampus. diss. vi. 

AoihfKiTrjJ' kofyrri^A6rivii(nvfivX6as lAeyov — Acabtue^' Xoetfs* — 
XtJrpof... 1(7X4 bk Kol 'ArriKi} ris lopr^ XiJTpoi'...^y€To be ff ioprri 
'AvO€<rTffpiQvos TpCrfi M biKc^ &s <pri<n <Pik6xopos €v r^ ircpl kop- 
Twp » — EJff T^i; ^opr^v Tciv XoQv, iircTfXfiTo bi IlvavtyjfiMPOs 
iyboHf ol bi ^ Av$€tmjpiQvoi beKirp. <f>rjal bi ^ AitoKkobiapo^ *Av$€^ 
OTrjpia KQk€i<r$ai koiv&s Trjv oKtjv koprrjv AioirSart^ iyofjiiinjv, Kara 
fjjpos b^ UiOoiylav Xoas X^pav^ — ^Hycro b^ ff koprii (Xvrpot) 
''Av$€<mjpi&vos TpCrp M fi^ica, g>9 ^iKdxppos^ — ^AAXws* 'Ev puq, 
^fjJpq iyovTcu ot re X&rpoi Koi ol X6€S iv ^ AOrjvais ■ --r^ Au>rt;<r^ 
kclL *EpfA^. oUt^ ACbvfios^. 

Section V. iv,— 0» the reconciliation of these different dates 
with each other. 

Among these various statements, there is no difference 
with respect to the proper month of the Dionysia iv iypols — 
Posideon ; nor, excepting the single testimony of Gaza's, with 
respect to that of the Dionysia ^i; Aoret — Elaphebolion. But 
with regard to the proper month of the Dionysia iv ACpLvats 
or ivl ArfvaCf^, there is very great difference ; some of them 
assigning them to the month Gamelion, others to a month 
called Lenaeon, some to Anthesterion, some to Pyanepsion, 
and some to Msemacterion. 

Among these^ the only true and consistent representation 
is that which dates them in Anthesterion; and makes the 
'AvO€<m/lpLa^ the Arjvaia, and the Aioviaia iv ACixvats or ivl 
Arivaif^i only different names of one and the same solemnity, 
celebrated from the eleventh to the thirteenth of its proper 
months and divisible into three parts, one for each of these 
three days, the UcSolyia on the eleventh^ the Xoes on the 
twelfth, and the Xvrpot on the thirteenth. 

With regard to the statements which differ from this ; 
some of them may perhaps 1be explained by supposing that 
they have confounded the names of the months in the Attic 
lunar calendar with those of the months in some one or other 
of the various types of the Attic Julian calendar, of which we 

r Hesychius. t Ibid. $ Equites 25, ad Ranas a 30. cf. Alki- 

A Harpocration: cf. SuidasinX^pM*. pluon, Epp. ii. 3. M4vcufBpos rxwcdpa, 

Aneodota, 316. 5. T«y icar' Irof Xo&p koI t&p iv rois M- 

b Scholia in Acham. 960. rpois Aiivaiwy . . . toIom a7p«^iy; woiovs 

• Ibid. 1075. Tirh ToO x<^vf yjtp. XWpws ; 
d Ibid. cf. Siiidas, X^poi : Schol. ad 



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CH. %. •• 5. Diom^na, or Scenic Repre»entatumSy at Athens. 25 

gmve an account in the first Part of the present work «, Pya- 
nepaion and Miemacterion, on this principle, might not really 
have meant any thing different from Anthesterion. The 
month called Lenseon never had any place in the Attic calen- 
dar, neither the Innar nor the Julian'; but it did occur in 
the Ionic calendar ' : and in that it corresponded to Gamelion 
in the Attic ; so that, to assign these Dionysia to Lenseon, was 
rirtually to assign them to Gramelion — as Plutarch^ we ob- 
serrCy did. 

But probably the true explanation of this statement is, 
that, as these Dionysia were also Aijjrota, it was natural to 
suppose that if there was a month called Atijhu^p too, these 
A^FOia were celebrated in that month. On the same princi- 
ple, as these Dionysia were also called ra hrl Aiyr^, that name 
too would appear to intimate that they must have been con- 
nected with the vintage season, and have been celebrated 
either at, or just after, the grape gathering : and that would 
so fSur account for another of the extreme statements on this 
subject, viz. that this kind of the Dionysia in particular was 
celebrated in the vintage month, Pyanepsion \ or the month 
next after it, Msemacterion. 

Some of these statements however after all can be set 
down to nothing but the ignorance of the scholiasts and 
grammarians of later times of the classical rule ; such as 
those in particular, which, in opposition to all the existing 
evidence to the real state of the case, explain the name of 
the Atopwna A^vcua, or M krip^, as if they literally denoted 
the AioinMTia celebrated M Ai|i^. And yet it cannot be de- 
nied that the name of this one of the three Dionysia in par- 
ticular was calculated a priori to lead to that conclusion; nor 
could any presumption, at first sight, be more probable than 
that the AMirwna M kriv^ must have been celebrated at the 
time of the vintage, and must have obtained their name from 
that coincidence. It was peculiar to these Dionysia too, to 
be the oldest of their kind, and to be the first which were 
actually called by the name of the Dionysia, in the secondary 
sense of the dramatic representations of classical antiquity. 
And in explanation of the name which appears to have been 

• Fbrt L Y6L n- pag^ 155 iqq. g Part L VoL iii. page 337. 

/ See FMt i. VoL i. 354 iqq. h See Ptet i. toI. L 385 note. 



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26 Dionysian Correction of Melampus. bibs. vi. 

given them, in contradistinction to the other two, (connecting 
these and neither of those with the vintage and the wine- 
press,) nothing could be more apposite than the traditionary 
account of the origia of tragedy and comedy among the 
Athenians themselves ; vis. that both took their rise out of 
the sports and festivities, the good humour and merrim^it, 
of the vintage, and that both were originally adapted to the 
vintage season in particular. Hence the name of Ka»fLiyUa ; 
^Ettc^ Korh Kfifiai i^rn^iraif tt\v irpdrrfif ol xopolK And as the 
Etymologicum adds^, 'Ei> rals kopraw rov l^iovvtrov koI r^f 
^r}iJLrJTpo9 *. Hence also the name of tragedy at first, Tpvya^ 
bia\ or rpvyoKOifxti^hla^^ "Htoi bia to rpvya (itaJdKov. Xafifiiv€iVf 
TovriffTt viov oIpo);, rj dca to firi 6pt(ov vpoaotTtfUav r^i/ ipxriv Tpvyl 
XpUa-$ai riis <3^^€i9. Hence too the explanation of the phrase, 
i( tiiiAiris, from the use of moveable stages or wagons for such 
exhibitions at first: '^Adrjinitn yap iv r^ tw Xo&v kopTji ol 
K^lii(oin€s M T&v &fjLa(&v Toh^ iitavr&irras io'KW'ttTSv re xcu ikoi- 
bdpovir TO y avTo kojL toIs Ariva(oLS iarcpov iiroCovv ° — "Q^tt^p i( 
iLfjLd(rj9^' ff \€yoyLiv7) kopen\ Traph "^AOrivaiois Aiyi^ata, iv fj ^ymtftCovro 
ol iroiryral..,i<l> ii^jua^&v yap ol ^bovT€9 KoBrjiuvoi IX^yop re koL 
ibov TO iroii^/buzra P. This stage was anciently called 'EX€<(9* 
'E\€^ d* Ijv rpdircfa ipxaia^ €<p* ^v vpo &4<Tittibos cb rig iufaphs 
Tols x9p€VTais ivfKpCvaTo ^ — 

Ignotum tragicie genus iDvenisse CamoBnae 
Dicitur et plaustris vexisse poemata lliespia ^ — 

Nam et cum promiscue ludi Liberalia vocarentur, honorem 
Liberi patris manifeste sonabant. Libero enim a rusticis 
primo fiebant ob beneficium quod ei adscribunt pro demon- 
strata gratia vini ■ — ^Nam et alios ludos scenicos Liberalia pro- 

* Hesychius has a gloss, Ilporpvyca, in the sense of a feast common to 
Dionysos and Posidon, the name of which would imply that it must have 
been a ceremony preliminary to the Tpvyffr6e, or vintage. And therefore, 
if celebrated on the day sacred to Posidon, either the 8th of Boedromion or 
the 8th of Pyanepsion, and most probably the former. 

^ Pollux, iz. cap. ii. $ II. 981. cf. o Scholia in Demosth. De Corona, 

Aristotle, Poetica, iiL 153, 33. Schol. a68. 13. JZeintn. 

in Platen. 40a De Rep. iii. lai, 8. P Cf. Suidas, Tii 4k twit ifta^Af aisAfi- 

k In Tpay^ia. /laro. and *E| afui{i|T. 

1 Etym. in Tpay^u, q PoUnx, iv, xiz. $ 123. 

m Suidas, in Tpiry^ia. Schol. ad ' Horace, De Arte Poetica, 175. 

Acham. 498. • Tertullian, i v. 1 1 3 . De Spectaculis, 5 . 

n PbotU Lex. Til 4k rw afui{£K. 



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CH. 1 . 8. 5. DUmifria, or Scenic BepresetUaiums, at Athens. 27 

prie Yocabant^pneterqaam Libero devotos, (quot sunt Dionysia 
apod GraecoSy) etiam a Libero institntos t — 

Agricola et minio sufiiisus Bacche rabenti 
Primii8 inexperta duxit ab arte choros ▼ — 

'Airo [jJOris koI 17 Trjs rpayi^hCas cifpeo-is tv^lKOpCtj^* ttjs 'Amicrji 
€vp4Bri, Kcu Kar airrov tov rrjs rpf&yris KaipoV iff ov hr\ koL rpvyt^ 
Ua TO vp&Tov iKXrjOq fj fccopupdui ' — ^avd^rjfxo^ hk itpos t^ Up<f 
iPfftrl roO iv ACixvaLs dunriaav rh yKevKos il>ipovras roi>$ '^AOrivaiovs 
in tC^v 'xlBmv rf ^€^ Kipvdvcu^ ttff avrois Trpo<r(f>ip€a-6ai' SO^v icoi 
Atiwiuov KkriOfjvcu tov Ai6in;(roVy Sti luyO^v t6 yXevKOs rip iban 
t6t€ vpwTov tirddr) K€Kpaii4vovy — 

ifMptTti poiiuf onc»ptjs* — 

Kai ybp avrriv (sciL Tiiv Spxjfio'w) ir€K€v 6 Koip&p cipi;vticcira- 
t6s re Kol irtko^alyiJmv^ 6 bpiirava fji^v ivl pSrpvs £yc»v, fiSrpvs 
S* iwl krpnvff ioprriv bik voi&v tov Aiovi<rov to h&pov...bi&fr€p Koi 
rofoo/UE rPi9 6pxfiaTai9 iwh tw iv ipx^ ^p^v Tob? ipxobs axcpn^ 
Itiirmp * — AoKotHTi bi fwi iirfik riiv ipXV^ (rvan/loacrBcu iopras kcU 
rcX€r2t9 Otmv iAXot Tivis rj yetapyoC' vpOroi. fikv M Aiyrf orrieifi^' 
yoi Aioviaif^ xopoh^f vp&roi bi M ikif Arni/frpi opyia ^ — ^A^ 
voUhs Vk 71 liiv troAflud liovtra X'^P^^ vaCbnv fjaav teal ivbp&v, yfjs 
iffyinu xara bnljiwvs Uni^jLtvoi^ tfrn iistftav koL ip&rov k^kovi^voij 
ftriMora ^bovT€9 airoirxibia. fteranco-ovcra d^ ^ ^P^x^l ^^^ rixvfiv 
ixopiirrov x<W^^ ^ ^^^^ ''^ B^irpois, ipxh Trjs irtpl mXtT€(av 
mrols 9kiimi€X€Ca9 iyivero ^ — 

Non aliam ob culpam Baccbo caper omnibus aria 
Oeeditiir, et veteres ineunt proscenia ludi, 
Pkwmiaqiie ingeniis pagoe et compita circum 
Theside posuere, atque inter pocula Ueti 
Mollibus in pratis unctos saluere per utres d. 

* Suaarion, the inventor of comedy, was of Icarins, in Attica. Cf. tbe 
Fnian Chroo. Epocha xii, Clemens Alex. Strom, i. 16. § 79. pag. 56. L 3. 

< TcrtnlHaii, ir. 141. 10. oivw Kpnr^s. Also Nco^ma. iopr^ 

* TbnlliiSy ii. i. 55. Aiov^ov, 



ii. II. ef. Scholia in * Anacreon, liv. «it ^ovr^i^. 

. 400. De Rep. iii. laa. 8. The • libanins, iii. 394. 13. Iziii. Ilphs 

pine in tn^;edj» originally sweet miuty *ApitfTc(Sf}y Mp r&v hpxfl^frwy, 
or yktmff t rp4rfm iit^Xmrp, mp' h icmL ^ Maziiniu T^rias, xzx. 5. 361. 

^9 rk vfhf Tpvy^fiim miywr iX4y€ro « Ibid, zxxvii. 4. 437. 

f Atbouraa, xi 13. cf. Hesychins, d Virgil, Georg. ii. 380. 



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28 Dionyrian Correction o/*Melampu8. diss. vi. 

On which Philargyrius : Dionysia: antiquissimi enim,(ludi^) 
quos rustici confecta vindemia faciebant. 

Section V. v. — On the identity of the Dionysia Arjvata^ or 
""Ev A^/uii;ai9, ttnth the ' Avd€(nripia. 

It is observable that in the preceding statements not only 
the name of the Aiovviria iv ACjAvcui, bnt that of the Arjvaia^ or 
Au)in;<ria M Kriv^, and that of the "^ApOftn^pia, is given to one 
class of these scenic representations in particular. If the 
same thing is meant by the name in each of these instances, 
it is not of much importance what it may be called ; and if 
the Arjvaia and the 'Ai/deon/pia were after all only another 
name for the Aiovvaia iv ACfApais, the number and kinds of 
the Dionysia, in this sense of the scenic representations of 
classical antiquity^ will still be the same. 

Some of the learned indeed have doubted of this identity ; 
but, as it appears to us, without sufficient reason, or rather 
contrary both to antecedent probability, and to many other 
considerations which would tend to establish it. Some of 
these we shall proceed briefly to state, i. It may fairly be 
presumed and taken for granted that these 'AvBearnpia de- 
rived their name from the month ''AtfOeGrript^Vj and therefore 
must have been celebrated therein, ii. If these ^Ai^con^pta 
also were one class of the AtoifAaia, they must have been the 
same with one of the three in general, of which only anything 
is known from testimony. Now to suppose them the same 
with the Aioviina iv iypols, and yet to have been celebrated 
in ''Avd€(n7ipuav, would be to make 'Avdcon^ptwi; the same with 
Tlo<r€ib€<iu : and to suppose them the same with the Aiomiata 
iv iarei, for the same reason, would confound ^AvO€<m\pmv 
with ^EXaxpiri^XitLv. It follows that if they were the same 
with one of the three, it must have been with the Aiovv<na iv 
ACfMVMs, the Arjvaia, or ivi Ar^v^. This conclusion is confirmed 
by the fact that these Aiov6<na in particular were certainly 
celebrated in ^AvOeaTripiiup^ and the Xoes, a part of the Ai/jvaia, 
on the 12th of *Av$€imfpi<&v. The Aiopvaia iv A(fwai9 there- 
fore, and the Ai/jvcua, and the * Avdttrrrjpui^ must have been 
only different appellations of one and the same solemnity ; 
the two former taken from the locality where it was cele- 
brated, the latter from the month in which it was celebrated. 



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CH. f.8.5- DwnytiayW Scenic Representations, at Athens, 29 

The proper month consequently of these ^lovima in parti- 
colar, in the lunar calendar of the Athenians^ must have 
been the second ; and the second in the lunar, at the time of 
the Correction of Solon, having been the second in the pri- 
mitiye solar calendar also^ the site of these Dionysia in the 
Correction of Solon is of importance, as we may probably see 
by and by, to the question of their previous history. Their 
proper month was still Anthesterion, according to Philostra- 
tus, at the time of the visit of ApoUonius to Athens «. 'ETrt- 
vA^oi Vk Xiyerax Tttpi Aiowa(a)v *AOriva(ots h voiflrai ai^ixnv iv 
flSpf rov ''Av0€(mipi&vo£ ic\ r. A : and they were still celebrated 
in Anthesterion in the time^of the author of the Heroica^. 

SscTioN V. vi. — On the comparative antiquity of the three 
kinds of Aiointcia, in the sense of the Dramatic representa- 
tions at Athens. 

This however brings us to the question of the comparative 
antiquity of these different kinds of scenic Aiovvaia : with 
respect to which there is every reason to conclude that the 
oldest, and the first associated with the Dionysia, in the pro- 
per sense of the rites and services of Dionysos, were the Au>- 
v6fna iv ACiukus, called also, as we have seen, AiovHa-ia iirl 
Aifi^ or Arjvaia, and 'Ai^ecmjpta. 

For, i. it is observable that in several of the preceding 
statements the temple of Dionysos iv Al^ivais, the A'/jvaiov 
properly so called, was the scene of these dramatic exhibi- 
tions in general at Athens, before the theatre was built. If 
so, there must have been a time when the only exhibitions of 
this kind were these hf A(^vaif, the Arjpaiay or M Ariv^ ; and 
these consequently must have been the original Dionysia. 
Accordingly they are styled by Thucydides s the hp\ai6ripa 
Aiopwria — common in his time to both the Athenians at 
home and the lonians abroad ; and celebrated in the same 
month of the calendar, and on the same day of the month-, 
in each. 

iL It was a circumstance of distinction between the Aiovu- 
na iv Aifipais and the Aioviima iv &aT€i that the archon Ba<rt- 
Acvf presided at the former, the archon ^Evivvtios at the 

• IT. Tii. 177 D. ' 694. B. C. Ajax Telamonius. ff ii. 15. 



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30 Dionyrian Correction o/'Melampas. diss. vi. 

latter. 'O di Spxtav iiarCBrjai fikv £itov^iria icai 0apy^Aia juicra 
T&v iiTiixtKriT&v ... iari di iv^iwiAOS o&ros, Kci iv avrov 6 xp6vot 
aptd/i.€irai ^ — 'O Vk ficuriXevs ixvimipUau ttpoiimiKf fitra r«r 
imfi€\rjT<aif, koX ArfvaCoav, Kci dycivoii; rQv M Aajuiir<i5i ... rrip b^ 
avvoiKOVcrav ai/Ti^ fiaatKunrav KaAov<rti^^ And as the style of 
the Ipxi^v ^arriAcvs at Athens^ like that of the Rex Sacrorum 
or Sacriiiculus at Rome, was derived from that of the kings ; 
it is to be presumed that his duties in particular, in contra- 
distinction to those of his colleagues, must have been some 
of those which before had belonged to the kings. And this 
distinction, traced upwards^ will imply that^ while the Atow- 
(Tta ^v iarti could not have been older than the annual ar- 
chonships, the Aioi^o-ia iv AlfjLvais must have gone back to 
the time of the kings. 

iii. Much light is reflected on this point by Demosthenes^ 
Contra Neseram ^. It appears from that part of the oration 
that among the other official duties of the archon Rex \ from 
the time of Theseus downwards", one was that of offering 
certain ippqra Upa at the Aiotniaia iv Alfwaxs^^ vvkp riji v6\€ms : 
and one of the duties of his wife (whom he was bound to 
have married a virgin °) was that of officiating in the mystical 
ceremony of being given as wife to Dionysos * ; ^KboBrfvai r<p 
Aiovvat^ yvi^P. Kai tovtov t6i; vopuov ypSci^avrts^ adds the 

* In this part of the duties of the Bao-^Xtcrcra or Ba<r(Xiyva» fourteen 
other females were associated with her, whose proper style was Ftpapai : 
IIcpl ytpapmv^' Klrrai apprjra l€pa Aiovvcr^ tBvov iitr (tk\ris 3€»pias. KaBiarri 
dc avriig 6 fiaaik^vs oCaat Tta-a-apaa-KaidtKa — Ttpapai^' up€iai Koip&f, 
lbl»s d€ al T^ Aioyvay, rf €v hipvait, rh Upii iirirtkowrm, rf apiSp/f 
dtKartaircipts — Tepapai' al rf Aioyvo-^ Up»pfiHu ywcuKts^-^^rtpaipiu' 
napa ^hBrpfaioig ytnHUKts rtvis Itpal, Ag 6 /SaaiXcvr KaBurniviv, ItrapiBpovs 
Tois 0a»fU)cr rov Aiopwrov, di^ to ytpaipuv rov Bt6v ^ : from which we learn 
a fact, nowhere else, so far as we know, to be met with, viz. that the 
altars of Dionysos at Athens were 14 in number. The Etym. adds, Ovr«» 
Aiopwriot 6 *AXucappa<ra'tvs. 

1 Pollux, viii. ix. 999. 108. S Harpocration. of. Suidas, V^paud : 

3 Hesychius. cf. in FcpcwU, also Aneodota, rtpatpdHat. 
SchoL ad Iliad. Z. 87. Upaidt. 4 Btym. M. 

1^ Pollux, viii. ix. 89. 908. ^ lix. 94-1 it. ' ( 94. 

* § 90. 909. cf. Photius, Append.' "> § 98-101. 

670. *Evi6rvfiof ipx"*^' Suidas, 'Hy€- » § 96. 99. cf. 104, 105. 

fAovitt Suttumipiov : Athencus, zii. 60 : * § 99. 

Plutarch, Ktmon. viii. P $ 96* 100. 104. 144. 156. 



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CH. I. 8. 5. DUmysia, or Scenic Representations^ at Athens. 31 

speaker % (that which related to the ceremonies and duties 
in qaestion,) iv on^Ai; KiBCvri tanprav iv r^ Up^ rov Aioiri}<rov 
%apa TOP pwfibv iv ACiivai9. teal aSrri rj onjAiy 4rt koI vvif i<rrrfK€v, 
i§iudpoi9 ypififiairttf 'AmKOts dv/Xoixra rh yeypa^fxitfa' .... jcal 5ul 
ravra ip r^ ipxawrin^ Up^ rod AiovHaov kcu dyicardroi €v At- 
fwocp ttmftraVy tpa {xif ttoWoX €lb{icri rh ytypapLyAuar iira^ yap 
ro9 hnavTov kKiarov avoCyerai, rfj bfab^Kira rov * Av6€<mfpi&vos 
laipos. 

In this date he agrees with Thucydides ; and both will 
imply that the proper day of this ceremony was that of the 
X6€i ; the second day of the Lenaea or Authesteria of after- 
times. Now the erection of this pillar, whether truly or not, 
is nevertheless referred by this author to the time of Theseus 
and of the avvoiKla^: and that must be decisive on the que- 
stion of the supposed antiquity of these Dionysia, above that 
of either of the other two. The site of this temple iv ACpa/ais 
too, according to the scholia on Thucyd. ii. 15, being in the 
Acropolis, these were properly the /^wvwrta iv iroAet, the ori- 
ginal Athens ; as the Aiovvaia iv iar€(, were those of the 
Athens which grew up underneath and about it. 

iv. With regard to the origin of the feast of the Xrf€s itself, 
a tradition was extant, which traced it back to the time of 
Orestes; and to the fact of his purification at Athens after 
the death of Glytemnestra and ^gisthus. This tradition is 
recc^nised in the Iphigenia in Tauris ; where Orestes himself 
is giving his sister an account of his reception at Athens on 
the occasion in question ^ — 

*£k6m¥ if ixtun, vp&ra fUv fjk ovhtls (cva»v 
ixitw ibi^afff &s B^oit arvyavfinfoir 
oS ^ ^^XP^ cud», ^Via fsovorpairtCa fun 
wopiirxov, oUm» tvrts fp ro^r^ (rrtyti, 
ctyj y er€KTrivayr air6<l>BeYKT6p fi, wr»s 
^airhs y€Voip9fP w^paros r avr&v dt;(a' 
cff d^ ^fyyoff tdioy Vrov Sbrcun &aK\iov 
fUTpffpa vktfp^Hrttpnt €txop ^doi^TF. 

ffkyovp di ovyg Kdd6Kovp ovk tldfptu, 
fuya ar99dC»v, cvvtK fjv prfTp6s (JHfPtvs, 
kKv^ d^ 'ABfjpaioiai rdpii dvcrrv;^ 
rrXcr^y ytpta^tu, kSti rhv v6pov ptPtiVf 
Xo^pc ( ^yyof UakXddos ripmf Xf ^y. 

H ( 100. ' ( 98. B Vers. 947-961. 



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32 Dionysian Correction of Melampus. diss. vi. 

It appears also in some of the scholia of antiquity ; of 
which it may suffice for our purpose to quote only the fol- 
lowing account of it from the scholia on Aristophanes ' : "On 
'Opiarrji fitra rbv (f)6vov €ls '*A0rjvas d^iJcdfAci^os, rjif bi ioprri 
Aiovinrov Afyrcuov, a>9 /a^ yivovr6 <r<f>i<nv 6fw<nrovbos onfKTovi^s 
riiv firiTcpa, ifirjxcLvrf<raTO rolovbi ri Hoj^btav X9^ otvov rmv b(u- 
tvijl6v»v kKioTfj^ vapa<rrri<raSf i( airov nlvtiv iKiKewrt^ yLtfikv 
\ntoyn,yv6vTais ^iXXijAois, &s yJjfri aiso rov avrov icpar^pos vloi 
^Opi<rTr\s, ^irfTf iKtivos ixdoiTO Ka0* airov itlvwv piovos, koX dir* 
iK€ivov 'AOfjvaCois koprii ivopi(r$r\ ol Xo6f. And this dates the 
institution in the time of Pandion ; yet Athenseus '^ quoting 
Phanodemus, shews that Ae dated it in the time of Demo- 
phon, the son of Theseus ; which would be much more con- 
sistent with the circumstances of the case, Demophon and 
Orestes having been strictly contemporaries. Ila^yyctAc re, 
he adds^ kcX toO irorov TsaMro^vovs ro^ pkv aT€if>ipavs oh iare- 
iJMvmTo irpbs ra Upa pL-q riOivox^ hih to 6pjopo4>ovs y^vifFBoi r^ 
^OpifTTJUy Tf€pl bk t6v \6a Tov tavTov iKaarov irtpuOtlwu, koX rp 
Up€C<^ iTro(f>€p€iv robs <n'€<f}ivovs ispis t6 iv ACpLVtus r4pL€V0Sf 
irs^vra 6v€iv iv r^ Up^ rh ivCXoiira. And this clearly ascer- 
tains the supposed time of this incident to. have been that 
when the Dionysia Aijrata or iv Aipvcus were going on : Kol 
iKTOT€ riiv iopriiv Kktidrjvai Xoas. 

Now we may have occasion to shew hereafter that the 
date of the death of Clytemnestra and iEgistheus in the 
eighth year after the return of the Greeks from Troy, accord- 
ing to Horner^ was nearly the same as that of the death of 
Agamemnon^ in the first year ; viz. a certain day in the pri- 
mitive Gamelion : and whether Orestes is to be supposed to 
have undergone the ceremony of purification immediately 
after that event, or, as Euripides implies 7, after a year's 
exile, spent among the Parrhasians in Arcadia, it would make 
no difference to the time of the year, at which it would take 
place at last ; nor consequently to that of his visit to Athens, 
and of the institution of the feast of the X6€s as a memorial 
of it. And in either case that would bear date in the second 
month of the Primitive Greek calendar, the primitive Anthe- 
sterion. This tradition therefore proves both the supposed 

t Ad Acharn. 96a Elf robs X6as, cf. Ad Eqaitet, 95 : SaidAS, X^t. 
* X. 49. y Orestes, 1643 sqq. 



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CB. I. 8.5. Dhnnyria, or Scenic BepresetUcUicns^ at Athens. 38 

antiqiiitj of the Acort/o-ta Arfvcua^ and their supposed place in 
the calendar from the first. 

With^ regard to the two other kinds of Dionysia, we may 
now take it for granted that both must have been later than 
the Aioruata i» AC^vcu^. And though we have no positive 
aathoritj for the precise time of the institution of either, 
yet, if the Aioin$irta iv icrrci were assigned from the first to 
the archon Eponymus^ it may reasonably be presumed they 
ocmld not have been older than the annual archonship ; the 
epoch of which did not go further back than B.G. 684 2. And 
if the Dionysia ^i^ iypots were so called from the first, though 
called also the Dionysia h nctpaici, they must have been 
older than the enclosure of the Pireens. Now the Pireeus 
was first joined to the city by means of the long walls ^ im- 
mediately after the second invasion (13. C. 479); but it was 
taken in from the country, and enclosed, in the archonship 
of Themistodes : which the Tables date B. G. 493, and the 
tme year of which was B. C. 492 ^. The Dionysia iv Hard 
then could not have been older than B. G. 684. The Dio- 
nysia iv iypoTs conld not have been younger than B.G. 492. 

With regard indeed to the former, we are entirely of 
opinion that they were next in antiquity to the Dionysia iv 
A(faHus ; and that as these latter were most probably adopted 
into the calendar^ and attached to their proper date, (the 
11th of Anthesterion,) as early as the correction of Solon, 
•o, fcnr reasons which may appear as we proceed, were the 
tanner, in the time of the next reformer and legislator of the 
Athenians, Gleisthenes^ about B. C. 510. We have already 
had occasion to shew that the name of the Dionysia ^1; ACfwcus, 
fiom the very first, the Ai^rcuo, or M Atji^, argued an original 
eoimeotion between them in particular, and the festivities of 
the vintage season; from which all the writers (ancient or 
modem) on the history of the classical drama are agreed to 
doive it. It is not onr intention, nor is it necessary for 
oar purpose at present, to enter on this question; which 
Bentley may be considered to have set at rest^ in his cele- 

s Snpn, VoL ii 31. Chron. Arm. Lat. Ol. 71. i: Thes. 

• nineyd. i. 89-93 1 SdioL in An- Tempor. Ol. 75. 1. 

■lo^ Bqnitet, 81 1-S13. 883 : Schol. ^ Cf. Dionys. Hal. Ant. Rom. vi 

im Fhlon. ii. 34a. in Goigiam, 23. 16 : 34. 

kal. hell. tol. v. D 



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84 Dionysian Correction a/ 'i/Lelamp^^' ' piss. ti. 

brated controversy with Boyle: we will observe only that 
Comedy was older than Tragedy, and Susarion the inventor 
of the former, than Thespis the inventor of the latter. And 
though Plutarch ^ implies that tragedy, as first imagined by 
Thespis, had already come into existence in the time of So- 
lon ; that might be true of the first attempts at comedy, but 
it could not have been so of those of tragedy.' The Parian 
Chronicle dates the invention of comedy under Epocha xl — 
sometime between Epocha xxxix, B. C. 582, and Epocha xli, 
B. C. 561 — which is sufficient to prove that it must have 
been sometime in the life of Solon. But it dates the inven- 
tion of tragedy by Thespis under Epocha xliv, 270 years be- 
fore the epoch of the Marble, (B. C. 264,} as the text is re- 
stored by the learned ; i. e. B. C. 534— much too late for So- 
lon : and Suidas assigns it nearly the same date too, Olymp. 
61, B. C. 536-532 d. And this date would be consistent with 
that of the erection of the theatre, in which the AmvAaia iv 
iifrrti were wont to be celebrated, Olymp. 70, B. G. 500- 
496 ^ This could scarcely have been as old as the origin of 
the tragic drama itself, and yet it would probably not be 
much younger : and we shall perhaps not be mistaken, if we 
suppose that, the Aiopvaia iu icrru having been taken into 
the Calendar first about B. C. 510, the theatre was built soon 
after on purpose for them. 

It is probable too that the date of these Dionysia iv iar^, 
of which nothing is known from testimony, would be deter- 
mined by the analogy of the Dionysia iv ACfivaif ; and that 
those would be attached to the 11th of Elaphebolion, as thepe 
were to the 11th of Anthesterion. We are able to shew from 
circumstantial evidence, that their actual date must hav^ 
fallen about that day of the month. For, i. These Atovwrni 
were over before the 25th of Elaphebolion f. ii. They were 
over before the 18th e. iii. If they did not come critically 
between the 14th and the 18th, they must have been over by 

c Solon, xxix. mast clearly have been in existence 

d B4^wis. cf. Mr. Clinton's F. Hel- soon after the close of the Ionic revolt, 

lenid, ad ann. B. C. 535. B. C. 494 : see supra. Vol. iii. page 

e SuidaSy npartyas. If Phrynichns' 339 sqq. 

play of the MiA^ov Si\mais was acted f Thocydides, t. 19, so. 

in the theatre, (as it appears from He- r ifischines and Demosthenea : see 

rodotus, vi. ai, that it wasi) the theatre supra, VoL ii. 94 : Metonic dates, xW. 



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CH. I. 8. 5- Diongria, or Scemc Representations, at A thens. 35 

the 14th also >". iv. And yet they were later than the 6th i, 
and later than the 8th i^. This leaves no room for them, 
except between the 8th exclusive, and the 14th exclusive : 
and it may be inferred from the context of ^Eschines ^, that 
their actual date must have been soon after the eighth. He 
is there recording a decree, which Demosthenes had got 
passed : F/xi^i ^nf^^urjuui, rov; Koipohs 1% 7o\6a»s wjiaipo'CiJLevos, 
iuKkiitrtup vocciy rohs Ttpvriveis rfi dybSji laraiiivov rov ^EKa<prt' 
^okt»po9 fOflP^, ^* ^v r^ 'Ao-icAiyire^ ff Ovala koX 6 itpoiyiav, kv 
ijl Up^ fflM^pt^ & vp6T€pov oidfh yAyjfyffrai ycvSfievov . . . tva, <f>rialv, 
^kp If^tf vapwrtp ot 4>tA^inrov 'iTp4(Tp€ii, fiovkeoa-riTai 6 brjfios m 
rdxiurra »epl T»y irpbf ^PCKtmrov. And from these observations 
we learn incidentally that the 8th of Elaphebolion was the 
day of ^scnlapius in the Attic calendar at this time ; and, 
what IS more to the purpose, was also the date of the vpoi- 
ymPj the rehearsal or preliminary trial of the plays, and the 
other poetical productions, which were afterwards to enter 
the lists against each other at the Dionysia. If these be- 
gan on the 8th, they might last as long as the exhibitions 
themselves, three days at least; consequently from the 8th 
inclusive to the 10th inclusive: and on the 11th, the day 
after their dose, the Dionysia might begin ^ 

With regard to the Dionysia iv iypois^ or iif Ilctpaie?, their 
date has been oonjecturally fixed by Corsini ™ to the third of 
Posideon ; but we have seen from the coincidences still upon 
record, concerning the deaths of Euripides and Sophocles, 
and the birthday of Dionysins, the tyrant of Syracuse, and 
the first assumption of the tyranny there by him °, that the 
actual date of the first day of the Aioviicria iv dypoTv, or iv 
Ilcipatcc, must have been the 27th of Posideon. The truth, 
in our opinion, is that these Hiovitna in particular among the 
Athenians took their rise out of the ancient KpSvia of the 
primitive solar calendar; attached by Pelops to the Epago- 

^ Tliiicjdules, IT. 118, 119. r<r ioprii rots *A9rjifttiois ^«K\h$ icoAo^- 

( DenKMtlienea, xriii. 66. fuvos : Schol. Aldina in Nubes : cf. 

k MU^4iin^imy m. 66, 67. Soidae in too : also in ♦oX^s, and 

' Mfp^w*** is made too of another ^oAAo^: Philoetratus, Vita ApoUoniij 

rovDOnj, celebrated iv hpxS '''^^ ^'^ ^^ ^* ^94 ^ • Lucian, iii. 463, De Dea 

»»v<«r, caUed *4KXj^t, or *aXKAt ; bnt Syria, xvi. 65. 

iriieClier at the Dionjiia Lensa, or the m See supra, Vol. ii. 407. 

XXooTM i^ i^rUf doee not appear : ^ Ibid. 404 sqq. 

O 2 



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86 Dionysian Correction q/'Melam(>as. i>is8. vi. 

mense of the equable year^ (as we hope more fully to shew 
hereafter,) Mrsi Cyclica 2742, B. 0. 1264. This Cronian in- 
stitution, so attached to the primitive EpagomeDae^ as we 
shewed elsewhere '^^ never ceased to be observed among the 
Greeks; until at last, (having previously been brought by 
the revolution of the equable in the Julian year into the 
month of December,) in many instances they passed into 
the Saturnalia of the Roman calendar*. Plutarch in his 
own time joins the Kp6v^a and the Aiavvaia iv aypoli as liable 
to fall out together : Kol yap oi Oepiirovres orav Kpovui bti- 
itv&aiv rj Aioiriaia kot* dypbv Ayaxri iT€pn6»T€Sy oifK &v airC^v top 
dkoXvyfiiv tmoiJLtCtfais koX tov Oopv^v k, r. A. p : and we believe 
it to be the true explanation of the origin of the Aiom/cna iv 
iypois of the Athenians also, that they took their rise out of 
the Cronian institution of Pelops, and were first adopted under 
that name, and introduced into the calendar^ when the stated 
date of the Gronia, (in other words, the first of the primitive 
Epagomense,) was falling on that day in the month of Posi- 
deon^ which was ever after the stated date of these Diouysia, 
and which we are probably not wrong in assuming as the 27th 
of that month. 

Now iEra Cyclica 3504, the primitive Epagomense, by the 
Julian rule, were falling December 24 at midnight, B. C. 

* The Saturnalia in the Roman calendar having been notoriously in 
honour of Saturn us and Ops, and Satumus and Ops, among the Romans, 
having been only other names for Kp6vos and 'P«a, among the Greeks, 
(see supra, vol. iv. p. 357,) Macrobius, Saturn, i- 10. p. 343, 243, has an 
im])ortant statement on this question, from Philochoms, that even among 
the Athenians the Cronia, as the same with the Saturnalia, (so his context 
implies,) in honour of Saturnus and Ops, that is, of Kp6vot and 'Pea, were 
as old as Kecrops : Philochorus Saturno et Opi primum in Attica atatu- 
isse aram Cecropem dicit, eosque Deos pro Jove terraque coluisse, insti- 
tulsseque ut patres familiarum, et frugibus et fructibus jam coactis, passim 
cum servis vescerentur, cum quibus patientiam laboris in colendo rure tole- 
raverant: delectari enim Deum honore servorum contemplatu laboris. 
This must be decisive that the Cronia of Philochorus could never have 
been those of the month Hecatombaeon, (attached to the 12th,) though 
they might have been those of Posideon, attached to the same date as the 
Dionysia cV dypocr. 

o Supra, Vol. ii. page 507. cf. 4 1 2. 
P Non posse soaviter, ice. zri. cf. also De Vita et Poesi Homeri, iv. 



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CH. 1 . 8. 5- DianyMj or Scenic Representations, at Athens, 37 

608 ; and by the Attic calendar, Cycle xii. 2, of the correc- 
tion of Solon, Poddeon 27 was falling Dec. 24, B. 0. 508 
also. In our opinion, this was the time of the institution of 
the ^toviata ^p aypoU, as the representative in the Attic cor- 
rection of the Cronia of the primitive solar year. The insti- 
tution of these Dionysia must have been later than that of 
the Dionysia (p &(tt^i, B.C. 510, on the one hand, and before 
the enclosure of the Pir»ns, B. C. 492, on the other ; and 
B. C. 503 would be seven years later than the former, and 
deven years earlier than the latter. And these Dionysia 
must already have acquired the name of the Aiovv<na tv 
oypoiff, or in the country, before they could have begun to 
receive that of the Au>p6ina ip UeipaifX^ which could not have 
been given them before the enclosure of the Piraeus. There 
would be every reason a priori why we should expect to find 
that both these other kinds of the Dionysia^ in the sense of 
the dramatic representations of the Athenians, were added 
to the only preexisting one, the Dionysia Lenaea, much 
about the same time. And these dates of B. G. 510 for 
the one, and B. C. 503 for the other, are agreeable to that 
expectation. 

We have no proof indeed from testimony of the actual in- 
stitution of these Dionysia, B. C. 503. But if they really 
succeeded in the Attic calendar to the place of the Cronia in 
the Primitive calendar, and if they were really attached to 
the month Posideon in that calendar, and to some day in 
that month towards the end of the last decad, and if they were 
really later than the Dionysia iv Aorei, B. C. 510, yet really 
older than the enclosure of the Pineus, B.C. 492 — the actusl 
year of their institution could not have been any other than 
Cycle xii. 2 in the correction of Solon, JSra Cyclica 3504, B. 0. 
503, when the first of the Primitive Epagomense, and the 
first of the Cronia of Pelops, and the 27 Posideon, all met 
together in the Julian December 24. But with respect to 
the calendar date of these Dionysia, and whether it was, or 
was not, as we are supposing, one of the last four days of 
Posideon, and in all probability the first of the number, we 
may possibly have it in our power to put it to the test of the 
matter of fact, in a particular instance, that of the date of 
the victory of the younger Astydamas at these Dionysia in 



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38 Dionysian Correction of Melatnp^n. diss. vi. 

particular^ according to the Parian Chronicle ; characterised 
as it was by a coincidence of a different kind, the appearance 
of the comet — with which the ancients connected the de- 
struction of the cities of Helike and Bura. In order there- 
fore to the proof of this eoincidenoe, we shall begin with in- 
quiring into the date of this destruction, and that of the 
appearance of the comet. 

Section V. vii. — On the date of the destruction of Helike and 
Bura ; and of the appearance of the cornet^ Hmidtaneousfy 
with it : and of that qf the Dionysia iv iypols dedueiUe 
from both. 

i. The immediate cause of this destruction is attributed to 
an earthquake, accompanied by an inundation of the sea, 
both these cities having been situated on the sea coast : "^Hdiy 
hi ftal trSKfis 'nap h Trpocrfhonrfoap iafAararot yeydvatrtv al<pv(bioir 
al fikp iirb irvpoSy al 5' ivi (TtioryuoVy al hk ri)^ OaXirrrr: f'n€k0o6<nj9» 
irov fJLoi ^EkUrj; KaT€7t60ri, mv Bofpa; koH aOrri Karejrodpf, Mo 
irdA€i9 'EAX?;i;t7i€9 iitfiXovTo Sairep v\4ov<rai^ — Tovtop yap rip 
TpoTTov Kol iT€pl '"Axotav y^vMat t6p crfitrfiov, ipa kcA riiv rov 
K6\mros €<l>obov rov iTnKk6a'avT0$ ras vapaOokaao'Covs ir<(A€i9 Bo6- 
piv T€ Ka\ ^EXlKrfpr — 

Si quteras Helicen et Burin Achsudas nrbes, 
Invenies sub aquis ; et adhuo oetendera nautas 
Inclinata aolent cum mcenibas oppida merais "-^ 

Helicen Burinque totas mare accepit... supra oppida duo na« 
▼igatur^ — Hie Callistlienes in libris quibus describit qnemad- 
modum Helice Burisque mersse sunt, quis illas casus in mare 
v^l in illas mare immiserit, dicit id qnod in priore parte di- 
ctum est. spiritus intrat terram per occulta foramina quem^ 
admodum ubique ita et sub mare^ — 'Ey^vcro H tovto kcH ircpl 
''A\atav' If » ii^v yhp Jjv vikos, iK€i bk fiopias. vqvtidas Vk y^po* 
yAvtis KcX pvivTos Ana rov iofifiov ^yhftro t6 t€ nv/mi koL 6 vturpis 
5fMi* KoX [laXkop bih t6 njif Oikarrap iiri bMvau btavpoiiP r^ ivi 
riip yrjp &piiqyAp(^ TrpelffAOTi, iXk^ ipTut>p6TT€Uf ^ — *EpaTO(f0ipfis 

« Stobsus, iii. 365. cv. 61. Favo- * Seneca, Natnr. Qnask. ▼!. sudi 8. 

rinus. Opp. V. 363. 

T Proclus, in Timaeam, A. 1 33 » 58 B. » Ibid. ▼!. xxHi. 3. Opp. ▼. 345. 

cf. Scholia in Plstonem, ii. 427, 438. > Aristotle, Meteorologica, ii. 8. 66. 

TtmRQS, 18. 20. 38. 

• Ovid, Metam. xv. 293. 



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CH. I « 8. 5. Dumgsia, or Sccfdc Representations^ at Athens, 89 

ft^ Koi airig O^w ^rfai rov rSirov, Kci rovs isopB^iia's Xiytiv &s h 
rf «i^ ip0b^ kcr^Kti no<r€iMv x^^^^^> h^"^^ ivir^KafiTrov iv t^ 
)[cifMy kMwov ^povra rol^ hiKJV^aivy — Eovpa h\ koa ^EXdcrj ^ 
Itj^p vnb xAfffjMTtis ri S vvo K6fiaT09 ri<pavl(r6rj *j 

iL Tlie ohimate cause is attribated to the fi^vis of Fosi- 
d<m ; the motiTe to whieh all our authorities assign in an act 
of riolence or impiety, of which the people of Helike had been 
gnilty : according to PolysBUus, in surrendering to her enemies 
a suppliant virgin named Themisto, who had taken refuge in 
the temple of Posidon^; Ol ^^ 1^1; *E\Ct(rfv oUovvres 6iK €19 
IMKpm niXT€TrMtf(Fav airo( T€ koI ff tt6\is^ rijs fiiv yr}^ cr€ur^€l<njs 
rov ^ ircA<(yov9 iiriKXAoavros, Idof € t6 yJ^vifia y^vioOat rw ITo- 
o€M$vo9f Srt TTiv UirHav airrov irapOivov roTi itoKefilois i(4bu)Kav. 
Aeoording to Diodorus, in- the ill treatment of deputies (^ett>- 
poi) from lonia^ who had been sent to offer sacrifice on the 
altar of Posidon at Helike ; of which he gives the following 
aoooant^: Kara rrfv ''Imiflav ivvia irc^Aei? thiO^iaav Koiviiv no^ 
€ur9aft oivobov r^v t&v TlaviM>v(6^p^ koX $volos ovvQv^w ipxaias 
mai pLeyikas Uoaeth&vi if€pi rrfv ^voixaCopiivfiv MvMiXrip iv iprjfju^ 
timm. Urr€pov Vk TsoXifi/^v y^vofUvo^v itcpl tovtqv9 tovs t^ttovs^ oi 
^pdfAcyot irocciv ra Ilat'icii'ia, pLtriO^crav riiv itairffyvpi.v €ls ia^lxiXij 
T&roVf is ^v vXr^oCop riji 'E€l>4trov. Ttdfi^avr^^ be Oempoits UvO^te 
XP^fTpioits ikafioVf ^i/bp/ifMLTa \afieXv htb r&v ip\aC(av kcI irpoyo- 
9umv oiroli PmpMV^ i{ *EKlKtfs ttjs 4v r<p r&rt pikv '^Xonvias vvv ^ 
*kycias KaXovpL4vris> ol fM^v chv "Wvt^ Karh rov yjyt\o\kov iTrepLyJ/op 
cfe *Axoiiuf Toi9 Krplfoiiivow rh &^tbpvfjLoa-ar ovroi bk irpbs ri Not- 
viy rmp '^AxozAp biak€x04pT€9 tirtioap bwpot rh df lO^ftcMt. ol bi 
T^ *EA6n|P oUovpT€S, ixovT€9 iroAttiiir X6yiov on r^re Ktpbvvfv- 
oopvip Stop *Iwp€9 ivl rov fia>pLov rov UoatibQvos Ovo^oiv, Ava^ 
Aoyl{4^CMH rip xpr^Ofiiip apriXtyov rots '^I^crt rttpX r&v hx^ibpvpA- 
rmPt XtyopT^s iir\ Mipip rmp ^Axowp iXX* tbiov avr&v that ro 
ripmpos* onfphtparrop Zik roArois icot ol r^i; Bovpav oUovvr^s. r&p 
a 'Ax<uAp icoip^ boyfian ovyx<apr}oipraiv, ol pijfv "loupes i&voap 
M rov fimpuv rov Uoofiib&pos Kara rhv xPV^t^^ ^^ ^* 'EAticcts 
ri XFW^^^ biappl^ovr€s rQp 'liivw roik re Oewpohs ovprjpvaoap, 

y Stnbo, Tiii. 7. 291 a. cf. aao b. zxv. 4 : Lucian, iii. 331. Deorum Con- 

" Ibid. i. 3. 93 b. cf. Aristotle, i. 396. cil. 5. Schol. : Philostratus, Heroica, 

17-ai. De Muodo ad Alex, iv: Lyco- 719D. Neoptolemus: Ammianus Mar- 

pfaran, 591. 6t Txets. in loc. : Pauaa- ceUinus, xrii. 7. 

BJaf, viL Tii« i : xxr. 5 : LucretiuB, yi. a viii. xlvi. Bffitari&. *> xv. 49. 

5*4: Seneca, ▼. 5BO- Nat. Qiuest. vi. 



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40 Diomfsian Ourrection of Melampos. diss, vi ^ 

ritri^aiof re (b th Otiov. ivff &v <^cri ixrivUravra top Uo<rfM»va 
bih Tov (rcio-^ov Kci rov xaroicXva-^ov ras hxrtfioiiras vdAcis At^- 
tfa<r$ai,..irp6i b^ toU elfnifUvoi^ Kiyov<n.v on vkiiv rm iuT€pfi<ri»' 

Pausanias has given substantiaUy the same account ; add- 
ing this further explanation, that the violence of the people 
of Helike went so far as to put these lonians to death; in 
which he is confirmed by iElian S who shews also that these 
suppliants, so treated, were the Ionian $€^pol^ sent to Helike 
on the errand related by Diodoms. *Uvti b^ is to irpoam 2^- 
\iv6s re iroTOfioi koI iv^ripo^ Ttaaapinovra AiyUw arohlois ivl 
OaKiaoYf \iapiov €ar\v*E»klKt)^. iirravOa i^ficrfro ^EkUri v6>H9y koI 
'^laxriif Upiv ayidrarov noaeibutvos fjp *£Au«»i^^. dtafiefAcvf}iE€tfa4 
bi o-c^uTi KOi C09 vvb *Axau^v iKirtavvr^s is ^A^ijvas, ko^ jarcpoy 
i( '*A6i}v&v is rh vapa$a\i(raia i<l>lKOVTo rrfs *Airlas, <rifi€<r$<u 
Uo(Tub&va ^EKiKoiviov^. k(U MiAi/o-toi? re lovri ivl tt^v mjy^r t^v 
Bi^Kuiba HoafMvos vpb Trjs •n6K€<is iarw 'EXiKu^viov ^ii6s. «ral 
&<ravT<as iv T€<p vepCfioKos re Koi P<aii6s itrti rf ^EKucf^vuf Otas 
i^ios, l<TTi bi Koi '0/xi7/)a> V€'noir}fiiva is *EKti^v Kai rov 'EAifcci* 
viov Hoa-ubf^ua ^. \p6v<^ b\ vartpov ^Axoiots rois ivravOa, iKiras 
ii/bpas iTTocTTriaairiv iK tov Upov Koi ivoKT^lvaaiv, ovk iiUX\fia'€ 
TO iirfvifxa iK TOV UoeeiJbQvos, ikXa <r€urfws is ri^y \iipav infuahf 
avrCKa icaraa-ic^^a; tcav re oUobopajpATo^v tjiv KaTotTKewiv, kclL opuoB 
Tjj KaTcuTKfvri KoX avTO TTJs 7r<$Aea>f ro Ido^^os, d^<w^f is Toifs Iveira 
iirolriire 8. Lastly, the same account of its origin was given 
by Heraclides, a contemporary of the event quoted by 
Strabo ^ ; only that he did not specify the particular ill treat- 
ment to which the Ionic deputies were subjected, and the 
lengths to which it proceeded : IvpLfirjifoM bi t6 -aiBos icara ySivw 
Ylo<T€ibmfos' Tovs yap in ttjs 'CA^ki^s iicn€if6uTas "ioivas cUreu^ 
iripAJfiUfTas irapa t&v *£Ai«ce(»y /juiAiora ^tiv to ^piTas tov ncNrei- 
biAifOs' e2 bi pai tov ye iepoO r^j; iu^ibpvtriv: oi b6vTia» bik vif/k^^^oi 
vpbs TO Koivbv T&v ^Axaitti'. tS^v Vk ^rf^iuayyiviAv, ovS m vvaicau- 
o'ai...roir9 d' *Axaiov9 {forepoi; bovvax toIs "laxri tj^v iuf>Cbpv<nv. 

iii. The next observable circumstance of the event is that 
it happened at night. *HpaK\€Cbris b4 <f>ri<rt Koff ovtov y€v4<r$ai 
TO iriOos iT/KTwp, b<ib€Ka orabCovs bitxovcrris ttjs ircfAewy iiri $a- 

c De Natura Anim. xi. 19. f Iliad, T. 4O4. 

d Pausanias, vii. xxiv. 3. s Cf. viii. xziv. 4. 5. 

* iSee supra, Vol. iii. page 365 sqq. »» viii. 7. 231 b. 



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CB. I • 8. 5* IHamfsia, or Scenic Eepreseniaiians^ at Athens. 41 

JU(0«n7T, jcat Tfrirrov rov 'x^pUm tsovtqs avv rrj ifiKu Kakw^OivTos* 
h&r)(tkt€V9 ^ viipa ruv *Axawv ircfM^cWas aM€\i<r6<u fiiv robs 
Micpofe fiil ivpOffOaif Tois d* 6iA6poi9 vcifioi rrji^ xtipa^^ — MeAAov- 
9ifs i)€ oUtas icaTai(l>4p€<rOai, olaBrirtKm Ixpviriv ot r€ iv avrp five;t 
Km p^rroi kca yoAol, leol (ftSavown riiP Karcufiophv xal j^uc^orrcu. 
TOvr«j roc ica^ 4^airu^ & 'EA^cr; y€via$ai. ^irctd^ y^p rjiriprie'av is 
rein 'Ii»9af roir^ i/ifHicofUpous ol '£Aiici{<rcot, xal jirl fio^fiov dv^o-^o- 
(cur avTo&9, ^au^a...'irpo 'jt^c (y^) 7fyL€p&v rod ii<f>avur$ffvai riiv 
*EXCk9ip i<roi fjah eir oArff ^<rav kcu yakdi...i0p6a thrc^ei rf) 6d^ 
7% cif Kopuu' iK(l>€po'6ari,..ht€l t^ ijf€x<bip^a'oaf,,.viKrmp yiptrah 
0€vri»h9j Kol ovifc^vct 17 vikit^ Kci ivLKXAravTos TsoWav KAfjLaros 
^ ^EkUvi ij<l>apurOri. koL Korh Tvxrfv Acuceboiiiopwv viftopyMvaai t$ 
vdXcft tima prj€s (rvpavAkopro r^ irfiotiprfpApri 6akiia<nis iinick6a-€i 
9okkfi^. Who was in command of these ships at the time is 
not here mentioned. But we may collect from Diogenes 
Leertins' Life of Plato ^ that it mnst have been Polis or Pol- 
lis, to whom Plato was delivered by Dionysius in Sicily, to be 
sold as a slave ^ ; and who before this was defeated at Naxns 
by Chabrias, B. C. 876 «>. 

iv. Another observable circumstance is that it happened ia 
the winter, T<p d' i(rjs xeifiQvi avpfiiivai to vdOos ^; i. e. the 
winter next after the treatment of the deputies in question — 
M4vri T€ 71 Toia6rfi KCvrfo-is oifhi toO olKi&^tjpai von i^oAci'iret orf* 
ficuft ip T§ yp. rrfrc Iddap fiiv rotJnyv iitl rfj *E\(iqi rov a'€iafM)v 
rifp is t6 tdaxf^os aP€LK^pova'caf, ow H aifrfj koI &kXo tnjiJLa roiovb^, 
hfty^piii^ai i^offip &p<^ xfifi&pos. htrjXO€ yip (r<^i<ru' iirviroXh ttjs 
Xiipas if OiXcunra, koI r^r ^EAi'icr;!' irepceAajSei/ iv ict^icA^ vcurav, 
KcU Hi Kol ri ikaos rod Uoa^tlf^vos ivl tooovtov iniirxtv 6 kAiJ- 
hmp is rit tucpa r&p hivhpfap ffUvovra €&ai ijl6vov, <r€(frapTos bi 
•ifab^pTIs Tov Btov, icol 6fwv r^ o-eiopJ^ r^$ BaXiafnfs ivahpaiJi^ 
<nff, Ka0€(\Kva'€P ipravbpov t6 Kvpju rriv 'EA^ciji^P. The earth- 
quake however reached no further than Helike and Bura. 
.£ginm, though only four miles distant, escaped, and suc- 
ceeded to Helike as the metropolis of Achaia^. lUa vasta 

• StnbOy TiiL 7. aai b. rly nxdrmwtu Plutarch, Dion, v. 

k JBSan^ De Natura Anim. zi. 19. m ^ee sapra. Vol. ii. 78. zxii. 

1 Lib. iti. cap. i. $ ziv. 19, ao. cf. n Cf. supra, Vol. ii. 83. xzt. 

Scfaol. ID iEschinem, 398. De Corona, o Strabo, viii. 7. 221 b. 

273. TUxXgy. 'Xrpegniy^t AaK§9mfiov(utr. P Pansanias, vii. zziv. 6. 

99flt 0L letd 6 ^ApUTtHfis \^i h r^ 4 Ibid. vii. vii. I. zziv.a. 



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42 Dionysiau Correction of MelampitB. diss. vi. 

conouBsio, qu8B daaa suppressit urbes Helioen et Burin^ oitra 
iBgiam constitit ^, 

V. With regard to the year of the event ; it is dated bj 
Strabo two years before the battle of Leuctra: KorcicXwr^ 5i 
^EXUri 6wrlv lT€<rt vpb rmv AofKrpiK&v^: by Polybius «, one year 
before Leoctra : and we may infer from both together that it 
must have happened, though less than two years, yet more 
than one, complete^ before the battle of Lenctra^ Heeatom* 
bffion 5, July 6, B. 0. 371 v. And this would be strictly troe 
of an event which happened towards the end of B. C. 878-^ 
one year and six months before another «which happened 
about the middle of B. C. 371. Pausanias dates it in this 
year^: *Eyiv€To bk rrjs "EX^^ &nA\fta ^Aorefou fjiiv '"A&Ziviffnif 
(rt iffXpvTos, TtriLpTi^ Vk tru r^( vpdrtis 'OXvfMruidos M rait 
inarbv^ ffv AifUAv So6pio9 ivUa t6 vpQTov. Both these notes 
agree to the end of B. G. 373, or the beginning of B. 0. 372. 

vi. In the next place^ and as one of the most remarkable 
cireumstances of this event, it was accompanied by the ap- 
pearance of a great comet ; so critically too that the earths 
quake is said to have happened the very night when this 
comet first became distinctly visible — Callisthenes et alio 
tempore ait hoc accidisse (an earthquake at Delos). Inter 
multa, inquit, prodigia, quibus denuntiata est dnarnm nrbium 
Helices et Buris eversio, fuere maxime notabilia columna ignis 
immensi, et Delos agitata 7 — Talem efSgiem ignis longi Ausse 
Callisthenes tradit, antequam Burin et Helicen mare abscon- 
deret. Aristoteles ait non trabem illam sed cometam fiiisse... 
in quo igne multa quidem fuerunt digna quae notarentur, 
nihil tamen magis quam quod ut ille fulsit in code statim 
supra Burin et Helicen mare fuit ^^ — Sicut hie (Ephorus) co- 
meten, qui omnium mortalium oculis custoditus est, quia 
ingentis rei traxit eventus^ quum Helicen et Burin ortu sue 
merserit, ait ilium discessisse in Stellas duas: quod pneter 

r Seneca, y. 35a Natur. Qusest. vi. Theaaoros Temporum, Ibid. : QiOttaSy 

zxT. 4. Accoiding to Pausanias too, iii. 3. 155, U.C. 376. 

▼ii. xxY. 5, Bnra, (40 stades from the t ii. 41, ;. 

sea, Strabo, viii. 7. 214 b,) though ▼ Sapra, Vol. ii. 321, Boeotiaa Ca- 

thrown down on this occasion, was re- lendar. 

settled by such of its inhabitants as * Tii. zzv. a. 

happened to be absent at the time. 7 Seneca, ▼. 35 1. Naiurai. Quaest. Ti. 

• Tiii. 7. 331 a. cf. Euseb. Chron. zxvi. 3. 

Arm. Lat. ii. 319. ad Olymp. 100. i : z ibid. 375. vii, 5. 3. 



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CH. I. 8.5. Diamfria^ or Scenie RepreMfUatioHs^ at Athens, 43 

iUoiD nemo tradidit*. The ancients gave a yariety of named 
to eometa, according to the shape which they assumed, their 
cidoor, or the like : and among others^ that of hoKtA or boal- 
hn — ^which in Liatin woold be literally trabes, and in English, 
bemms, Kofjajinu..,boK£b€s^ — Uapj^Xun bi Koi dofcc$«9<' — Ao«:o(<>' 
d8o9 iarifMVy ivurrfiuurlav Ti»h vafi€x6in'mv O^^p^urBat — Emi- 
cut ct trabea simili mode quas doicovt vocant^. And this 
naoie i» particalar was given to those which appeared with a 
tail of nnusnal length, but straight like a beam^ or resembling 
aa inverted cone : ^Omfrc hi ivtfiriicfs fx!^<n t6 4^9 KaXovuTOi 
dedScyC 

The eomet) which appeared on this occasion, was of such a 

Idiid ; and that being understood^ the following account of it 

hf Aristotle^ who has various allusions to it^ will be the more 

intelligible : 'AAA^ fiifv Mi rovro ikri$is 8ri iv r<p irpos ipmop 

riw^ yiiftTai KOfir/njs fi6vov, i^a xoi tov rfkUw Svros ttepl Scptvhs 

Tpoftiis. 6 T€ yhp fiiyas Kopffftri^i 6 y€p6fi€vos iff pi rip iv *A\at(^ 

amaiMop, Kmt riip rod K^fj^aros t^hov, imh binrpj&v rwv tarifiepiv&v 

i94trx€^ tcaX vpis v6rov ijbrf voXXol yey Svaaii — Upbs hi Toirroit 

toiawr^ ol Koff inias &miAvoi &P€V hiaems 'fj<ffapl<r0fi<raVf ip r<p vvip 

r«6 ipiCoPTOS roir» ivoiiapavOdpTes Karh fUKpip oSr^s^ cSorc /yiifre 

Mf iaripos ivoXtuffOrjpai <r&iJta yeffrt vXtUptap. htti kcX & pAyas 

An^, vcpl oi vpir€pBP ipvi/i<r6riiAtP^ i<l>dpTi flip \€tpi&P09 ip ttayots 

Kti oUpttus iu^ k<m4pas M ^Airt^hv ipxopros. Kot rrj pip itpAvQ 

sic A^pBtij is vpeh^K^s rov ffXtov' rg If itrrtpalq &<l>0rj' 5<rop 

hUxfTmi y^ ikixurrop iWreAet^Y;, xal eiSifs iSv. ri hi 4>^yyo9 

iLv4f€tP€ pytxfii TOV rpCrov pApovs rav ovpcwov otop HXpui, hii Kci 

h^Jjflfil Ms (hoxisy ivapri\$€ hi pd^pi rris &pr\s rw ^HpU^poSy 

mti ip t o B u^ hkikiSti^ — KcU vcpi rov pAyop iurripa rhp Koprfcrp; 

tmpbs IJiP 6 xcifA&ir HoL fii^pfws, Koi ri kOjuux hi ^avrtwcriif kyiypero 

mweviianur ip pip yhp rf KSkniA fiopias Kareix^p, t$<» hi vikos 

twpmn ftdyasK There can be no donbt that in the second of 

tliese passages 6d6s is a coiruption of honis or hoKCs. We may 

eoUeet firom these statemoats, that the first night nothing 

but the tail of this comet was visible ; the second night part 

* Ibid. 393. TiL XTi. 3. Mensibus, iv. 73. 101, 102. of the va« 
^ Pottnx, W. xz. S 159. 444* rioua kinds of comets. The fourth 
' Artemidonis, Chieirocritics, ii. 38. which he mentions is this of Ao«tl8«i, 

* Hesyduas. which he calls Aok/cu . 

' niny, H. N. ii. 26, S Meteorologica, i. yi. pag. 11. 29. 

' AdiUles IWIas, in Anta Phaeno- h ibid. I3. 12. 

ami, cup. 33. 158 D. cf. Lydns, De ^ Ibid. 15. 8. i. vii. 



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44 Dumjfsian Correction of Melamputi. dibs. vi. 

of the head or nucleus was ao : the third night, and the fol- 
lowing nights, the whole of it, both the tail and the body. 
And laying this fact along with the other, that the destruc- 
tion of Helike and Buns or Bura^ coincided with the time of 
the first distinct manifestation of this phenomenon in the 
sky, we may infer from both that the night of the destructicm 
was, in all probability, the third of those described by Ari- 
stotle, when, as he implies^ not only the tail, but the body, of 
the comet must have been visible after sunset. 

vii. With the account of the circumstances both of the 
destruction of the two cities and of the appearance of this 
comet, which we have thus obtained from other quarters, if 
we proceed to compare that of Diodorus Siculus also, we 
shall see there are some differences between his and the rest, 
which it is worth while to notice. In the first place, while 
these other accounts seem to make the earthquake and the 
inundation simultaneous, according to his there was some 
interval of time between them ; the earthquake took place 
in the night, the inundation in the morning. "CTr^fcvc bk t6 
yAytOos r$9 aviMt>opas 6 xaipos. ov yap fjfUpas <ruv4firf y€v4ir$ai 
rbv <r€tafi6i% (iv fi bvvarbv Ijv rovs KtvivpeiovTas fiof\B€iv kavrovs,) 
iXKa pVKTOs Tov viBovs (rvfi^iprost ai fiiv oIkUu bia t6 iiiytBoi 
rov o-ciafAOv KOTappiinovfAcvai <Tvv€%iovTo^ oi hi iv$p<ovoi, bid re 
TO o-jcrfros Kol t6 TTJ^ irtpvrriff^fAS ivpo<rb6KrfTov kox vap6do(ov^ 
ddi;vara>9 €txov itfTt\afAP6v€a$<u TrJ9 (T^rrfpias* ol fikv ovv irXeibv$ 
ivavokrf<f>64vT€9 vols vrdfUKri tw oUmv ri^^avM^aav K,r.X. ^ 
It is clear from this description also that it happened on a 
moonless night. He continues : ^EviKapownis S ijfWpa?, rivi^ 
i(€vribmv h t&v oIkmv, koX b6(<wT€S iKveKptvyimu riv KUtmvov^ 
luiCovi fcal vapaJbo^Tipf^ <n)p,^p^ vtpt/hctrov, r^p yhp OakitraTis 
/i€rctt/K<rd€i<n79 ivl vokh^ koI KVfiaTOs v^Aov ilaipoiUvov, xareKkd^ 
aOrio-av &7rai;r€s, cifv rais varplfnv iuJHiPurBdvres. iyiv^ro bi rovro 
TO TtiBos TTJi 'Axcdas irepi, bio ir<SX€i9, ^EKiKqv re icac Bovpatr ^p 
T^iP ^EXlKtjv re orii^e/Soive p^iynrrov r&v aora t^ip "^Axatav voAettv 
iX€Uf i(Lu>iM vph tov o-eicr/xoO. 



k Callimachiis reftds the name Bovpa : 

Bovpd re At^ofA^yoio fio6<rTaa'is OUtdBao. 

iv. Hymnus in Delum, lot. 

' XV. 48. 



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CH. I . a. 5. Dionyna, cr Scenic Bepreaeniatians, at Athens. 45 

In the next |dace, wbile our other authorities represent 
tbeae two events, the destruction of Helike and the appear- 
ance of the oomet, as simultaneous, Diodorus appears to dis- 
tingtiish between them, and to make the latter later than the 
former. The earthquake and the destruction^ as we have 
seen, are dated M ''AuT€(ovy which by Diodorus' rule would 
be sometime between Jan. 1^ B. C. 873, and Jan. 1, B. C. 
372 b. Xhe appearance of the comet seems to be dated by 
him in the year of Alkisthenes^ the archou next to Asteius, 
sometime, according to his rule, between Jan. 1, B.C. 872, 
and Jan. 1, B.C. 371. Thus at least does he usher in this 
year>^. '£irl dc to6t<»v, (the consuls and the archon just men- 
tioned, those of B. G. 872,) AoKtbcufxovC^v Irri ax^biv is€vrate6- 
«ia rqs *EAAiido9 i)(pvTuv rriv ^y€fwvtav, 16 $€U)V rtpo«rTiiAaiv€V 
ovreiV r^s ^X^ ^'^ diro/SoAiyi^. &<^i7 fjiv yhp Kcsra tov ovpavhv 
hA «oAAas vAicras Xofivas lA^yiKq KOoyAvriy imh rov oxjifMiTos 
im)itair$€ura wp(pri boKls- fUKpiv S" iartpov rfTTrfBivT€S ol 2)ira/»- 
nirai vapaiU(o»s l^^y^V M^XP ^^ fjy^iiovUiv dircjSoXor divtkvl- 
arms* fpun Si tw ifwtruc&v rriif yip€aiv 7^$ kofiitiZos ck <^tio'ucit; 
ahlas iri^pov^ iwo<l>aiv6iJi*voi to, Toiavra ^ai^cia^ara xanTvayica- 
^fUtmf y{vead€U xp6voi9 &pur\Uvois' kcI ittpi tQv roioArap rot;s re 
ip Bafivk&m XaXbahvs koL roifs iXkovs iarpokdyovs vowvyAvims 
vpoppviaett ivapytis hurvyxiv^iv. roifi bi fiif davpidCtn/, Srav yivuf- 
rid Tt Towvrop, iXX* ihp fiii yiurfjTOA Kara rhs ihlas indar^v ircptd- 
bavs, aimpCoii Kunriaefn jcai il>opais ^ptapJiKUs r&v <rvvT€kovfM4ifW. 
rilP i* oSp KapLviba Toaojirriv iaxrfKivai kaprnpoTtira koL bipofuv 
Tw i^mros^ (Jot* ^l 1^9 yijs ckms irouui iraparnkfjaCai rj} <r€Ai{i77. 

In the latter of these distinctions, if really intended by 
Diodoros, there can be no doubt he must have been mistaken. 
It was one of the characteristic circumstances of this event, 
and the most remarkable of all, that the earthquake and the 
destmction of the two cities happened the same night on 
whidi this comet also first became visible. And yet the dif- 
fttence between his account and that of the rest, in this 
respect, may after all be apparent, more than real, if the 
comet first became visible just at the end of the year of 
Asteins, according to his rule, and yet continued to be visible 
into the year of Alkisthenes, according to the same rule ; 

■ Tile contest of hiB aocount too, xv, 48, evidently restricts the earthquake to 
tUs y«tr. ^ 3LV. 50. 



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46 Dumg$ian Cknrection of Mdampufl. diss. ti. 

both which vould actually be the case, if it fint appeared 
towards the end of December, B.C. 373^ and cootinued to be 
visible even into the month of January, B. G. 872. It is 
manifest too^ that as a prognostic of the approaching down- 
fall of the Spartan empire, it would make no difference to its 
meaning, or to the construction which was to be put upon it, 
whether it appeared in December, B. C. 373, or in January, 
B.C. 372 ; almost the same distance of time before the battle 
of Leuctra, in either case. 

With respect to the other distinction between his account 
and that of the rest, that the earthquake happened in the 
night time, and the inundation in the morning, we see no 
reason why we should not accept his testimony, not as con- 
trary to that of our other authorities, but simply as explaining 
them, and adding to their accounts a particular circumstance 
which might have been implied even in theirs, but is div 
tinctly mentioned only in his. We may infer however from 
this distinction, that though inundations of the sea, like 
this, have been known to be caused by earthquakes, yet the 
inundation in this particular instance was not altogether the 
effect of the earthquake, the principal violence of which had 
been already felt the night before ; but that a tide of the sea, 
of greater magnitude than usual, and consequently a spring 
tide, which happened in the natural course of things to be 
coinciding with the same time, had something to do with it 
also. Diodorus' account gives us clearly to understand, that 
as the night was dark all through, both the earthquake and 
the inundation must have happened at the beginning or at 
the end of the lunar month ; and this is confirmed by the 
fiict which he mentions of the comet's casting a shadow, 
while it continued visible, like the moon : which was muoh 
more likely to have been the case at a time of the month 
when the moon was new and young, than when it was at the 
full. If then there was a spring tide, coincidently with the 
appearance of this comet, and with this earthquake and in- 
undation, we may take it for granted it must have been at 
the new moon, not at the full. 

Now, while it is seen from these accounts in general that 
both these things happened in the winter, so is it from that 
of Aristotle in particular that the appearance of the comet 



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ea. 1. 8. 5. Diomgna, or Scetdc RepreaenUUums, at Athens. 47 

h&pftaeA in the depth of the winter : ^£v viyoit koI cuBplais. 
The winter qaarter^ in the Parapegmata of the Greeks, as 
we have often had occasion to explain, began at the n\€iib<cv 
Wcrcf, and terminated at the Zc^t/pov Ttvari : and its limits in 
the aolar calendar would be from the first or second week in 
November, to the first or second week in February. The 
§uji9f9 x<>#AcpuH>l in the Attic calendar were three in nnmber, 
two before the solstice, Miemacterion and Posideon, and one 
nUa it, Gamelion <> : and of these, the middle one, Posideon, 
done could have been that which ordinarily coincided with 
Ibe depth of winter. If this comet therefore, followed with- 
oot delay by the earthquake and the inundation^ and the 
deatmction of the two cities, appeared iv Tsiyoa Koi alBpCcus, 
it miist have appeared in Posideon ; and all these things, 
eonaeqnent upon its appearance, and without delay, must 
have happened in Posideon also. 

Now the limits of the Attic Posideon, Period i. 60, in the 
Metonic correction, (an intercalary year,) were Nov. 20, and 
Dec. 19, B.C. 873 ; the 12th of Posideon A of that year being 
nenaptile. The new moon of December, B. G. 373, calculated 
firom our own tables, for the meridian of Helike, is determined 
t» Ihe. 17, 12 h. 82 m. 14 s. m. t. * And the spring tide of 
this moon, 86 hours after the change, would be realised in 
ila pcoper magnitude, for the same meridian, only December 
19, aome time after midnight, which possibly might be, aa 
Diodoma deseribea it, near the break of day ; for this is a 
point which would not depend on the date of the conjunction, 
Dea 17, or the realisation of the effect of that conjunction 
on the tide, Dee. 19, 86 hours later, but on what is csdled the 
Mtahlishmeot of the port, or the time of high water, for the 
in qneetion, that of the ancient Helike. This ia 
for any meridian less than three or four hours after 
the oo^iondiaEn, And in this instance it might have been 

♦ B.C. 373. h. m. ». 

Mean new moon Dec. 17 9 19 5 m.t. Greenwich. 
Dec. 17 10 48 37 m.t. Helike. 

Tme new moon Dec, 17 10 5a 5a m.t. Greenwich. 
Dee. 17 la 3a 14 m.t. Helike. 

• See S1HP'*' ^Pl* i* 539* 



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48 Dianytian Correction of Melampns. diss. vi. 

nearer morning than midnight, December 19, and exactly 
such, in other respects, as it may be collected from the ac- 
count of Diodorns, the inundation which overwhelmed Helike 
must have been. 

On this principle, the date of the actual destruction must 
have been December 19, after midnight, Posideon B. 1, 
reckoned from midnight; but the first distinct appearance 
of the comet, just before the earthquake and the destruction, 
must have been Dec. 18, at sunset, (Posideon A. 30 exeunte;) 
and the three days of its appearance from first to last, actually 
or virtually specified by Aristotle, must have been December 
16, the first, (Posideon 28 exeunte), when nothing but the 
tail was visible ; Dec. 17 the second, (Posideon 29 exeunte), 
when the head was seen just after sunset ; and Dec. 18 the 
third, (Posideon 30 exeunte), when the whole of it first be- 
came visible. It is clear therefore, on this principle, that the 
first three days of its manifestation, in any sense and to any 
extent, must have coincided with the last three days of Posi- 
deon. And consequently if the stated date of the Dionysia 
ip iypols coincided with the same month, and the same period 
of that month, both this appearance of the comet, and the 
efiects which ensued upon it, must have happened at the 
Au>vi<ria ip iypols, B. C. 373. 

Now there is an entry in the Parian Chronicle, under 
Epocha Ixxi, which connects the appearance of this comet 
with the stated time of one of the Dionysia of the Athe- 
nians : '*A</)' ol 'Aarvbifias ^A&qvii<TiP ivCKri<r€P frri HFIIII 
(109) ip\0PT0s *A&qpri<np 'Aotcmw KartKitj hi r<{r€ ica(i ip ov^ 
pap^ ^ [jxyikri Xafiirhiji or as it is otherwise read, Ra(ra riv 
ovpophp ri irvpCpri hoKls). Mr. Clinton has justly observed 
that this must be understood of the first victory of the 
younger Astydamas P ; that of the elder having been re- 
corded 26 years before under Epocha Ixvii : but whether of 
the younger or of the elder, if it synchronised with the ap- 
pearance of the comet, iirl ^A<rr6(bv, it must have been at 
the Aiopvata ip iypohf B. G. 373. And the time of the ap- 
pearance, by the preceding arguments and considerations, 
having been determined to the last three days of Posideon, 
B. C. 378, it is a necessary inference from the coincidence 

P Fasti HeUenid. 



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CH. I. 0.5. Dkmynaj or Seemc Repreieniaiions, at Athens. 49 

thai the Dionysia ip iypoZs must have been going on in the 
nine month, and at the same time of the month. 

On this piindple^ these Dionysia might very well have 
been appointed to succeed to the place of the ancient Cronia^ 
Posideon 27, Cycle xii. 2, of the correction of Solon, Epago- 
mene 1, .£ra eye. 8504, Dec. 24, B. C. 503; and their stated 
date e? er after, and in the Metonic calendar as well as in 
that of Solon, would be Posideon 27. And very possibly 
they might be appointed at first, to last as long as the 
ancient Cronia, from Posideon 27 to Gamelion 1, both inclu- 
sive ; or at least from Posideon 27 to the end of the month : 
the latter of which is perhaps the more probable supposition 
of the two*. 

SacnoN y. yiii. — On the number of days far which the 
Scenic representations at Athens lasted. 

VfWtk respect indeed to the number of days taken up by 
the Dionysia of the Athenians in this sense ; passages occur 
m later writers which seem to imply that even the greater 
Dionysia. the Dionysia absolutely, the ^u>vi<rm iv &(nu, in 
tiieir time were over in one day ^ : yet this is no necessary 
proof of the ancient rule in that respect. Plutarch also "^ ob- 

* It is an aoddental result of the above inveotigation into the rule of 
the Dionysia or aypoiss that it has enabled us to determine with great pro- 
bability the date of the appearance of the comet, rnr' *Aot€cov, Dec. i8» 
B. C. 373 ; which is certainly one of the most remarkable of which there 
is amy account in history. Whether the knowledge of this date may be of 
«K to the astrooomers^ we leave it to themselves to decide. We will men- 
tioo omkj ons more oonfinnation of this date, deducible from the preceding 
acQOunts. Aristotle teUs us the comet advanced so far east, after passing 
the son, as to reach the Zone or Belt of Orion, where it disappeared. 
lliat the constellation Orion would be visible for any latitude in Greece, 
in the month of December, &. C. 373, requires no proof. We will 
ebaerre only that as the night of the first distinct manifestation of the 
flSSDCt appenn to have been that of December 18, so, the meridian passage 
of c Ononis, the middle star of the Belt, calculated from our Tables in the 
same manner as at page 284, Vol. i, for the latitude of the ancient Helike, 
Dec. 18, B. C. 373, is found to have Mien out about 10 h. 9 m. 24 sec. 
mesa time p. u. 

« PhikMtratiis, ApoUonios, vi. vi $ 45 : iji. 510. Demosthenis Enoom. 
377 A: Vftm Soph. Herodes, ii. 547, 27.51. 
54S : Locan, u 165^ 166. Timon, 51. r De Exsalio, x. 

KAL. HSLL. vol*. V. B 



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50 Dionysian Correction of Melampus. diss. vi. 

serves of the rule of life of Plato, Xenocrates^ Polemo, that 
they spent all their time in the Academy, except one day, 
which they devoted to the Aiovva-ta iv iorei, and to the tragic 
representations then taking place: Ukiiv iilav iiyApav, iv fi 
SevoKpirris xaff iKaarov tros €U ttrrv Kart/ec Atowaioiv kcuvoTs 
rpay<i>5o(9, htiKotryMv m Ifpaaav ttjv iopnfjv. Yet neither does 
this, strictly speaking, prove anything of the duration of the 
whole of these exhibitions even in the time of Xenocrates ; 
only that Xenocrates would not allow himself more than one 
day for his personal attendance upon them. He mentions 
likewise ^ that a law was passed at Athens in the time of the 
orator Lycurgus, to the following effect : EMjvryKf b^ jcal 
v6fwvs^ rbv TT^pl T&v KtaiM^bQv iyQva roiv Xirpots ^irireXeir ^^- 
litkkov (rifi) iv T^ Oeirpia, Kal top vucrjaavTa €ls tarv xaroA^ 
y€(r$aij itpoT^pov ovk ii6v* ivaXajifiiv<av tov iyQva ^xXcAoiircfra : 
which at first sight would seem to imply that the represen- 
tation of comedy in particular, at the Lensea, was confined to 
one day, the last of the three, the day of the Xikpoi. And 
that might have been the case in his time ; expecially if the 
exhibitions themselves at the same period of their history 
had fallen comparatively into desuetude. But the end and 
intention of this law might also have been to revive the 
interest in these exhibitions, by bestowing a peculiar privi- 
lege on the conquerers in the contests of this kind on one 
day of the Lensea in particular, and that the third or last ; 
viz. that they should be allowed to contend, and as we also 
understand his meaning, with the same plays, at the Diony- 
sia iv itmiy next ensuing, which before they were not privi- 
leged to do. For this seems to have been what was here 
intended by the ck iarv KaToXiyea-Oax. 

When we consider indeed the number of rival composi- 
tions, both tragedies and comedies, which had to be exhibited 
on these occasions (not less than four from every candidate*), 
it will appear to have been physically impossible that the 
whole of them could have been acted on one day. We may 
form an idea of the length of one of these rerpakoyUu collect- 
ively, from the rule which Aristotle lays down for the length 
of an epic poem ▼ — viz. that of one of these r€TpaXoyCai ; and 

B Decern Oratores, yii. Lycurgus. 
t Diogenes L«ertiu8, Plato, iii. cap. i. $ xxxv. $6. ▼ Poetica, 94. 179. 29. 



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CH. I • 8. 5- Dkmyma, or Scenic BepresefUaiiona, at Athens. 5 1 

this role perhaps may be considered to be best exemplified in 
tlie Argonantica of Apollonius Bhodins, the most artificiaUy 
constmcted of all the epics of antiquity : for this is divided 
into four Books» each of them about 1460 lines in lengthy 
and all together about 5887. 

If the AiotnSaia iv AiiAvcus^ or Arfpoia, took up three days, 
the Awpvaia €v iarti, which were not inferior to them in re- 
pate and estimation, and were called the Aioviaia tieyika, or 
greatest of all, could not have taken up less. And with re- 
spect to the Aioinjina iv iypoh, we have already seen reason 
to conclude that, either as succeeding to the place of the 
ancient Gronia, and of the Epagomense of the equable year, 
they lasted five days, or as attached to Posideon 27, yet con- 
fin^ to that month, they lasted four : and this seems to be 
confirmed by an anecdote which Plutarch has related of 
n«iAof , a celebrated actor of these times : U&kov Si t6v rpa- 
yydiy *EpoToa$ipri9 koI ^i\6xopos hrTopovauf kfibofiriKovTa hti 
y9y€PiiiMipov ixtii rpay^Cas iv Thrapa-iv fffUpais biayaufCaatrBcu, 
lUKpim iiivpoaO^ r^ rc\€vr$9^ *• These eight tragedies would 
be a double rcrpaXoyux : and biayaivuratr$<u, the term here 
employed, would imply that none of the four days, taken up 
by their exhibition in this instance, could have made part of 
the vpodyttMT or merely preliminary rehearsal. And yet, as 
we know for certain that the Dionysia Lensa lasted only 

^ This Poliis appears to have been the Oayourite actor of Sophocles : 
and we collect finom Stobaras ^ that he was the principal actor in both the 
(Edipuses. A. GeUitts has related an anecdote of him ^, which implies in 
Eks Banner thiA ha was to in the Electm also. His death is mentioned 

This Polos is mentioned by Lucian also^, along with other eminent 
actocs, Stttyms and Aristodemus, (of both of whom we have had occasion to 
make mention ourselves in former parts of this Work) — and we learn from 
these aOosions that his proper style was UicXos XapucKeovs 2ovvuvs, 
A Polas of .£gina too, a disciple of Archias tfivyadoBfipat, is mentioned 
in Pfaitsich's Life of Demosthenes ^ as the most eminent actor of his 
tisM^ sad even of any time before his. 

i vL 967. Tit. xcfit 18. Arriani. 4 1. 479. Neknomantia, 16 : 71a. 

cf. FfaifesRli, F^agm. xviii. £z Epiitola Pro Meiroede ConductiB, 5. 10 : ii. 688. 

De AnaaUm, zhr. Jupiter Tragoedus, 41. 79. 

J TiL 5. * Cap. xxviii. 

' Us Natna Anian. tii. 40. 

a An seni sit gerenda vespnblica, iiL 
B 2 



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52 Dionysian Correction q^Melampus. diss. vi. 

three days^ and we do not know for certain that the Dio* 
nysia Megala lasted even three, and we have seen reason to 
conclude that the Dionysia iv iypoX^ could not have lasted 
less than four, we may most probably conclude that the oc- 
casion on which this Polus acted his part in eight plays, or a 
double tetralogia^ in four consecutive days^ was one of the 
Dionysia iv iypoTs, and not of either of the other two. 

Section VI. — On the Dionysia, in quarters distinct from 

Athens. 

The Dionysia^ as we observed supra 7, in the proper sense 
of the term^ were characteristic of the Greeks everywhere ; 
and there is reason to believe that they were everywhere ac- 
companied with the same kind of iyQves, fAowrtKolj a-icriifiKol, 
$vfA€\iKol, in general^ as among the Athenians. According to 
AthensBus ', the Dionysia were celebrated by Alexander, and 
a satyrical drama, called *Ayiiv, composed for the occasion, 
was acted, even on the banks of the Hydaspes in India; 
though the necessity of the case requires that instead of 
India we should suppose Persia, and instead of the Hydaspes, 
the Ghoaspes, to have been really meant, as the scene of this 
exhibition &. 

It would be almost an endless task to enumerate all the 
communities of Hellenic extraction, of which the fact, that 
they had their Dionysia, is proved by one kind of testimony 
or another. We will mention those only, the names of which 
have occurred to us inter legendum; jEgse^, AntissaS Asty- 
pal8Ba<^, Alea in Arcadia, a festival called ^Kupia^, Amphi- 
cleia or Ophiteia, in Phocis', JBgina?, Amorgos*», Argos", 
Arcadia in general ^, Orastonia^ Caria™, Corcyra", Kyzicus®, 
ChalkedonP, Clazomense pp, Kynsetha in Arcadia 4» Elis*;^ 

y Page I. 1034. 1. 12. 

z xiii. 6'f 68. ^ Plutarch, De Ezsilio, zii. : Pausa- 

a See supra. Vol. iii. page 147. 165. nias, ii. xxiv. 7. called Tt^piSq. 

b Schol. in Iliad. N. 21 : £u8tathiu5, ^ Polybius, iv. 20, 9. 

917. 41. i Aristot. Opp. 842 : DeMirabilibus, 

c Aristotle, Opp. 1347. 25 a. Oucoro- 122. 

luK^tiu m 1 35 1. 365. CEcon. ii. 

d Corpus Ins. 2483. ii. 381. ^ Corp. Inscript 1845. u* 20-25. 

« Pausanias, viii. zxiii. i. o Ibid. 3655. ii. 913. 1-19. 

' Ibid. X. xxxiii. 5. P Ibid. 3794. 972-974. L 7. 

< Corpus Inscript. 2139 b. ii. lOii- w Maximns T^rins, zzii. i. 259.* 

1013. 1. 41. 4 Pausanias, viii. six. 1. 

b Ibid. 1 263 c. 1032. L35. cf. 2264 1. r Ariatot. 84a : De Mirsbilibos, 123: 



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CB. I. 8.6. 



Dionysia extra Atticam. 



53 



Ereiria*, HermioneS Julis in Keos^, Lebedus^, Larysium 
in the island Cranaey, Messene*, Miletus*, Mytilene^ Ma- 
gnesia <^^ Mantinea^, LampsacusS Naupactus^^ NicomediaS, 
Naucratis^^, Olbia*, Pesinus^^, Pellene^ Patrse™, Potnise in 
Boeotia ", Parus », Phigaleia in Arcadia P, or Phialeia q ; of. 
Staph. Byz. <l>iy<iXeia; Rhodes r, Smyrna S Syras insula ^ 
Salamis^ Sparta*, Samosy, Sikyon^, Tenus*, Teos^ Ta- 
rentnmS Thurii^*, &c. And though it is impossible at 
present to say ivith certainty at what time of the year, or of 
the calendar, they must have been celebrated, in so many 
different instances ; yet that the rule in general was to cele- 
brate them in that month of their proper calendar, which 
corresponded to the Attic Gamelion or Anthesterion, may be 
rendered probable as follows. 

^ Cf . HarpocratiOD, Bcoivca* ra Kara dfiftovs Atovvcrta Otoivia Acycro, cV oh 
ol ynvtfToi M^vop. r6v yap £it6vwrov B€oufQv ZXeyw, w di^Xoi AlirxyXos, Koi 
'lorpoff nr a' Ivpayctymp. Cf. Phot. Lex. Btoanov (6<otV(a) : Suidas, Gcot- 
w u m Hesychiqg, Orotvia. Bvaia Aiovvirov ^AOffyrfO'i, koL Bths Otolpiot Aid- 
nuroff. Cf. Phot. Lex., B^owtov up6v Aioifva-ov, a<^* o5 jcai yivos — Anec- 
dota» OcotMoy i€p6y Aiovvaw/, — Scholia in Pacein, 874, €iraia'afjL€v, This 
would imply that each of the Demea in Attica had its Atovv<na, besides 
what they all celebrated in common. 



Atbensofl* L61: P^nwiniM, vi. ixyi. i . 
called Btfta: Plutarch, De Muliemm 
Virtntibiis, HUica «al Meyitfrii : Qhk- 
atkmea Gnec«, zxzvi. 

* Corp. Inscript 2144. ii. 176. 

^ FMuanias, ii. xxxv. i : DionysoSx 
MtkdpQtftSf a musical dytir. 
^ AthenKOfl, x. 84. 
X Stiabo, zir. i. 179. ad calc. 
7 Fumniaa, iii. zxiL 2. 
s PlvfcHch, Cleomenes, xiL 

* Diodoma, xiii. 104. 

^ Plutarch, Pompeius, xlii. 
« Atheptpos, xii. 45. 

* pMuanias, ^iti. ti. 3. 

* Corp. Inacript. 3640. iL 906. 

' Scbol. in Ariatoph. Acham. 194 : 
Saidaa, Aup6vta : Aoaioi Tc\«ral. 

* HerodiBn, t. 11. 

^ Atbouena, ir. 32. 

I Herod. iT. 79. 18. 

k Corp. Inacript. 4081. iii. 100, 10 1. 

1 hnaniaa, vii. xxvii. i. called Aofi- 

* Ibid. TiL six. ad fin.: xxi. 2. 
■ IM. be. Till. I. 



o Corp. Ins. 2374 & ii. 1074. 
P Athen. {▼.31. 
4 Diodoras, xv. 4a 
' Corp. Ins. 2525. ii. 392: Diodo- 
ras, XX. 84. 
■ Herod, i. 150. 

* Corp. Ins. 2347 c. ii. 276, 278. 
^ Ibid. 108. i. 149, 150. 

* Hesychins, AiorvfTMidcs : H^fuuvaii 
Hvaarpos &art Meuyds : ^lian, De Na- 
tora Anim. iv. 43. 

r Etym. At^ywros. cf. in Ai6ywros. 

* Pausanias, ii. vii. 5, 6 : Herod. 
▼. 67. 

ft Corp. Inscript 2330. ii. xii. 251, 
252. cf. 2331, 2332, 2333, 2334 e: 
ii. 1052. i.6o. 

* Ibid. 3044. ii. 628-631 : 3067. ii. 
654-660: Strabo, xiv. 1. 179 ad calc. 

« Plato, Pars iii. iL 204. 6. De 
Legg. I. cf. Athenaeus, iv. 43 : 245. i 
sqq. lib. ii : Dio, cxlv. r-3 : Livy, xii : 
Valerias Max. ii. iL 5 : Floras, i. 18, 4 : 
OrosinSfiT.i. 214: Julian, Misopogon, 



.3SJ D. 



Diodoras, xii. 10. 



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54 Dionysian Correction q/'Melampus. dibs. vi. 

Section VII. — Cases of the AiovAaia elsewhere than at 
Athensy B. C. 346. 

The proceedings preliminary to the conclusion of peace 
between Philip of Macedon and the Athenians^ B. G. 346, 
were brought to an end Elaphebolion 19, March 19, that 
year®. There was in these times a celebrated actor of tra- 
gedy, called Aristodemus^ whose name is often mentioned 
in the history of these negociations : *0 fiiv vp&Tos elifi^p koI 
fivriaBfis VTT^p rijs ^Ifnjvrji * ApiordbriiAOi Jjv 6 {nroKfurifi, 6 V ficfte- 
(ifjL€vo9 K, r. X.S This actor was personally known to Philip ; 
and was once himself sent to him, Aia r^p yvwnv icat ^av- 
Bpoa-nlav t^s r^wyy^. 

It is asserted by ^schines that when he, and nine others, 
were appointed ambassadors to Philip, preliminary to this 
peace, Demosthenes wished Aristodemus to accompany them: 
and as he was an actor in great request, and had engage- 
ments at this very time in various quarters, in order to set 
liim at liberty, he proposed that the Athenians should 
make themselves responsible for those engagements in his 
stead ^ : Oi^<u V Ijp irp6$vfios €ls rh jirpdy/uuxra, (Sore iv rg /3ov\^ 
ypi(p€i, (he was serving the office of senator at the time',) ba 
iCvfJ^os iiv Tipxv 6 'ApurrSbriiios <n)iJi,vp€<rp€vri, kkiaOax Trpiafitis ivl 
rhs TT^eti, iv oly ftet rbv "Apiard^pLOV iy^vlCefrOaif otrwes ivip 
avTov irapaiTri<rovTcu rhs (tjfjL(as ^. It is manifest therefore that 
the embassy to Philip was setting out at a time which inter- 
fered with these engagements of his, and unless he were to 
be relieved from them would make him liable to certain fines. 
The question then is, at what time it was setting out. 

Now the peace was finally concluded on the I9th of Ela- 
phebolion; but the ambassadors had returned before the 
eighth I. We must therefore take into account the probable 
duration of their absence. Demosthenes ^ reckoned it pos- 
sible for an embassy to have gone from Athens to the Hel- 
lespont in ten days, and even in three or four ; and so it was, 
if it went by sea. But this embassy went chiefly by land. 

« See Bupn, VoL ii. 94 : also Vol. * .£achinet, ii. 1 7. 

iii,65. "'§18.19. 

' See supra, note od IIAAos. > Ibid. iii. 66, 67. 

B Demosthenes, XTiii. t6. " zviii. 38. 
fc ^srhines, ii. 15, 16. 



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CH. 1. 8. 7- Diom/sia extra Atticam. 55 

He himself was one of the ambassadors ; and he gives this 
aoooimt of his own movements ^ : "Ore ybp ttiv irporipav duTj- 
pojMP vpfafitloof rilv iwip rfjs flprivris KiipvKa ^fi^ls ifpoaTt^trr^tr 
Xar€, Sens ^luif {rw^iaerai, t6t€ liiv roCwv m T^x^Tra cb ^Q^pthv 
I^KBqp ovk iviii/iwav rhv KqpVKCLy ovb* ivoCria-av yji6vov oibiva, 
'AAov hk vokiopKOviUvoVy biivKevactv €ls tovtov, kcu itiXw ivrtv- 
$€P vpos Ilapii€v6ipa top voKiopKovpra i£(\06pT€s imjgpav hia rov 
9okqdov (rTpaT€viiaT09 €ls Uayaahs, Kci vpoiovTcs ianjpTa>p ip 
XapLcroff rf KrjpvKi k, r. A. 

This certainly implies that they used all possible despatch. 
It appears moreover from ^schines®, that they had their 
audience of Philip in Macedonia. And though this interview 
seems to have detained them only one day, or two^ yet if we 
consider the distance from Athens even to Dium, (180-190 
Roman miles,) much more to Pella^ and the course which 
the embassy actuaUy took, (an indirect one for Macedonia,) 
we cannot suppose it would require less than ten or fifteen 
days to go, and ten or fifteen to return ; or that they could 
have been absent much less than a month. If then they had 
already returned before the 8th of Elaphebolion, they must 
have set out before the 8th of Anthesterion ; and the month 
Anthesterion itself must have been almost entirely taken up 
with their journey, and the transaction of the business on 
which they were sent. 

It follows that this too must have been one of the months 
for which Aiistodemus had contracted his different engage- 
ments; and consequently the Dionysian month, or one of 
themj in other quarters besides Athens. He could not in- 
deed have had engagements everywhere for the same time ; 
bat he might have had various ones in different quarters, 
each of which might come in one and the same Attic month. 
And if he had contracted such engagements for the first 
month of the calendar, in some of these instances, and for 
the second in others ; yet such were the diversities of calen- 
dars at this time^ and such their relation to the Attic^ that 
the first month in some, and the second in others^ might 
both be coincident more or less with the same Attic month, 
whether Anthesterion, or Ghtmelion. 

There is reason consequently to conclude, that the Diony- 

■ six. i8o. o ii. 23. 43: Dem. xiz. 183. 171. 



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56 DUmysian Correction of Melampus. diss. vi. 

sian month, in quarters distinct from Athens, was most ge- 
nerally the first or second month of the Hellenic lunar calen- 
dar. In some cases we have circumstantial proof of this 
fact. We have seen P that at Andrus the Dionysian month 
coincided with the month of January in the Julian calendar, 
and the stated Dionysian ferise were the Julian Jan. 5—12. 
The Dionysia were going on at Miletus, B. C. 405 % just 
about the time when Lysander arriyed to take the command 
of the fleet the second time : which the context fixes to the 
spring. They were going on at Tarentum, when the outrage 
was committed on the Roman fleet, which led in its conse- 
quences to the Tarentine war ; and that too was early in the 
spring, B. C. 281 '. The iroirjr&v iyiav at Smyrna bore date 
on the 18th Len»on % in the Julian calendar ; as the Dio- 
nysia did on the 12th in the Lunar, corresponding to the 
12th of Anthesterion. At Mytilene in Lesbos this iyiiv was 
going on, when Pompey was there on his way back to Italy, 
B. G. 61 ^ ; and that must have been before the consular co- 
mitia, at Rome, after his return y, and, as it may be collected 
from the Epistles of Cicero » — before the Ides of February, 
U.C. 693, April 10, B.C. 61, if not before the vi kal. Feb., 
March 24, the same year y. To come to still later times, the 
Dionysia at Nicomedia in Bithynia, A. D. 218, the first year 
of Ileliogabalus ', were going on in the winter *. 

* We have met with nothing to imply that the scenic representations in 
question were usually in course, in any other instance, at a different sea- 
son of the year from that of the Attic in general, except a passage in 
Lucian, ii. i. i, Quomodo historia conscribenda est; which relates the 
following curious anecdote of the people of Abdera : 'A/Sdi/pirais it>aaU 
Avtrifidxov ipliri ficuriktvovros, ifortfrfiv ri »6o7ifia & kclKw ^Ckmw rocovro* 
irvprrrf ty fi€v yiip rii irpwra irca^fAtl Suravras ic , r. X. ft ytXoiov d« n irti^p 
frtpuarrj r&r ytwfias avrStv. fhrayrtt yitp is rpaytfhiav iropc Mvovyro. . . fidXc- 
ora dc rriv Evpinidov ^Apdpofitday tfiovij^dovp. . . Koi rovro imirokif ^XP* ^4 
;(C(fiQ>ir, Kal Kpvos d< fuya y€v6fA€vo¥, liravtrt Xifpovvras avrovt, alruuf dc /mm 
doKf I Tov ToiovTOv vcLpcurxf^v ^Ap^fkoos 6 rpayip^s tvlioKifi&p TtSrc, fuaow^ 
TO£ Bipovt cV froXX^ rf ^Xoy/xf rpaytg^tians ovroiv ri)v 'Av^pofMaPy mt 
nvpf^ai T* anh tov Starpov roifs iroXKoits r , r. X. 

P Part i. Vol. ii. 680 n. ▼ Ibid. xliv. 

1 Diodoms, xiii. 101. » Ad Atticum, i. 14. 

r See our Origines KalendariK Ital., f Ibid. i. 13, 14. cf. our Origines 

ii. 236 sqq. Kalendarie Italicae, ii. 47 : iii. 376. 
■ Supra Vol. iii. page 298. ■ Herodian, ▼. n. cf. Dio, Ixxii. 4. 

t Plutarch, Pompeios, zlii. 7. 8 : Lampridius, Anton. Ileliog. 5. 



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CH. I. s. 7. Dionysia extra Atticam. 57 

We shall conclude this part of our subject with one more 
observation. The Ai6weos, or Bd^xo^t of the Greeks, it is' well 
known, was the liber Pater of the Romans, and the Dionysia 
of the former were the Sacra Liberi Patris of the latter ; 
and in the Latin language were more properly called Liber- 
alia. Liberalia, Liberi festa, quse apud Orsecos dicuntur 
Aioriia'ia* — 

£t EKonysiacot Lstio cognomine lados 
Roma colit. Liber qiue sibi vota dicat^^— 

Now Servius has a statement on Virgil^s — 

Institnit Daphnis tbiasos inducere Baccbi ^ — 
from which it must be inferred that, in his opinion, the 
Boman Liberalia were instituted by the Dictator Julius 
Caesar : Hoc aperte ad Csesarem pertinet, quem constat pri- 
mum sacra Liberi Patris transtulisse Bomam. This could 
not have been true, except in some particular sense ; for the 
Liberalia, as attached to the xvi. Eal. Apriles, March 17 
Roman, entered the calendar in every state, from Numa 
down to the irregular calendar ^, the last before the Julian 
oorrection« It was however the case, that B. C. 46-45, the 
first Julian year, (corresponding to Period vi. 7, of the 
Metonic correction,) the 11th Elaphebolion fell on March 17; 
and March 17 Julian, and March 17 Boman, in Servius' 
time, had long been the same : so that, reckoned back from 
his time, the first Liberalia of the Julian correction, March 
17 Boman, TJ. G. 709, and the Dionysia, popularly so called, 
Elaphebolion 11, in the Attic calendar, the same year, would 
appear to have been the same, and the former to have been 
transferred to the Boman calendar of the Dictator Julius 
Cesar, from the Attic of the time being. 

» FflrtDs, X. 404- S- 389-403* 5^- 

^ AnBoniiu, 385. De Feriis Roma- c Edoga v. 30. 

ooram, rer. 39. cf. CWid, Fasti, iii. 703 <K See onr Originefl Kal. TtaUcSp ii. 

•n. Metam. ri. 587 iqq. iEaeid, viL 26 ii« 545. 



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58 Dionysian Correction of Melampus. diss. vi. 



CHAPTER II. 

On the Dionysos of Hellenic antiquity ; on the author of the 

Dionyeia; and on the Dionytian Correction of the 

Primitive Calendar. 



Section I. — On the traditionary account of the introduction of 

the name and worship of the Hellenic Dionysos, and of the 

institution of the Dionysia. 

"EXXriin yhp 8^ McAd^Trov^ i<ni 6 i^rjyriaiii€V09 roi; Aion$crov 
t6 t€ oivoyxL KoL t^v OvcCriv, ical rriv iroiAviiv rod ^aAAo€*...r6if 
d* wv it)aX\6v Tov r<p Aftor^(r<p 'n'ejuiTrdfici'ov McXtjEfi^ov; corl 6 
KaTTyyri<rifi€vos' Koi ivb tovtov fJLa06vT€S 'jroiaia't rh iroic{i<ri*'EAXi^ 
V€s..,'nvBiaBai b4 /uu>i doK^ci fxAXiara MeX(i/ivov9 ra irtpl t6p 
Aiowaop vaph Kcid/xov re tov TvpCov, koX t&v <rhv avr^ in ^oivkrif 
i<t>iKOiJLivoiiv is rriv vvv BouiiThiv KdK€oyAvf\v X^P^^ ^ — McXd^iroda 
d^ ifxuri fi€T€V€yK€Uf i( Alywrrov ra Aion/o'^ voii.ii6yLtva reXeur^cu 
irapa rols ^EXXi^o-i, koL rh, vfpl Kp6vov fivOokoyovticva, Koi ra ittpL 
r^s Tvravoiiaxias^ koX ri avvoXov ri^v ir€pl ra viOri tQ» 0€&p Utto- 
pUuf Z — McXcffiiroda Vk lov '*AiwOiovo$ 2XXoi ^oirli; i( Alyvwrov 
ficroico/xArai rjj *EXX(idi ras Arjovs iopras, ttivOos Vfwovti€vov ^. 

The first pf these testimonies is express that the name and 
the rites of Dionysos were introduced into Greece by Me- 
lampus ; and the two latter ones^ that he became acquainted 
with both in Egypt, and brought them into Greece from 
Egypt. There are other statements of importance in these 
testimonies, but at present we propose to confine ourselves 
to one point, which may be considered established by them, 
especially by that of Herodotus ; yiz. that according to the 
best informed of the Greeks themselves, their own Dionysos, 
under that name, and his characteristic services, were not 
older than Melampus. We must therefore begin with in- 
quiring into the history of this Melampus, and what the 
ancients have left on record concerning him, which may be 
available for the determination of his time. 

* Cf. ik 48. h Clemens Alex. Fhitreptioon, u. § 

' Herod. iL 49. 13. p. 15. 1. a. 

c Diodonif l^c. i. 97. 



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CB. 3. •• 2. DUmynan Correction of Melampas. &0 



SaonoN II. — OuPJke ara ofMelanipiiSt and the mode of 
determining it* 

There cannot be any doubt that this Melampas, the tra- 
ditionary author of the worship of Dionysos, was the cele- 
brated diviner^ so called, whom Virgil associates with Chiron, 
as a physician also, and possibly with as much historical 
as poetical propriety; both Chiron and he having been natives 
of Thessaly, and contemporaries. 

Cessere msgistriy 
PhiflTridet Chiion Amythaoniuaqae Meltmpus^. 

The pedigree of this Melampus is traced by the ancients 
up to Deucalion, through the intermediate names of Amy- 
thaon, Crethes, iEolus, Hdlen^; which implies that they con- 
sidered him the fifth in descent from Deucalion. Did we 
then but know the age of Deucalion, according to the ordi- 
nary mode of calculating by genealogies or generations, we 
might form a probable idea of the time of Melampus, 120 
years later. The age of Deucalion, by the Parian Chron., is 
dated under Epocha iv. B. 0. 1529, which would give that of 
Melampus, four generations later, B. C. 1409; probably, as 
we may see by and by, one hundred years too early for the 
truth. Eusebius^ dates the acme of Melampus ad Annum 
Abrah. 649, which would be about 1368; nearer to the 
truth than the Parian Chronicon, but still much in excess of 
it, as we may see hereafter. 

We are told also, by the same authorities, that as he was 
thus lineally descended from Deucalion, a native of Thessaly, 
so he himself was bom in Thessaly, though he afterwards 
migrated to the Peloponnese, and settled first at Pylus, and 
finally at Argos. But with respect to such questions as 
these, of the personal existence and history, the age or the 
acme, of those individuals who make the most conspicuous 
figure in ancient Greek tradition, we can appeal to no testi- 
mony at present, either older or more authentic and trust- 

' OeotgieB, iii. 545^. Fragm. xzyiii : xlTui : Diodor. iv. 68 

k 8ciioL in ApoU. Bhod. i. iiS: sqq. 

in Septem oontn Thebas, 554: in > Chron. Arm. Lst 11. 119: cf. 

Ffaidari Ffiiam, it. 953 : ApoUodonii, Jerome, Thee. Temp, ad Ann. 648. 
BOiL i Tti. 3 : iz- 1 1 • la : ii* ii : Heeiod. 



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60 Dumyskm Correction qf Melampus. diss. vi. 

worthy, than that of Homer. Let us therefore extract from 
the Odyssey those passages in which mention is -made of 
Melampus^ or of his family before or after him. 

i. "Evff ifroi, irp&TTjv Tvp^ Tdov cvfrarcprtav, 

fj <f>aTO SdX/Mdv^off dfAVfiovof eicyoyor thai, 
fl>rf de KftrfBfjos yinnj tffjifuwu AcoXcdoo' 
*• •• •• •• 

^ d' vjTOKva-irtifUvrj n€\itjp t€K€ nai Ni^X^o, 
ra> Kparepii Btpanovrw Ai6r fieyaXoco y€Vf<r6rjp 
dfifl>OT€p<o' Htkiffs flip €v €vpvx&p«^ 'IcuoXic^ 
vaU vokvppiripot, 6 d* ^p' eV IIvX^ rjfta$6«vTi. 
Toifs d* Mpovg Kp^fSffi T€K*¥ /SaiTtXcta yvpaix&v, 
Aitrovd T ^di ^€pffT ^hpvBaovd ff Umtoxdpyaiv °^. 



Kal XXttpiir €Tlio¥ frtpiKaX\€a, rr^p nore Ni^Xcvr 

yrjfjup i6p biii leaXXor, circl irdpc fivpia idpOf 

SwXordrrjp KovpffP 'AfiifHopos *Ia<ridao» 

6s WOT ip *Opxofiep^ Mtpwft^ Zii/>t Spoaa-tp' 

^ dc IIvXov fiaaiKtvt, rextp dc ot aykaii rexpa, 

N^oTopa re Xp6fju6v re JIepiKkvfttp6p r ay€p»\ap. 

roiO'i d* eir lifiBiyaiP TLrjpia rexe, Bavfia ^poroUr^ 

rr^p irdpTtt piP&opTO TrcpAiercVcu* oWe r* Ni^Xc^^ 

rtt tditov tt firf cXtKOf /3ovr fvpvp€Tim<nf9 

€K ^Xdiais €\d<rtu filrit *l<f)uckTjtujs 

dpydktas' riit d* otos vnta-x^To fidpTis dfivfUiP 

f^ekdop* xoXcYT^ di $€ov jeor^ fioip* iiri^titrep, 

Jko'i^ol T dpyaXeoi kclL fiavKdkoi dypoi&rai. 

dXX* &rf brj p^jpts re ical ripipai e'^ereXevvro 

^ TnpiTtWop^pov Zrtos, Kal imikvOop hpat, 

Koi T&n ^ pav €\v<r€ piij 'l^MicXi^eti;, 

BifrfJKera ndmr ttfrdpra* At6s d* e'reXeiero jSovXi^ " — 



SX«d<{^eir b€ ol ifkvBtp dp^p 
rrjXebcarhs, <^cvyfi>y e*^ *Apy€09, (Lpbpa KaraKxhs, 
yApTisr drhp yeptrfp y* MfXdpwodos txyopos ftp, 
&r nplp p9P iroT tfpcut IIvX^ tpi, pxfrtpi prfknPf 
dfl>pei6s nvX/ouri fiey ^fo^a ^para palmp' 
d^ TvSre y 3KX»p d^pop dffnKtro, itarpiba <l>tvY»p, 
Ni^Xca re ptydSvpop, dyavdrarop C»6pt»p, 
Ss ol xpipora froXkh rtXeaxfydpop etr iviavrhv 
ct^e fiig. 6 de re»r putp hfi p€ydpois ^Xdicoio 
de<r/Att «p dpyaXe^ hibtro, Kparip 3ky€a frda'x»P, 
tiP€Ka SriXrjog Kovptis, arrf£ re fiaptlrjg 
rrpf ol rirl ft^p€ir\ BfJKt Bth baaiikrjins *EptvpW. 

Odysa. A. 135. cf. Pindar. Pyth. iv. 252. » A. s8i. 



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CH. 2. 8. a. DUmyrian Carrectum qf Melampus. 61 

aXX* 6 fuw tlitufivyw idfpa, km ifkauT€ jSovr iptfivKOvs 
^ IlvXor €K ^Xaiaiff Koi trio-aro tpyov OMwis 
mrriBMoy Ni^X^a, KturiyvriTip dc yinfouca 
f/yaytro irp6s b&fiaff, 6 d* SKKiav uccro hr^iuiv, 
"Apyof (s hnr6fioT0V^ r6Bi yap vv ol aiaifiov ^(P 
pau/uvai, wokkouruf dywrawr *Apy€iouri9. 
Ma if fyffu y%nmuca koi v^pc^cr &€to b&fia, 
y€unTO d* *ApTUl>anjp kolL Moptiov, vU Kparaim, 
*ApTt(f>anjs /Jbtp CTwerfv *OLcX^a fieyoBvfAOP, 
avrhp ^Ouckeiijt Xaoaaoop ' Afixfyidpaop, 
&y ircpl jc^pi 0/XcA Z€vs T alyioxos fcai *An6XXmp 
watrohip f/Hk^nfT' ovd* uctro yripcMs ovd6p, 
aXX' SktT Iw Qififi<n yvpai^p tt^KO b»pmp. 
roud* viiis iyhwpr *AXKiiai»p *AfJb(f>iKox6s re. 
Mamos ad rciecro IloXt^tdca re KXtirdv re* 
dXX* ffm Kk€iTOP Xjpvo-66popos flp/nttatp 'Ha»ff 
KoKKfos tip€Ka olo, *p dBaporouri fiertiri. 
avrap vir€p0vfAOP IloXvi^ecdca fiavrtp *An6Kkttv 
&iJK€ fipoT&p ^x ^^P^ffi^^f c'n'<l Baptp * Ap/i^tapaos, 
Of p 'Ywtptia-irfpff an-tpaaa-aro narpl xoXw^ir* 
Ip^ Syt pouramp pmrrtvm irwri /Sporourt. 
rov fup &p vl6s iinj\6€, QeoKkvfiepos d* Svofi* ^tp, 
ts rirt Tij\€fidxov vlkag lororo, ic, r. X. ^ 

There is much to observe on these statements, i. We 
learn from the first passage that Amythaon, the father of 
Melampas^ and Nelens, the father of Nestor, were brothers ; 
both were the sons of Tyro^ the daughter of Salmoneus^ but 
not by the same father: that Amythaon, and two more, 
JBson and Pheres^ were the sons of Tyro^ by Crethes her 
husband^ Neleus, and another^ Pelias, his twin brother, by 
some other person, whose name the fiction of later times dis- 
guised under that of the river-god Enipeus, or of Posidon as 
personating Enipeus. And from this distinction^ we may rea- 
sonably infer that Amythaon^ .Slson, and Pheres, the children 
of T^rro by Crethes, were younger than Neleus and Pelias 
the fruit of this stolen intercourse ; because it is not usual 
in such fabnlons accounts of the birth of these heroes or 
heroines of old, of a mortal mother and some one or other 
of the gods of classical mythology, to suppose them bom 
after the marriage of their mother ; but it is often so, to re- 
present them as the son and daughter by one of these gods, 
of some motber, still a virgin at the time, but given in 

« Odyw. O. 233 *^!^' 



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62 Dionj^rian Oorrection o^Melampna. diss. ti. 

marriage directly after^ to some mortal husband, hj whom 
these children of the gods were to be brought up as his own, 
or among his own. On this principle Neleus and PeUas, 
being twins, would both be older, though probably not much 
older, than ^son, Pheres, and Amythaon. 

ii. It is obvious to remark on these names, Pelias and 
^son, Neleus and Pheres, that the two former must have 
been one generation older than the Argonautic expedition, 
the latter two generations older than the Trojan war. Jason 
the son of i^son was the captain of the Argonauts, Anti- 
lochus the grandson of Neleus, and Eumelus the grandson 
of PheresP, both served in the Trojan war. So far every 
thing in these representations of Homer's is consistent. The 
Trojan war must have been one generation at least later 
than the Argonautic expedition ; and therefore two genera- 
tions at least later than Neleus and Pelias, JSson and Phe- 
res : and by parity of reason than Amythaon, the brother of 
^son and Pheres, also. 

iii. It seems to be implied in the second of the above 
passages that the sons of Neleus and Chloris were only 
three, Nestor, Ohromius, and Peridymenus; and yet it ap- 
pears from the testimony of Nestor himself q that they were 
in reality twelve^ of whom he was the only survivor ; aU the 
rest having been killed by Hercules at the time— 

*EXtf<^ yap p inAxmrt fiiii 'HpoxXi^cu; 

T&v irpoT4pt^¥ ffWtfir, jmnk d* tKToBtp Saaat Sptmn. 

Mitxa yiip NijXijoc ofivfiovot vUn ffuy, 

rm^ otos 'kiw6p;^p, ol d* aXXoi warns SkoPTO. 

We must therefore suppose that in this reference to them 
Homer purposely mentioned by name only the youngest and 
the oldest ; leaving it to be understood that tiie rest were 
comprehended between them. If so, the order of these 
names, Nestor, Chromius, Peridymenus, is no proof of the 
order of birth, except as reckoned from Nestor upwards ; .on 
which prindple, it will fdlow that Nestor bdng the young- 
est, Peridymenus must have been the oldest, and between 
kU birth and Nestor's there must have been as great an 
interval as, in the natural course of things, might be expected 
between the birth of the oldest of twdve sons of the same 

V Iliad, B. 711 sqq. 763: Od. A. 798W 4 IliAd, A. 690. 



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CH. a. 8. a. Dionytian Correetion o^Melampns. 68 

fiitber and mother, and that of the youngest ; an interval 
vhich might be something considerable. 

IT. That Nestor was actually the youngest of the sons of 
Ndens, though nowhere expressly asserted by Homer, yet 
seems to have been the general belief of the Greeks of later 
times; and is more agreeable to his subsequent history; and 
might be inferred even from the fact of his alone escaping in 
the midst of the general destruction of his family, to whatso- 
ever that was duef whether to his having been spared by 
Hercules, on account of his youth itself, or to his having 
been absent at the time and out of the reach of the imme- 
diate danger, or because he only of the family of Neleus 
had allowed the justice of the demands of Hercules, and had 
oounaelled concession'. On the other hand, the tradition 
handed down respecting Periclymenns, and Ms contest with 
Hercules in particular, (though much of fable was mixed up 
with that fact*,) is equally reasonably an ailment that he 
must have been the oldest of the sons of Neleus, and next to 
his fiither the head and champion of the family. 

T. Now with respect to the chronology of the life of 
Nestor, the testimony of Homer both in the Diad and in the 
Odyssey is consistent with itself, and leads only to one con- 
clusion, however improbable a priori that may appear ; viz. 
that in the year of the capture of Troy, B. C. 1181, he could 
not have been much less than 90 years of age; and that B.C. 
1171, in the year of the visit of Telemachus to Pylns, he was 
more than 90*. We will assume then that, according to 

^ Hie fint snaaioii to the age of Nestor, which occurs in Homer, is the 
loDowingi : 

T^ It IpHi dvo fMF ynvol lupAnttv cofBp&wtam 

And Ovid uadnstood this to mean that he was then two hundred jreart 
old): Vizi 

Annos bis centum : nunc tertia vivitur setas. 

The date of this allusion was the last year of the oege, B. C. ii8i. It 

1 niitd, A. 950. 3 Metamorph. zii 187. 

r Cf. SdioL in Uiad. B. 336 : E. L 156 : Apollodonu, it. tU. 3 : Steph. 
39t : A. 69J, 693 : Od. A. 486. He- Bys. T^pn^ia t Orid, Metun. zii. 549 



, 360 : FSndar, Ol. iz. 43: sqq. 
Bwtithiiis ad OdyM. A. 285. 1685. 60: • Cf. Henod, Fngm. zadi. 

SchoL ad Od. r. 68: ApoUon. Bhod. 



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64 JDianynan Correction qf Melampaa. di89. vi. 

Homer, he could not have been less than 85, B.C. 1181; and 
therefore conld not have been bom later than B. C. 1266. 
On this supposition, if he was the youngest, and Periclymenus 

could not imply lesa than that he was then more than sixty ; for a genera- 
tion could not be reckoned at less than thirty years. The next allosion is 
this: 

TpU yitp B^ /UF fffaauf difd^adat yiyt dydp&¥ '. 
the date of which was that of the visit of Telemachua to Pylos, in the tenth 
year after the capture of Troy, B. C. 117 1. We apprehend the meaning 
of this to have been that Nestor had thrice ruled over a distinct generation 
of men ; and was now ruling over a fourth. As the former then implied 
that he was more than 60, B. C. 1181, so must this imply that he was 
more than 90, B. C. 1171 ; and from both together we may infer that be 
was about 85, B. C. 1181, and about 95, B. C. 1171 : consequently that he 
was bom about B. C. 1266, 

It is entirely in unison with this supposition of his age in the last year 
of the siege, when Diomed was about 40, that Homer makes him tell Dio- 
med he was young enough^ in comparison of himself, to have been his 
youngest son — 

*H lAffp Koi v€ot iaal, «fi6s de K€ ml irai£ c^r 
Mrk&rarof y€vt§<^ * — 
for in reality he must have been 46 years older than Diomed. Nor are we 
aware of any fact, in his personal history, mentioned by Homer, which 
would be inconsistent with this date of his birth, circa B. C. 1266. 

There is a long account^ of his first exploits in war; and another* of 
his victories at the funeral games of Amaryncus king of the Epei ; both 
which Homer has put into his own mouth : and on each of these occasions 
he speaks of himself as having been opposed, among others, to the two 
sons of Actor and Molione, Eurytus and Cteatus. Now these two, as we 
hope to shew hereafter, were both killed at one time by Hercules, B. C. 
1244; and from the peculiar circumstances of their death, this date for it 
may be considered a well authenticated one. It is manifest therefore that 
both the occasions above alluded to, when these Actoridae were still alive, 
must have been earlier than B. G. 1244; but how much earlier does not 
appear — and we are at liberty to assume it might have been even B. C. 
1345 or 46, when Nestor himself would be 30 or 21 years of age. 

He is made also to say, in the second of these allusions, that he con- 
tended with, and beat, Iphiclus in the foot-race, at the games in question. 
And that too would have been possible, if Iphiclus, as we may see reason^ 
to conclude, must have been bom about B. C. 1380; and was con- 
sequently fourteen years older than Nestor, B.C. 1345 or 46. He is 
made indeed to say, on the same occasion, that these games at the funeral 
of Amaryncus were celebrated by his sons; but he does not mention the 

S OdysB. r. 145. 4 lljad I. 57. 6 Iliad A. 735-761. 

S niad T. 639-642. 7 Infra. 



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CH. 2. g. 3. Dionysian Correction o/*Melampu8. 65 

vas the oldest, of the sods of Neleus, and Neleas had twelve 
•ont in all, (eleven of them bom before B. C. 1266,) it cannot 
be anreasonable to assame that the birth of these eleven 



I of these sons. And though it appears from the catalogue of the ships 
and fbroes^, that Diores, described as ^AfuipvyKeidrjs, and the same who 
was kiOed in the first battle after this ^ was the leader of the contingent of 
the Epei, yet it is not certain whether by this epithet of 'Afuz^wyiccidiyr a 
eon, or a grandson, was meant. If a grandsoUj the allusion to his presence 
at TVoy» along with the rest of his contemporaries, 64 or 65 years after the 
death of Amaryncus, would occasion no difficulty : and even if a son is 
meant, yet he might have been the youngest of his sons, and possibly only 
jDst bom at the time of his father's death, and therefore not more than 65 
or 66 years old himself, B. C. 1 181, in the last year of the siege, nor more 
than 56 or 57 in the year of the sailing of the expedition. His case would 
be analogoua, in either of these respects, to that of two others of these chiefs 
of the Epeans at Troy, Amphimachus and Thalpius, sons of the two Acto- 
ndsy as he was of Amaryncus ; for these also might have been only just 
bom at the time of the death of their respective Mhers, B. C. 1244 — and 
oonaeqnently not more than 64 or 65, B.C. 1181 — nor than 55 or 56,, 
B.C. 1 190. 

With respect to the allusion which occurs in another instance ^^ to the 
fjipitha* as the contemporaries of Nestor, and to his own presence, along 
with TbeseoB and Pirithous, at the battle of the Lapiths and the Centaurs, 
we have seen i> that the time of this battle must have been 40 or 45 
yean heion B.C. 1181; i.e. B.C. 1121-1126, when Nestor would be 
abofot 40 or 45 himself. There is nothing in this allusion to imply that 
Nestor was younger than any of these his contemporaries : all that he says 
of himself and them is, that they listened to his advice at that time — better 
men, aa they were, than those who had succeeded to them, and among 
whom he was living at this time : which was a good reason why these also 
should listen to kim now. And in reality he must have been older than 
Tbeaeos in particular, if he was bora B. C. 1266, and Theseus only B. C. 
ia5a. The line indeed which here occurs, 

BtfO'ta r Alytidtjp tvutKeXop dOavarowuf, 
has been suspected as an interpolation 12 — laid to the charge of Pisistra- 
toa. It is certainly not noticed by any of the ancient scholia on the place, 
which have come down to us ; though as to its occurrence, verbatim, in 
Hesiod also, who was so much later than Homer, and took so many other 
thinga from him '*> that would be an argument of its genuineness, rather 
than of the contrary. On this point the reader will decide for himself. 
Even if this verse was really one of Homer's, it would imply nothing in- 
eoDsiatent with the personal history and the chronology of the life either 
of Theseos or of Nestor. 

8 Diad B. 615^24. » Iliad A. 517-526. 10 Iliad A. 260-373. 

11 tfapim, Dissertation L page 516 ft. 12 Cf. Plutarch, Theseos, zz. 

is fSee supra, Vol. i. 315. 



ILAL. HELL. VOL. V« 



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66 Dionysian Correction of MelAmfixB. diss. vi. 

might have taken up from 20 to 80 years ; and therefore, if 
Nestor was born B. G. 1266, that Periclymenos might have 
been bom about B. C. 1296. And &om the probable date of 
the birth of the oldest son of Neleus, we may infer that of 
the birth of Neleus, 20 or 30 years earlier, B.C. 1326; and 
from the probable date of the birth of Neleus, that of the 
birth of Amythaon, (especially if he was the oldest of the 
three sons of Crethes and Tyro, as we are at liberty to sup- 
pose for anything which is known to the contrary), one or 
two years later, B. G. 1325 or 1324. And in like manner, 
from the probable date of the birth of Amythaon, we may 
infer that of the birth of Melampus ; only that it is necessary 
first of all to observe that, according to the above statements 
of Homer, Amythaon must have had two sons, Melampus 
and another, whose name is not mentioned by him — though 
from other testimonies it is known to have been Bias. Now 
of these two sons, (until the contrary can be shewn to have 
been the case,) we are at liberty to assume that Melampus 
was the younger ; though probably not much the younger : 
so that if Amythaon himself was born about B. G. 1824^ his 
eldest son might have been bom about B. C. 1299, and his 
youngest, Melampus, about B. C. 1297. 

vi. It appears from the second of the above passages that, 
besides his sons, Neleus had a daughter also, by Chloris, 
called Urjpii. And it might be inferred at first sight, from 
the mention of this daughter, 

TotcTi 8* nr t^^ifu^v Jlrjp^ rtiu — 

that she must have been the youngest of his children, and 
younger than Nestor, the youngest of his sons. But this is 
no necessary inference. These words may mean no more 
than that over and above, besides, or in addition to, his sons^ 
he had a daughter also : on which construction they will affirm 
nothing of the order of the birth of this daughter, relatively 
to that of her brothers, and will leave it free to be deter- 
mined by other considerations, as the necessity of the case 
may require. 

Knowing therefore simply, from the testimony of Homer, 
the fact that this Pero, the daughter of Neleus, was married 
to her cousin, the son of Amythaon and brother of Melam- 
pus ; we may reasonably presume that her age at the time of 



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CH. 2. s. 2. Dionysian Correction e/Melampus. 67 

this marriage, and that of her cousin, were proportional one 
to the other — with this difference only, that whereas the ear- 
liest age of marriage for young men, at this period of the 
history of the world, could not be assumed much before 25, 
that of young women may be assumed, if necessary, at 11 or 
12 — especially in the case of those who, because of their sin- 
gular beauty, were likely to attract suitors at the earliest age. 
We haye seen that Helen must have captivated Theseus at 
9 or 10; and have become the wife of Meuelaus at 10 or 11, 
and have had a child by him at 11 or 12 *. And as TlripiD the 
daughter of Neleua is described by Homer as Oavfia pporoixn^ 
she too must have been remarkable for her personal attrac- 
tions, and therefore likely q priori to become the object of 
the suit of lovers, at the earliest age for marriage ; and might 
be actually married to Bias at 11 or 12. On this principle, 
if he was about 20 at that time, she might be about 11 ; so 
that if Bias was bom about B. C. 1299, she must have been 
bom about B. G. 1289 — seven years after Periclymenus, 
bom, as we have concluded, about B. G. 1296 — and propor- 
tionally later than Chromius also, if he was the next to Peri- 
clymenus. So that the statement of Homer, supra, would be 
literally true, even if construed to imply that she was born 
q/Ker, and not merely in addition to, these two sons. 

yii. The name of Melampus was not mentioned in the se- 
cond of the above passages ; and yet the allusion to the ixiv- 
TC9 i4w§jmv^ which did there occur, could not have been under- 
stood of any other person. But it appears clearly from the 
third, that the person so alluded to in the second was Me- 
lampus. In like manner, neither did it appear from the 
second passage whether all that this fxivrK ^Hfxtav was there 
supposed to have done or suffered, for the sake of the beauti- 
ful Pero, was on his own account, as a suitor for her hand 
himself, or not ; and that point too is cleared up by the third, 
which shews that it was on his brother^s account, not on his 
own, that he went on this adventure to Phylake, and that 
both the end and the effect of all, which he did or suffered 
himself in person, was to secure the hand of Pero for his bro- 
ther Bias. And this must give us an high idea of the strength 
of his affection for his brother ; and so far render the con- 

t Supra, Vol. iv. page 511, note. 

F a 



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68 Dionysian Correction o/Melarapus. diss. vi. 

elusion, that he was the younger sou of Amythaon, so much 
the more probable. 

viii. We may infer however from these omissions of parti- 
cular circumstances and explanations in Homer's allusions to 
this adventure, that the story, to which he was referring in 
each of these instances, was something still well known and 
remembered in his own time, as it could scarcely fail to be 
from its singularly interesting and romantic character. And 
though these omissions of his must necessarily have rendered 
it obscure, and difficult to be explained, at present, had they 
not been supplied from other quarters, yet in reality the 
scholiasts of antiquity have left nothing to desire in this 
respect : and to their accounts of the same incident in the 
life and history of the two brothers, we refer the reader ▼, ob» 
serving only, that the oldest authority for these more circum- 
stantial explanations is Pherekydes. 

ix. It appears from them in general that Amythaon had 
two sons, Bias and Melampus ; that among the suitors for 
the hand of the beautiful Pero, Bias, her cousin, was one ; that 
the price which Neleus set upon his daughter was (he beeves 
of Iphiclus, son of Phylacus, of Phylake, in Thessaly ; that 
Melampus, the brother of Bias, undertook to procure them 
in his behalf; that he went on this adventure accordingly to 
Thessaly; and that, after a year of much personal danger 
and personal suffering, he fulfilled his engagement, and 
brought the cows of Iphiclus back with him from Thessaly to 
Pylus, and thereby secured the fair prize of contention to 
Bias, his brother. And all this, it is evident, is substantially 
contained even in Homer's allusions to the same things, 
especially in the third of the preceding passages ; and is only 
more circumstantially and particularly related by the scho- 
liasts and commentators of later times. 

X. The story itself is certainly remarkable, and at first 
sight looks more like romance than real history. It must 
be admitted too that in the later accounts of it some things 
are mixed up with it, which may well be received with incre- 
dulity ; more especially as to the motive which induced the 

▼ Cf Schol. on the Odjssey, A. 287 Rhod. i. 117. Hesiod, Fngm. xlii. 
sqq. £u8tathitt8, 1684. 61-1685. 50. (Athenaeus, xi. 99.; 
Theocritus, Idyll, iii. 43 : Apollonios, 



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m. 2. s. 2. Dumysian Correction of Melampus. 69 

ownor of the cows himself at last to bestow them as a gift 
on Melampus, after putting him in prison, and keeping him 
so long in confinement there, for attempting to steal them at 
first *. But these improbable circumstances do not appear 

* Our other aathorities, in their account of this incident in the life of 
Melainpaa, imply that before the coming of Melampus Iphiclue had no 
children^ nor any prospect of having any, owing to some accidental injury, 
vhseh he had experienced in early hfe; hut that Melampus, hy his skill, 
cither as a physician or a soothsayer, having undone the effects of this ac- 
cident, conciliated his good will thereby, and was rewarded by him with 
che gift of the cows, for the sake of which he had come to 'Fhessaly. 

There is nothing of this kind in either of Homer's allusions to this sub- 
ject ; and as to the question whether Iphiclus had any children or not, it 
appears from Iliad B. 695-705, and N. 681-^98, that he had two sons, 
eseh of whom served in the Trojan expedition, Protesilaus and Podarkes. 
And yet if Iphiclus was the contemporary of Melampus, and Protesilaus, 
bis eldest son, was not more than 30, B. C. 1190, in which year the ex- 
pedition suled, he must have been bom about B. C. 1220, when Me- 
Uunpas would have been seventy-seven years of age, and Iphiclus probably 
not much less than sixty. It is probable therefore that though he had 
chSdren, they were bom late in his lifetime; and that might have been the 
foondation of the tradition, above alluded to, of his having been incapable 
of having children, until relieved or assisted in some way or other by the 
medicines or charms of Melampus. 

It is observable however that, while Homer in the first of the above pas- 
sages ascribes the release of Melampus to Iphiclus, in the second he seems 
to ascribe his imprisonment to Phylacus, the father of Iphiclus,' 

'O dc T€»t fuv ivl fi«yapoi£ ^vXaicoio 
dfO'pi^ €P apyakf^ d«dcTO, Kparip Skyta itaax<»v- 

We cannot help suspecting from this distinction that Melampus really 
came on this errand in the lifetime of Phylacus, and having been detected 
in the attempt to steal away his cows, was thrown into prison by Phylacus, 
and owed his release to the opportune coincidence of the death of Phyla- 
cus, at the end of a year*s confinement, and to the good will of Iphiclus, 
his son, which he had conciliated in some manner or other meanwhile. 
Even on that supposition, it might be said (as it is by Homer) with strict 
historical propriety, that he brought back with him the beeves of Iphiclus, 
as much as those of Phylacus. On this principle, we should be at liberty 
to assume that Melampus having been bora about B.C. 1297, Iphiclus 
might have been born about B.C. 1280, and have been only 17 years 
younger than Melampus. And though this would suppose him to have 
been 60, B. C« 1220, at the birth of Protesilaus, even that is not impossible; 
or be might ho reality have been more than 17 years younger than Melam- 
pus, and ciMiseqiiently so much less than 60 at the birth of Protesilaus. 
ApoUonios Rhod. L 45, reckons him among the Argonauts ; but the 



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70 Dionysian Correction of Melampus. diss. vi. 

in Homer. AU that he gives us to understand is that, in 
some manner or other^ Melampus' faculty of divination stood 
him in good stead, in the time of need ; and that not only his 
liberation from prison at last, but the gift of the cows also, 
was due to the gratitude of Iphiclus, for some signal service, 
which he had been enabled to render him by means of that 
faculty — 

Ka\ rdre drj fU¥ TXvffc /9tiy 'lifnickiftiri, 

Btarlxna ndvr tMvra* Atof d' irtktiero /SovX^. 

In other respects, there is nothing in the story, so different 
from the customs and character of these early times, as to 
render it incredible. It was usual at this period of the his- 
tory of the world for the young men to purchase their wives 
by costly gifts, called fbva in Greek ; and Homer abounds in 
allusions to that one of the rules of domestic life, even in his 
own time : and in that manner, as he told us in the second 
of the above passages, had Neleus himself become possessed 
of Chloris his own wife, 

*£irc1 }r($/>c i^vpla c3va. 

It was in the power of parents to prescribe what conditions 
of this kind they pleased, before they parted with their 
daughters *. And Neleus, who himself came from Thessaly, 
knew no doubt of the famous breed of cows there, belonging 
to Phylacus ; and in stipulating with the suitors of his 
daughter for these, as the price of her hand, he would appear 
to be doing nothing inconsistent with the custom and prac- 
tice of the times, which required from them ibva of some 
kind or other, before they could obtain their suit f. 

scholiast on the place obaerves, that neither Pherekydes nor Hesiod did 
so. Yet it cannot be denied that if that expedition is to be dated any 
time about B. C. 1250, Iphiclas might have been of a very proper age to 
take part in it. 

* The custom appears in Genesis, in the history of the patriarch Jacob. 
Genesis zxxiv. la : Ask me never so much dowry and gift, is the language 
of Shechem, anxions to obtain the hand of Dinah. 

t There is one ciroamstantial test of truth, which characterises this 
story of Neleus and Pero, Bias and Melampus ; vie. that it begins with a 
marriage suit, and ends with the marriage in question, and takes in just 
one equable year between. The proof of this latter fact indeed we i 



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CH. 2. s. 2. DUmysian Oorreciion q/* Melampus. 71 

xi. It appears further, from the third of the above passages, 
that after the retnrn of Melampas, and the marriage of Bias 
and Pero, they all migrated from Pylus to Argos ; and that 
here Melampus also married, and had children, one of whose 
deacendants, called Theoclymenns, a great-grandson of Me- 
lampus^ accosted Telemachns when he was preparing to 
return firom Fylns to Ithaca. And this is competent to 
prove that the family of Melampus must have continued to 
live at Argos long after him ; but for the more particular 
explanation of this part of his history too, we must go to the 
same scholiasts and commentators as before \ And from 
these we learn another remarkable fact in the personal his- 
tory of Melampus, which also places in a striking light the 
warmth of his attachment to his brother ; viz. that having 
cured the women of Argos in general, or the daughters of 
Proetua in particular, of some mental haUucination under 
which they were labouring, he obtained one of the daughters 
of Proetus for himself to wife, and a third part of the kingdom 
along with her, and another third for his brother Bias. And 
from the time of this partition the ancients date the rise at 
Argos of three ruling families, that of the Proetidse, the 
lineal descendants of PrcBtus, that of the Biantidae, those of 
Bias, and that of the Melampodidae, those of Melampus. 

xii. The account which Homer gives of Theoclymenus, 
supra, is confined to the line of Melampus ; but our other 

for the present ; but that being admitted, in what manner it serves as an 
inlenial evidence of the truth of the account wiH be understood, as soon as 
it is known that marriages among the Greeks, at this early period, were 
wont to he celebrated in the first month of the primitive calendar; as we 
had occasion to explain, in treating of the calendar of Solon, vol. i. p. 95. 
Marriage soits consequently began in the month before the primitive Ga- 
mmon; i.e. in the last month of the primitive year. This suit of Bias' must 
have begun in that month, and Melampus' engagement to fetch the cows 
ci PhylacuB must have been made in the same month. His imprisonment 
consequently in Thessaly would be dated from the end of one equable year, 
and his release and return with the beginning of the next, in the month 
appropriated to marriage ; and in time for the consummation of the mar- 
riage of Bias and Pero in that month. 

« ScfaoL on Pindar, Ncmca, ix. 30; 225 : Pausanias, ii. xviii. 4: Herod. 
ABoQodoms, it U. $ i : i- ix. «. ad fin : iL 49 : ix. 34 : Virgil, Eclog. vi. 48. 
mdorat, iv. 68 : Schol. in Odyss. O. and Servins, in loc. 



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72 



Dwnysian Correction of Melampua. diss. vi. 



authorities haye given us the three liues in conjunction ; both 
that of Proetus, and that of Bias, and that of Melanipus, from 
the time when they began to proceed together. And if we 
may only assume that Proetus in the first of these instances in 
the natural course of things must have corresponded rather to 
Aroythaon the father of Bias and Melampus, than to either 
of them, the consistency of these several lines may be de* 
monstrated by merely exhibiting them in juxtaposition. 



Comparison qf the line qfthe PraUida, the Biantidie, and the Jdelampodidm 
at Argos respectively, from B, C. 1324 downwards. 



PneMm. 




Bfutldc. 


Proetus 


Amythaon 




Amythaon 


Megapenthes 


Melampua 




Bias 


Hipponous 


Antipbates 


MantiuB 


Talaus 


Capaneut 


(Eclea 


oPolypbides 


Adrastus 




Amphiaraus 


Hieodymenus 





That the last names in these lists are those of contempora- 
ries, and in some sense even of SfiriKiices, may be inferred 
from the fact that they are the names of three out of the 
seven, who led the first expedition against Thebes. Aa 
therefore these lists begin together, and end together, they 
must have proceeded together, between : and though there 
is one name more on the list of the Melampodidsd than in 
either of the other two, that may be no difficulty, if the steps 
of descent, from Melampus to Amphiaraus, measured by ge- 
nerations, were shorter than the corresponding ones in the 
other two instances. 

xiii. With respect then to the time of the last person and 
last name in each of these lists, it is determined by the date 
of the first expedition against Thebes. There were two ex- 
peditions against that city ; one under the Seven, the other 
under the children of the Seven, the Epigoni as they were 
called : and the date of either being known, that of the oth^ 
is inferentiably deducible from it. Now it appears from the 
testimony of Homer, that two of the Epigoni, Diomed the 
son of Tydens, and Sthenelus the son of Capaneus, after the 



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CB. a. t. 2. Dianysian Correction q/'Melampns. 73 

aecoiid expedition against Thebes, took part in the Trojan 
expedition : and it may be inferred from his testimony like- 
wise that these two of the heroes of Troy were among the 
yonngest, and even in the year of the capture were not much 
past the flower of their age, if not rather still in their acme, 
and not more than 40 years old. If so^ neither of them could 
have been bom before B. 0. 1221 or 1222. 

Apollodorus 7 seems to have been of opinion that, between 
the first expedition under the Seven and the second under 
the Epigoni^ there was not more than ten years^ interval ; a 
supposition which it is easy to shew would be simply impos- 
sible. We collect from Homer ' that Diomed was an infant 
at the time of the death of Tydeus ; and from Pindar ^ that 
the same was the case with Thersander, at the time of the 
death of Polynikes. And this is confirmed by the tradition- 
ary account of the marriage of Tydeus and Polynikes to the 
two daughters of Adrastus, Argeia and Deiphobe, respectively^ 
only the year before the expedition. And from what is re- 
lated also of Evadne and Capaneus^ it may be inferred that 
their marriage too at the time of the expedition must have 
been of recent date ; and that Sthenelus the son of Capaneus 
also must have been left an infant at his father's death. It 
was simply impossible therefore that the second expedition^ 
in which each of these three took part, could have followed 
within ten years after the first. 

ziv. In fact, it may be proved from the history of the Ne- 
mean games that the actual interval between the two must 
have been 20 years. It has been handed down concerning 
these games, that they were celebrated for the first time^ and 
thereby founded^ by the Seven, in the year of their expedi- 
tion ; and yet were celebrated by the Epigoni also in that of 
theirs. And as the cycle of these games from the firsts like 
that of the Cronia^ the Olympia, and the Isthmia^ was qua- 
driennial ; it follows that if there must have been more than 
foor cydes^ or sixteen years, between these two occasions, 
there oonld not have been less than five, or twenty years. 
And this appears to have been actually the case ; as may be 
proved move clearly hereafter. The true year of the second 

7 BibliothecB, iii. vii. i. < Iliad. Z. 32?. 

* Olymp. ii. 76. cf. Diodoros Sic iv. 66. 



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74 Diany Stan Correction of Melhrnpun. diss. vi. 

expedition, and of the second celebration of the Nemean 
games, was B. C. 1202 ; that of the first expedition and of 
the first celebration was fi. C. 1222. 

XV. The date of the first expedition then being assumed as 
B. G. 1222 ; it will follow that neither Amphiaraus^ in the 
line of the Melampodidse, nor Adrastus in that of the Bian- 
tidsB^ could have been at that time less than 20 years of 
age ; and one or both probably were more. With respect to 
Amphiaraus^ we read only that he had two sons, Alcmseon 
and Amphilochus^ both born before the expedition ; but how 
long before we are not told : though from his history before 
the expedition i> and that of Alcmseon and Eriphyle after it^ 
it may reasonably be inferred that AlcmsBon must have been 
still very young at the time of his father's death. But with 
respect to Adrastus, he was certainly old enough, before the 
expedition^ to have two daughters of a marriageable age, 
i. e. not less than 11 or 12 years old, and one son, too young 
to take any part in the first expedition, but old enough, at 
the time of the second, to be the captain of the expedition 
itself. We may therefore infer that he could not have been 
less than 31 or 82, at the time of the first expedition ; and 
consequently, if that was B. C. 1222, must have been bom 
about B. C. 1253, or 1254. And having this datum, we are 
at liberty to suppose, if necessary, that Talaus his father 
might not have been more than 24 or 25 at his birth ; and 
consequently might have been born himself, about B.C. 1277, 
and therefore the marriage of Bias and Pero might have hap- 
pened about B. G. 1278 : to which we have seen reason to de- 
termine it. 

xvi. In this manner, from the data supplied by Homer, 
and by our other authorities, it is possible to make out a 
series of probable and well connected dates, beginning with 
the birth of Melampus, B. C. 1297, through Antiphates, one 
of his sons, down to Amphiaraus, and the first expedition 
against Thebes, B. G. 1222. With respect to his descendants 
in the line of Mantius ; all we know is, that Mantins had 
two sons, Polypheides and Cleitus ; of whom Gleitus died in 
early life, or, as Homer allegorises the fact, was translated to 
Olympus in the dawn of life by Aurora : and Polypheides, 

* Scholia in Find. Nemea, ix. 30. 



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CH. 2. 8. a. Dionjfsian Correction of Melampus. 



75 



After the death of Amphiaraus^ L e. after B. 0. 1222^ was 
endowed by Apollo with the same gift of soothsaying which 
had distingoished him; and that Theoclymenus^ who ac- 
eoated Telemachns on the shores of Pylus as he was return- 
ing to Ithaca, was the son of this Polypheides, and endowed 
with the same faculty himself: which, in our opinion, is vir- 
tnaUy an argument that he was bom after his father became 
possessed of it, i. e. after B. C. 1222. And as the date of his 
meeting with Telemachus was B. C. 1171 ; it will follow that 
he could not have been more than 50 at the utmost, at that 
time, and very probably was not more than 80 or 40. 

XTii. In fact, though it is by no means easy to arrange 
these different erents, so as to meet all the conditions of the 
case in each instance, and to contradict no matter of fact, 
or testimony, which is known to be on record, still it is 
possible to do it ; and we may take our leave of these sub- 
jects with embodying the results of these different reasonings 
in the following synopsis — which, thoagh not proposed as any- 
thiog more than an approximation to the truth, is neverthe- 
less consistent with testimony ab extra, as far as it goes, and 
with itself; and is recommended by its own probability. 



Chronology of the Melampodidm and the Biantidm. 

B. c. R c. 

BnthofNeleas .. .. 1326 Birth of Amythaon .. .. 1334 

BirtliafPero .. 1389 Birth of Bias 1299 

Birth of Nertor ., .. 1266 Birth of Mdampus .. .. 1397 

Blelampus and Phylacas or Marriage of Bias and Perb . . 1378 

Iphidus 1379 

MtlaimpodidtB, BimUida, 

B.C. B.C. B.C. 

Antipliatai . . 1376 Mantius . . 1370 Talaua . . 1377 

<£cks 1357 AdxastUB 1354 

Amphiarans 1340 Polypheidea 1340 Argeia..i334 

AknwBon 1333 Deiphobei333 

Amphilochus .. 1322 

SepCem contra Thebas .. 122a Theoclyme- 

— — — nU8....I2IO 

Expedition of the Epigoni 1202 



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76 Biofiyaian Correction o/'Melampus. diss. vi. 

Section III.— On the number of the Dionysi of antiquity ; 
and on the opinions entertained concerning them. 

With respect to the number of the Dionysi of classical an- 
tiquity ; it does not appear that in the popular belief, and as 
the object of a common worship among the Greeks, there 
was more than one, or at the utmost two ; Dionysos the son 
of Semele^ and Dionysos lacchus, the son of Demeter or 
Proserpine. But with respect to the opinions of the more 
philosophical, the more curious and inquisitive, the more 
learned and better informed, of the ancient Greeks, on that, 
and similar points — as there were many ApoUines, many 
Athenae, many Hephsesti, many Arteroides, many Hermae, 
and even many Zenes, in their view and apprehension of these 
ideas, so were there many Dionysi. 

Dionysos multos habemus ^ : primum e Jove et Proser- 
pina natum : secundum Nilo, qui Nysam dicitur intere- 
misse : tertium Caprio (Cabiro) patre ; eumque regem Asise 
praefuisse dicunt ; cui Sabazia sunt instituta : quartum Jove 
et Luna, cui sacra Orphica putantur confici : quintum Niso 
natum et Thyone, a quo trieterides constitutsa putantur — 
Tifmavhpos ye fx^r 6 Aiafiios^ Waaav \iy€i TmOr)vriK4vai tov 
Aidwa-ov, r6v \m6 riiftav '2afiiCu)v dvofAaC6fji€vov, ^k Aibs Koi fFep- 
(TfifMinis y€v6yi€vov, efra xynh t&v TiT6v<av <mapa\6ivra, f^iptrox hk 
Kal Ti9 fAvBos TT€pl axfTov KaTo, t6v ""ATroKkiibiapoVf &s €irj yeyovm 
iK Atis ical T7JS9 TTJs bi Trjs ©€/i^A?79 vpoa-ayopevofjAvrjs^ 8ta to cis 
avrriv Ttdirra KaTa0ffjL€\u3v<rO(U' ijv Kara ivoKKayriv kvo^ otolx^^Cou 
TOV <r X^fAiKrjv ol troirjTai TTpoarfyopcHKacrL. icari b€ tovs iroiriTas, 
Ai6w<roi v4vT€' Ttp&ros Aios icol AvaiBiar bevT^pos 6 NctXov, 6 
Kcu PatriK€V(ras Aifivris Kol AWiovCas Koi ^ApafiCar TpiTos Kafiipov 
vals, SffTLS rfj^ ^Aalas i^<r(K€V<r€P, i<l> ov ff KafiLpLKti TcAenJ* 
TerapTo^ 6 Aibs xai XcfUKri^^ ^ tcl ^Op<f>i<os ^ivaTrjpia ^tcAcito, koL 
wp* o5 olvoi iK€pia^' vipLirros 6 Nwov icol 0vfiSi;7;9, As Kori- 
h€i(€ TptenipCha, koL Taika pikv ol 'EKKifv^s. In the Dionysiaca 
of Nonnus, three only are recognised ; one, the oldest of all, 
whom he calls Zagreus, the son of Zeus and Proserpine ; the 
next to him, the son of Zeus and Semele or Thyone, the 
Dionysos properly so called, in honour of whom his own poem 
was written: the third, the son of this Dionysos and the 

»» Cicero, De Natura, iii. 73, 58. c Lydu?, De Monsibus, iv. 38. 7a. 1. 1 1. 



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CH. 2. s. 3. Dionysian Correction o/'Melampus. 77 

nymph Ann, whom he calls lacchus ; the same which the 
popular belief of after-times associated with Demcter and the 
Kor6 at the mysteries <>. To judge also from the account of 
Diodorus Siculus, (the fullest and most circumstantial on this 
point of all which have come down to us, and taken from 
DionysiuB ^y an author who had collected and compared to- 
gether all the TraXaud fivOoXoyCai on these subjects,) the num- 
ber generally recognised among the Greeks was not more 
than three ; the first and oldest of whom was that one, whose 
origin the popular belief referred in the first instance to 
India. This account is too long to be quoted entire ; but it 
may be worth while to extract from it so much as is of use 
to illustrate the present inquiry ^. 

*HfUis 8* ivtl vpo€ipiriKaiuv iv toXs AiyinrnaKoi? TT€pl rrj^ tov 
AtopwTov ycvcVccas kclL t&v vit avrov irpaxd4vT<av,,.olK€iov elvai 
bioKafjifiayofup TrpoaBiivai ra fiu6o\oyovyL€va irfpl tov 0€ov to^ov 
"wapa rocs '£AAi}<ri. rCiv tk Ttokai&v iiv6oypi<f>iav koL itoiifr&v Ttfpl 
Aioiwrov y€ypaKf>6TQ»v aXki/jXois iolz/ju^CDra . . . 5i;(r)((p^s ^ari, Ttepl 
Tijs y€v4<r€^s TOV $€ov to6tov Koi tQp TTpi^^oif ilTtiiv. ol iikv yap 
(pa Aiopvaop ol Si Tp€LS ytyopivai TrapcJ^cb^iKOxrip '• cio-l V ol y^- 
p^atp flip ro^y iLP0poi>v6fAop<f>ov /i^ yeyovivM rb vapdirav d7ro<f>ac- 
pofupoij rriP bi TOV olvov Mtrip Aidpvaov etvai poijlICovt€9>»..oI 
Tolwp ^nxTioKoyovPT^s TttpX tov $€ov TotJrov, Ka2 Tdp iirh Ttjs ifi- 
TcXov KQpvop AiSwoop 6pofii(oPT€Si if>a<rl ttiv yijp ic, r. X. irapa- 
hfhmKOTo^p hi T&p pvOoypdcfHi^p ftoi Tpbf)P yivtaiv^ Kaff r\v (patn 
TOP $€hp h Aiis Kal ArjfArjrpos T€KV<a64irra biaaitaaOfjvai fiiv inro 
Tw yjjytp&p Kol KaBeyjrqSrjpiu, itiXip d* ihrb ttjs A'/jprfTpos tQv pit- 
Attir ovpopyjooBipT^Pf i( iipxv^ viop yei^i^^i/cu* cis </>v<riK(is Tipas 
oItul^ ipiyowri tovs toiovtovs \&yov9, 

Tmp Si pxOoypAKfKAP^ ol crfi^paTOtijbrj t6p B€hp Trap€ioiyoPT€S tt}p 
lup AptoiP r$9 ^ir^Xov. ...avrf TspooiLiiTOVin' ittpl hi tov irXcCovs 
ytyopivfu Aiopiaovs ipL<t>to'PriTovaip. iviot p.ip yap (pa Kal t^p 
avrbp iiro<t>aipoPTai y^piaOai t6p t€ fcarode^fain-a Ta Kara Ths 
olvovodas ft\r. A. koI t6p oTpaT€V<rip,€POP ivl Trourop ttip oUov- 
liipfjp. In M T^p Ta pvoTrjpM koI rcAcr&s jcoi /Saicxe/as cJoi/yijorii- 
li€Pop, Ipioi d^. ...rpcif VTSooTTioipifPoi yfyopipai Korh duonyicrfras 
Xpivov?, ixitrrfp Trpooimovotp Ihm 7rp((^ei9. ical <t>a(n top p.ip ip- 
XBUorarop ^Ivbbp yryopipai, kclL r^s \fApai oirropjiLTnas hia t^p e^ 

^ See mpm. Vol- >▼• THfi HI "qq- • "»• 66. ' iii. 6a. 

•^ K Cf. V. 75. h iii. 63. 



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78 DUmysian Correction o/" Melampus. dfss. vi. 

Kpaatav <^pa6trr\^ itokKfiv ifiiT^Xov^ Trp&Tov rovroif imoBXly^ax )9o- 
rpvas « , T. X — AciHrepov hi yLvOoXoyovai ytvitrOai Aiouvtrov » iK 
Albs fccU n€pa€<l>dvrj9, &s b4 tip€s ^k ArjfAifrpos, tovtov bi irapcur^ 
Aycvai irp&Tov fiovs iv Uporpov C€v(cu k, t. X. rpCrov bi y€vi(r$ai 
Aidwcrov fjximv iv iSh/jpais toCs Boi^rCais iK Acd; Kot Scfx^Ai/s rrjs 
KabfAovK ... atrai fi^v oiv al y€v4<r€is aviMfxavovvrax /xciAiara iraph 
rois va\a(oisK 

noi,rf<r6fA€0a bi ri^v ipxi^ ^^^ Aioini<rov\ bUi to koL Trakaibif 
€?rai <n^pa Tovrop, koI fA^ylirras tiepyftnas KaraTcO^urBcu r<^ 
yiv€i T&v iafOp<iTra>v. clpr/rai fiiv ovp fffiiv iv rah vpoeiprifiivais 
pC^Kois Sti Tiv€s T&v PapPip<ov ivrntoiovvrai r^9 ycvicrtoas rov 
0€ov Toiirov. AlyvitTioi ixiv yap rbv irap aifrols Ofhv "Oaipiv dvo" 
IJLa(6fA€v6v <l>curiv ^Ivai rbv trap "EXXtjai, Ai^irvcov iiaXov\x€vov , . . . 
byuo(ms b\ Tcivs '^Ivhovs rbv Otbv tovtov itap iavTOit i'no<t>atv€a'6ai 
y€yovivai..,,rlfjL€Xs bi Karh fxipos rb v^pl roiJrwi; clprfKires vvv 
rh iraph row "Ekkrjoi ircpl tov Ofov To^irov Xcyoftei^a bU(iji€v — 
After which™ follows an account of the Theban Dionysos, 
son of Zens and Semele — MvOoXoyova-i bi Twes koI frfpov 
Auiiwaov y€yovivai woXi tois xp6voi9 irpoTcpovvTa tovtov, (t>ourl 
yhp iK Albs koI ntpa-fipSvfjs Ai6w<rov y€via6ai rbv inf6 tiv^v 
^afiiC^ov dvo^C^^€vov .... Keyovoi b* avrbv — irpQrov iTn\€iprioai 
fiovs C€vyvv€tv^ Kal bia rovTiAV rbv aitopov t&v KopiiQv imrcXeiir 
K,T.X.n 

And as the ancients were thus divided in opinion concern- 
ing the number of their Dionysi ; so were they with respect 
to their nature. It appears from the preceding statements, 
that, according to some, Dionysos was not a person of any 
kind, but simply an abstract idea ; that of the fruits of trees 
in contradistinction to those of the ground: according to 
others, Dionysos was the name of a person, but common to 
three individuals, one the author of the discovery of the use 
of the vine ; another the author of the art of agriculture, and 
of the inventions and helps instrumental thereto ; the third 
the agent in those actions which tradition attributed to a 
person, so called — the conquest of India, the return in tri- 
umph to Greece, the institution of the orgies and mysteries 
as such. According to others, Dionysos was the principle 
of humidity, both in vegetable and in animal nature, or the 
principle of the sap in trees, or the abstract conception of the 

' iii. 64. k Ibid. 66. * iv, i. m Ibid. 7. 3. » iv. 4. 



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CH. 2. 8. 3. Dionyrian Correction of Melampus. 79 

juices and liqaor of the vine<>. According to Lydus, he was 
the principle of heat or warmth, diffused through the whole 
of liring nature^ and as essential to its continuance as to its 
propagation- in every form and shape P: ^towcros i(m to iv 
Ty wpl y€v6iuvov mivfAo, rovrivri ri 0€pfA6v,.,ovTos yip ^crri to 
$€fiitiap vpcvfia TO iK vdatfs <rnopas vovtos C<aav irvtviMiTucov 
avyKOTariBifuvov tls C^oyovCav koX ai(rf<Tw iravTiop t&v iv rcji 
Ki^liAfi for which reason he was both male and female in 
the same nature and the same person ; and was capable both 
of being dissolved and reduced to the first principles of his 
being, and of being put together again, and reviring in the 
same or a similar form, according to a perpetual cycle. 

Others of the ancients again considered Aiopvaos only an- 
other name for the sun — 

'HXiOf , ^9 At6inftrop MicKifO'tv KoKtowrip 4 — 

Ratrot Tov fiiv '*ATr6KK<a koL t^v *HXiov koI rbv Aiowaov iviol 
^oaiv c&cu Thv avToi/, koX vfAcU oirci vo/itferc ^ — On which sup- 
position, Dionysos and Demeter, so regularly associated in 
the popular apprehension, were only other names for the sun 
and moon respectively. — 

VoB o clarissima mundi 

Lamina, labentem coelo qusB ducitis annum 

liber et alma Ceres *. — 

Stoici^...enndem solem eundem Liberum eundem Apolli- 
nem vocant. item Lunam eandem Dianam, eandem Gererem, 
eandem Jononem, eandem Proserpinam dicunt ' — Sed con* 
Stat aecondum Porphyrii librum quem Solem appellavit tri- 
plicem esse Apollinis potestatem: et eundem esse solem apud 
snperos, Liberum patrem in terris, Apollinem apud inferos. 
nnde etiam tria insignia circa ejus simulacrum videmus, 
Lyram qusB nobis coelestis harmoniae imaginem monstrat; 
(hyphen qose eum etiam terrennm numen ostendit ; Sagittas 
qoibns infemalis deus et noxius indicatur. undo et Apollo 
dietufl est, &w6 tov &iroAcu^7. 

o Cf. mipfB, Vol. iv. p. 256. Disser- * Oeorgica, i. 5. 

titioD n. " Servius, in loc. 

P IT. 95. 109. L 18. ' Cf . ad .^Ineid. vi. iiS. 

« Macn>btiia, Saturn, i. 18. 303. Bz r Ad Edog. ▼. 66 : cf. ad iEneid. 

Oipbeo. vi 78 : iii. 138 : Macrobius, Saturna- 

' Dio Chrys. xxxi. t 570. 30. Rho- lia, i. 18. 



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80 Dionysian Con-ection q/" Melampus. diss. vi. 

Others however, as we also collect from the abore repre- 
sentations of DiodoruSy considered the Oreek Dionysos to 
have been merely the Hellenic name for the Egyptian Osiris. 
According to these^ Osiris was the Egyptian Dionysos, and 
Dionysos was the Grecian Osiris ; and nothing more. Nor 
can there be any doubt that these two opinions, one of which 
identified Dionysos with the Sun, and the other with Osiris, 
expressed the real belief of the first author of the idea and 
of this name for it among the Greeks ; that, according to 
his apprehension of his own conception, the Hellenic Dio- 
nysos was nothing essentially different from the Egyptian 
Osiris, nor either in general different from the Sun^. It 
follows, that whatsoever held good of the nature, the attri- 
butes, the relations, and offices of the Egyptian Osiris, muta- 
tis mutandiaj must have been equally true of the Hellenic 
Dionysos. If Osiris was the great principle of vegetable and 
animal life, Dionysos must have been so too. If Osiris was 
the proper active or masculine agent in the work of universal 
production, Dionysos must have been so likewise. 

Section IV. — On the etymon and meaning of the name of 
Ai6w(Tos. 

On this question however, of what must have been in- 
tended by the author of this idea and impersonation of the 
Grecian Dionysos, we are most likely to arrive at the truth 
by inquiring first of all into the meaning of the name which 
was given it ; i. e. ascertaining if possible, on some rational 
and consistent principle, the etymon of this name of Aiowaos 
in Greek. We say on some rational and probable principle, 
— ^and therefore very different from such explanations as 
have been proposed by the ancients. Plato, with the usual 
infelicity of his attempts of this kind, derives it from hMvat 
and oho9 ; as if it was first and properly AiboCvtia-os, or Aidoi- 
waos : ^Oi' koI iLirh rov bibdvai rbv oivov S UXirciv irapdyti, koI 
Ai^bnjaov tovtov ?roi€i, cTro icat Ai6wa-op • — -"O re yap Aiowco^ 
€lrj &v 6 biZovi Tov olifov, Aibotwcros tv vatZi^ KoAovfACPOs ^. 
But the major part of the grammarians and scholiasts of an- 

s Cf. our Fasti Catholtd, iit. 91. ill. 

*■ Scholia in Hesiod. Opp. et Dies, pag. 33. Movcai. De Baocho. 

b Platon. Pan ii. VoL ii. p. 51. 1. 4. ('ratylus. 



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CH.2. 8. 4* Dionyrian Correction c/Melampus. 81 

tfqvfty^ explain the name by some reference to the elements 
of which it appeared at first sight to have been composed, 
Zcvf, and itrai or Ni^o^ — finding a reason for it in some cir- 
cnmatance of the history of the birth^ or the bringing up^ 
of die safagect of the name itself — Ai6w<ros ivb rod Ai^? koI 
rijs ffimfs rou opov9. ol 5i Ai6w(or K€pa<r<f>6pos yap rcxO^h 
imf(€ riv fjLfipiv rod Aihs^ — ^'Te*;^. 2afidCio9^—^Trj' fj S^fiAty*. 

fidTf MoiriisS* 'Axotds 'AA<^e<rc/3o(9, &inr\ toQ 'Tds* riy yap 
Bixxas iddas IXfyop — "Tijs^' MOeroif ^iouiiaov, &s KXcfliy/yws... 
i tn {^€P 6 $€is iv\ riip yivvr^uf amcv — 

warptfipf itnStiKtv imowfuriv tokwtoIo, 
lamkrivtMp Ai^rMToy, orci nodi ^6prc» deiprnw 
ipM xttkaumw Kpovihtis fi€fipi66ri fufpt^' 
tfvaot on yXJnraTf IvpoKoaa-idt ;^ttXo£ aieovct i. 

And though even in Greece many quarters, (Elis, Attica, 
Bceotia, Naxos, Teos,) disputed with each other the honour 
of having given him birth ; yet common opinion placed the 
seat of his birth rather extra Grseciam, at Nysa, or Nysos : 
and among the localities so called, at Nysos in India, or 
Nyaa in Arabia : Maprvpel bi vols v^' fjiJMv keyo^ivois ^ koX 6 
voafTTis ^ hf Tols £piPoif , Xiy^v Tt€p\ t&v a^jLfpur^riToivTQiv ttjs tov- 
Tov y€vio€ms, xcu j/xa r€KVoiOr^vai> tap^i/riytAV avrhv kv rg fcori 
rrff *ApafiCap Nt/a||. 

Oi ftiw ykp Apaxopf ^ a'*,oiy 'Lcap^ fjvtfjLO€<r<rjg 
^idgr, ol If €9 Na{^, dlov y€vos, Elpa<f>i&Ta, 

{mmwafUmpf %€pMkmif rticMiw Ail rtpvuftpaw^) 
oXXm d* w O^fiffirw, Stm(, fr% Xryouo-i ya^aBai' 
^fr€vd<$fi€yoi. fr« d* h-utT€ tFor^p opdp&v re $*S>w re 
iroXXor air* MpJur^w, Kpvnr^w XcvKcoXcyor ^'Hpiyy. 
ciorri d<r nt "Swni, vnarov Spot, oMov vKjj, 
r^fkov ^oadiait, o^^Wf Alyvmroio fiodatw^, 

'Erv^y yiip dvh x^^^a Xvcraro Ktivrfw 
Ztvt nWr AUwirap ivppa^ot irapb. fujpov ^ — 

c Sdioi in Hiad. B. 395. AtAiwroy. one of his Hymns : cf. Hymn. k^. 

^ Ihiychi— . • lUd. vet. i. Also Bchol. ad ApoU. Rliod. 

' Httd. C Ibid. ii. 1215, where the same passage is 

h Btym. M. cL Phot. Lex. '¥i|f : quoted as if from Herodotus, not from 

Haidas,*t^. Homer. 

I Nonnw, iz. 18. ■" Cf . Theocritus, IdylL zzvL 35. 

k Diodoraa, Hi. 66. n Cf. «d iii. 65. 

* Tte ii, HoBMr* (lee w. a,) in o Dtonysins Perieg. 939- Im Arabm. 

gA f„ BMtd$m VOL. v. G 



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82 Dionysian Correction q/'Melampus. piss. ti. 

NiJo-a Vk tSttos ttjs *ApafiCas, ivda yetfifCLTcu 6 Aidwcros P — Nvira 
Koi Nv(njXov^' Spos, ov KaO* iva r&nov\i<ni yap 'Apafilas, AWio- 
Tilas, AlyjiirTov, Ba0vKQvos^ *Epv$pas, ©pificiys, 0cTTaA£os, KUi- 
Kias, "'IvbiKrjs^ AifivriSy Avhlas^ Mafce5oi;ta9, Nd^v, V€pl to Ilay* 
yaioif, roTTos ^vpCas — Ni/o^toi;'' rrii; Kcyoficvriv Nv<rav. Spos bi 
Kiy€i TTjs Gp^KTis vvv, iv SAA^ "SvaoriCop, fj ^loiriaov hiarpi^ri. 
fi hi Nt/ora iv ix4v Tiai xdpais Spos, &s h BouarCf^ koI 0p4'^77 '^^ 
^ApafiCq KoX ''IvhiKfj Koi Ai^vn koX Nif^. &nov bk Tr6Kis' is iv 
KapCq*, Kal kv r^ KavKaalio 6p€u 5vov bi injaos' is iv NeiA^ 
irora/juj). 

Dismissing therefore these purely imaginary explanations, 
we observe first of all that the oldest form of this word itself 
in the Greek appears to have been Aetiin;<ros : secondly, that 
if there was such a word as A€i6ws, not originally belonging 
to the Greek language, but borrowed from some other, it 
would necessarily become Aeiwoos, by the addition of the 
termination os. Thirdly, that there was actually such a word 
as Aet;i^9, though not in the Greek originally, yet in some 
other of the languages of antiquity, and especially in those 
of the east. 

AtHwaos' 6 Ai6pv<ro9. "^ AvaKpia^v 

IIoXX^ ^ ipifip6^ioy 

AtwnHrov — 

Tov i TpairivTos els € yCv€Tai Afowa-os' ovrta yap dipnoi itpo<f>i' 
povoL fccu ovvaipiaei, Atiwoor . , Jvtoi b4 <t>a<nv, &ti irr^tifi ipaarC- 
\€va€ Nwi^r Karh de r^i/ '^lifb&v 'P<»vriv A^vvos 6 fiaaiKcifS 
k4y€Tai * — Aidwoos ^ . . ol d> A€6waov' iv€ibri jScurtAe^s kyivtro 
NvaiTTjs. AcCj/oi/ bi t6p fiaaikia Xiyovaiv ol ^Ivbol, tts'IJ/Sas...... 

rj 5ri Ai6s Hovtos ir^x'^rj ... ^ itaph r^ ... itaph yap 'HXfloii & 
airros r^ fjkh^ vofilCerai, tv fj 6 baC(av, S tov biovs (o itm, irvpis ^ 
(JHarbs) aiTios — Waios bi 6 Aiowaos rois ^ivbois dvofuifcrai, ivo 
TTJi iv 'IvboTs Nt/ori^s. ov pj6ifov b\ ^Ivbol^ iXXh koL ^curi toI^ KaT 
iKTiva (Ov€(nVy &s </>7/(rt <I>iA(i<iTparo9^, ^i' r<p ^ AvoKKfavlov tov 
TvaviiAS /3^ 7 — 01 b\ Ae6wa-os' hrtl fiaaiXein NtJcn/y (koI) Acv- 
vov 'Apap€s rhv fiacrikia (kiyovai) «. 

Now if there was really such a word as btvvost which did 

P Schol. in Ranas, aiS. Ai^s aU- lies, iv. loi n. 
wwrop. t Etym. M. " Ibid. 

4 Hesychiiu. cf. in Nunjfov. > ii. i. 56, 57. 

r SchoLin Iliad. Z. 133. 7 Scholia in Ranas, a 18. 

■ Cf. onr Origines Kalendaiie Ita- < SchoL in Iliad. B. 325. Lxdnrwrw. 



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cH. 2. 8. 4. Dionysian Correction o/'Melampus. 83 

not originally enter the Greek language, but was introduced 
into it from some of the languages of the east — and if the 
proper sense of this word in its own language was that of 
king ; in these two facts we have all the explanation of the 
Greek /^*6vwros, which can be desired. Supposing only that 
the proper form of the word in its own language was b€vwi^ 
not dcvpor, and that its meaning in any case was that of 
king — as adopted into the Greek language, it would assume 
the form of Mwao^: and beiwaos, we see from the above 
testimonies, was one of the forms of this name, and appa- 
rently the first and oldest in use, among the Greeks. And 
as so adopted and so exprest it would carry with it the pro- 
per sense of king, at first, in the Greek, as much as in its 
own language. And as introduced with that signification, 
it would be more properly an appellative, in the Greek, 
than a proper name ; denoting the king — the king xar ^(ox^fv 
indeed — but nothing more. And in such a title as that, ap- 
plied to its proper subject, taken along with the fact that 
this subject must also have been the sun, we should have a 
strong confirmation of the truth of the etymon ; because we 
know that such was the title, and such the style, under which 
and in which the nations of antiquity (particularly those of 
the east^ from whom this name of Aevw^ was derived) were 
aocQstomed to speak of the sun and the moon, as the two 
supreme and ruling principles ; of the one as the king, of the 
other as the queen, Kar i$oxifiv *. 

* The ladian origin of the name of AUitnHros may be illustrated by that 
of one of the oommonest and best known of his titles, EUlv or E^tof , both 
which Lucretiua applies to him at once, 

Graditur simul Euius Euan *. 

Id ezpbmatioD of these terms we should not hesitate to reject such 
grosses as the following ^ : Eviof koI EUaiot, 6 Aidwa-osj «eal t6 tit avroy 
Mn^Bryfia, E&riM jcol E^ Kara AdKmmg' AcopiJcg yap diaXcrr^ furayevt^ 
vrt/if di^ thttuxp T€v a ipad ytytinjaBai Ei/co^ Koi ILZol Koi 'Rvap. Hesychius 
hnnself has one gloes, E^* intvt^iiuryAs rikuuAt (corrige \rivauAt) koL 
ltvamB6t , , and another, EUat' Ai^uwros: both of which might have been 
derived from E^«fiy. But he has another on Eiap' 6 kio-o^s \mh 'Ivdwr : 
from which we leam that E^ was the Indian for Kiaahs in Greek, hedera 
ia Latin, ivy In English : and as this shrub, next to tbe vine, was the 

1 Lib. y. 749. 3 Etym. M. 

O 2 



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84 Dimynan OorreciUm o/Melampus. diss. vi. 

Section V. — On the Correction of the Primitive Calendar, 
and the introduction of the worship ofDeuims and Durgha^ 
in India, B. C. 1306. 

The result of our inquiries then, as far as they have yet 
proceeded, being this^ That the name of the Hellenic Diony- 
sos must have been ultimately derived from India, the first 
inference spontaneously suggested by that conclusion is. 
That the idea denoted by the name must have been derived 
from India also. If therefore, as we were told by Herodotus, 
the person who introduced both among the Oreeks was Me- 
lampus, he too must have derived them from India. And if 
the time of Melampus, as we have endeavoured to prove, waA 
the thirteenth century before Christ, (from B. G. 1297 down- 
wards,) the introduction of the name and the worship of the 
Hellenic Dionysos among the Oreeks, as originally due to 
him, could not have been older than the thirteenth century 
before Christ — but in India, from which he must have ob» 
tained both, it must have been older than the thirteenth 
century, before Christ, or at least, than the time of Melam- 
pus in that century. 

Now it has been shewn in the first Part of these Origines 
of ours^ that in imitation of what the Egyptians had done 44 
years before, when they conceived and proposed for the first 
time the idea of the two cosmogonic powers of their own sys- 
tem, Osiris and Isis, in their proper relation to each oth^, the 
ancient Hindoos also corrected their calendar B. C. 1306 ; 
and attached the head of the correction, as the Egyptians 
had done that of their Isiac calendar B. C. 1350, to the 17th 
of the Primitive Athyr. The history of this correction so 
made in India was traced in our Fasti Catholici \ first from 
Sept. 25, B. 0. 1806, through three Periods of 120 years, 
(the proper Period of the Cyclico-Julian corrections of the 
primitive equable year,) to Sept. 25, B. C. 946, when the 

most sacred to Dionjnoa of tmj, its name in the Indian language probably 
gave him his title of Euan — and very probably too the consecration of the 
shrub iUelf to Dionysos among the Greeks was due to the fact of its 
being known to have been consecrated to the Deonus of the Indiana also. 

* Fasti Catholici, w. i sqq. b Loco citato. 



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CH. 2. 8. 5. Dumysian Correction (>/'Melampui. 85 

Lanar correction of this Gyclico-Julian calendar was first 
adopted in its stead, and the head of the calendar itself was 
advanced from Sept. 25 to Oct. 1 ; and then, from this 
second epoch of October 1, B. C. 946, to that of March 22, 
A. D. 538 : to which the calendar was left attached; though it 
has not continued attached to it, but has gradually advanced 
upon it, in proportion to the collective amount of the annual 
difTerence of the mean sidereal year, according to the as- 
ramptions of the Hindoo astronomers, and the mean Julian, 
for the interval of time between. 

This correction of the Indian calendar having been made 
in imitation of that of the Egyptian, and in connection toith 
and subserviency to the very same ends and purposes ; the 
introduction of objects of worship, and the institution of rites 
and ceremonies, analogous to those which had accompanied 
the Egyptian correction, B.0. 1350, must have attended this 
Indian one, B. C. 1306 also. The question is only. What 
these objects were? and by what name were they called? 
And though to the first of these questions, it would be obvi- 
ous to answer. That if these objects of worship in India were 
really first conceived and introduced there in imitation of the 
Egyptian, they could not have differed from the Egyptian in 
anything but their names, we prefer to answer it, if possible, 
in a different way ; and to get at the discovery of the proper 
objects of worship associated with the Hindoo correction, 
without going back to Egypt (at least in the first instance) 
to find them. 

Now the first clue to this discovery is the fact, which we 
know of, from other sources, that Nature (*H <Pvais. treated 
as a person, and represented by a feminine principle, con- 
cerned in the production of all material and vegetable or 
animal nature,) has long had and still has a proper name 
amcmg the Hindoos — which name is Durgha. It is still the 
traditionary doctrine of the Hindoos, that when the fatal mo- 
ment, in the decursus of a never-ending duration, was come, 
the supreme principle in their system of theology, Brahma, 
awakened Durgha out of the state of insensibility and inac- 
tivity, called her sleep, in which her existence had previously 
been passed ; and that this was the first step towards the ori- 
gination of the present system of things. 



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86 Dionyaian Correction of Melampas. diss. vi. 

Now, what was the Indiau Durgha, thus represented, but 
the Egyptian Isis, or the Italian Pales, or the Hellenic 
Demeter, merely under a different name ? It is clear then 
that if the Hindoos had among them from time immemorial 
an idea and a person like this, they had among them aa 
Indian Isis, an Indian Pales, an Indian Demeter, from time 
immemorial also. And though it may be objected that on 
this principle, if the Indian Durgha was the Indian Isis, the 
Indian Brahma must have been the Indian Osiris, that is by 
no means a necessary inference from the modern Hindoo 
doctrine on these points ; grafted some time or other on a 
much more ancient theory of the same kind. Nor does this 
modern doctrine do more than represent Durgha as merely 
awakened by Brahma into life and activity. It does not ap- 
pear that the Hindoo Brahma was ever proposed as the pro- 
per masculine principle, coordinate with and correlative to 
the proper feminine one, in the first production of all things ; 
and yet in the nature of things a feminine and a passive 
principle must both have required and implied a masculine 
and an active one: and if the Hindoo cosmogony had an 
Indian Isis from the first, it must have had an Indian Osiris 
also. 

Again, it has been shewn in our Fasti Catholici^^ that when 
the Hindoos, B. G. 946, adopted the Metonic instead of the 
Cyclico-Julian correction, they gave the months of their 
solar calendar the names which they still bear at the present 
day ; and that the first of these months both in the preexist- 
ing Cyclico- Julian correction, and in the Metonic which was 
now taking its place, was the month called Kartika. And 
though the head of the calendar was advanced at this time 
from Sept. 25 to Oct. 1, no change was made either then, 
or ever after, in the order of the months, or in their rela- 
tions to each other, in other respects ; and there has always 
been a month in their solar calendar, called Kartika, and 
always at or about the same season of the natural or the 
Julian year, Oct. 1 to Nov. 1. 

Again, it has also been shewn ^ that, as the civil calendar 
of the Hindoos from the date of this correction, B. C. 946, to 
the present day, has been^ and still is lunar as much as solar, 

c iv. pag. 64 sqq. ^ Fasti Catholid, iv. 31 sqq. 



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CH. 2. s. 5. DionyHan Correction o/Melampus. 87 

the Dorgha month in this lanar calendar^ (i. e. the month in 
which the festival of Durgha, the greatest and most splendid 
in the Hindoo calendar, has always been celebrated,) is the 
lunar Aswina ; but the lunar Aswina^ as still the same, mu- 
tails niutandiSy with the solar Kartika — to which the Durgha 
solemnity was originally attached B. C. 1806. And the rule 
of the celebration in the lunar calendar even at present is 
still the old Cyclico-Julian one, as first adapted to the original 
Gyclico- Julian correction, B.C. 1306, and then to the Metonic 
correction, substituted for it, B.C. 946®. The inference from 
these facta is not only that the idea and name and worship 
of the Indian Durgha must have been as old in India as the 
Gyclico-Julian correction, but also that the festival of Durgha, 
attached in the first instance to the 17th of the primitive 
Athyr, iEra Cyc. 2701, Sept. 25, B. C. 1306, mutatis mutan- 
dis, in still the same that it was at first. 

Again, with respect to the meaning of this name of Durgha, 
that of the impersonation of nature in India, we have made 
inquiries concerning it of the best Sanskrit scholars at the 
present day ; and we have been informed that there is such a 
word in the Sanskrit language, as genuine and as classical as 
any : a word compounded of two elements, dur, and ffha ; the 
former of which they explain to mean the same thing as the 
Greek Sus, and the latter as the Oreek fiaivon or ^6s — so that 
both together in the Sanskrit denote much the same thing as 
hwTij^oi^ hi<Tparo$^ or hvfnrpoaohos would in Greek. 

On this principle, the meaning of this word in English 
would be that of "Difficult of access," "Difficult of ap- 
proach 'J* and that being the case, the first and most obvious 
objection to such an explanation of the name is this — That it 
is the least suitable a priori to such an idea and such a sub- 
ject as must always have been intended by it, which could 
possibly have been imagined. For what was this idea but 
that of the Universal Mother and Nurse, the Almxi Mater and 
Ahna Parens of all things ? And what consistency could there 
be in deriving the most appropriate designation of such an 
idea and such a subject from this property of difficulty of 
access ? as if the common mother of all things could possibly 
be distinguished by a disposition and tendency so foreign to 

* See Fasti Catholici^ It. page 37. 



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88 Dionysian Correction o/Melampus. diss. vi. 

her nature^ not to say her relations to external nature, as to 
forbid, to repress, to repel the approach of her own children. 

It is clear then that thoogh the Sanskrit language has re- 
tained this name of Durgha, it supplies no explanation of its 
meaning, except on the principle of a mere verbal coincidence 
between dur in the sense of dvs, and ffha. in the sense of obos ; 
and consequently between Durgha in composition^ and Atxr- 
obos in composition also. Nor do we hesitate to say that this 
never could have been the meaning of the Durgha of a much 
earlier Hindoo antiquity, the Durgha of the correction of 
B. C. 1306 — the Egyptian Isis under the name of Dui^ha. 
We must therefore endeavour to find, if possible^ some more 
satisfactory explanation of it. 

And here, as in other cases of like kind, a correction of the 
Primitive Calendar, made at a different time, and in a dif- 
ferent quarter, and by a different person, comes in oppor- 
tunely to throw light upon this Indian one, and to furnish 
the clue to the discovery of which we are in search; by making 
us acquainted with the Indian Durgha, under the same name, 
and yet at a distance from her own country. It is in our 
power to shew, (and if we are permitted to continue our in- 
quiries to the time when it may be necessary to give some 
account of the Assyrian correction, we hope to shew,) that 
the celebrated Semiramis also was the author of a correction 
of the Primitive Calendar; the idea of which was derived from 
the Indian, and the first cause of which was due to her In- 
dian expedition: a fact in her personal history which has 
been handed down concerning her, and the truth of which 
this correction itself does more to attest and confirm than 
anything else which is still on record. 

The date of this correction was B.C. 1138 — 168 years later 
than the Hindoo one. We infer the fact of such a correction 
by Semiramis after her return from India, first, from the 
agreement between the date of this correction and the time 
assigned to Semiramis by history ; so that if any such cor- 
rection of the Primitive Assyrian Calendar was made at that 
time, it must have been made by her. Secondly, from the fact 
that as her Indian expedition lasted three years, she was long 
enough in the country to have become acquainted with the pecu- 
liar objects of worship among the Hindoos of this time, and with 



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CH. 2. a. 5. Dumyrian Correction of Melampus. 89 

their proper system of time, and the rule and administration 
of their calendar ; and with the connection between the na- 
tiooal calendar and the objects of the national worship. 
Thirdly^ from the fact that Semiramis herself passed with 
posterity for the daughter of the goddess Derke or Derketo ; 
the fonndation of which tradition, in her case, as in others of 
like kind, was simply the fact that she introduced the wor- 
ship of that goddess. Fourthly, from the fact that the proper 
name of this Assyrian goddess^ whom the Syrians called 
Derke or Derketo^ and the worship of whom was really in- 
troduced into Assyria by Semiramis^ as it has been handed 
down through the Greeks, was Aderga or Adarga, Aterga or 
Atarga, Adei^atis or Adargatis, Atergatis or Atargatis — all, 
it is evident, as well as that of Derke or Derketo, the same 
uUer se, at bottom, and none of them different except per ac- 
cident from the Indian Durgha. We may safely therefore 
infer that the idea and name of the Assyrian Aderga must 
hare been borrowed from those of the Indian Durgha ; that 
the prototype of the former must have been the latter ; and 
tb&t Semiramis, having previously become acquainted with 
the conception of Durgha in India, transferred the name to 
one only accidentally different from it in Assyria. 

It follows that whatsoever was denoted by the Assyrian 
Aderga, the same must have been denoted by the Indian 
Dargha ; and though it would not be proper to digress at 
present, to produce and compare together the various state- 
ments of antiquity from which something like an idea of the 
nature of that conception, which went by this name among 
the Assyrians, might be formed — ^yet thus much we may ven- 
ture to say, viz. That the Assyrian Aderga must bave been 
recognised and proposed in the character of the queen, the 
queen kot* i^oxn^ ; that her proper style and title was that of 
the queen, but her attributes, emblems, and characteristics 
in other respects, were those of the moon ; those of the part- 
ner and correlative of the sun. It follows that such, in all 
probability, must have been the style and title of the Indian 
Durgha. That too in the Indian must have denoted the queen^ 
and, in all probability, such a queen as the proper partner 
and comate of such a king as the sun ; i. e. the moon. 



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90 Dionysian Correction of Melampus. diss. vi. 

And with the knowledge of this fact, thus discoverable 
through \he proper meauing of the Assyrian Aderga^ that the 
Indian Durgha, in all probability^ denoted queen, along with 
the other, that the Indian Deunus^ as a proper name^ denoted 
a person who corresponded to the Hellenic Dionysos^ and^ as 
an appellative, denoted the king, we are placed at last in a 
situation to form a right idea of the nature of the Hindoo 
Correction, B. C. 1306 ; viz. that it must have been connected 
with the introduction, and subservient to the continuance^ of 
the worship of two coordinate and correlative principles, each 
alike superior to every thing else^ and distinguished between 
themselves only by the difference of sex. Consequently one a 
masculine^ the other a feminine, conception of its kind ; to 
the union of which was ascribed the production of all things, 
and to one of which was given the name of Deunus, or 
king, and to the other that of Durgha, or queen ; the real ob- 
jects in external nature, intended by these ideas and these 
names respectively, being the sun and the moon. 

We have repeatedly had occasion to observe that this asso- 
ciation of the sun and the moon, in this relation to each 
other, and to everything else, and under these names of the 
king and the queen absolutely, is characteristic of all the 
cosmogonies and all the theogonies of antiquity, especially of 
those of the East. According to Philostratus, quoted supra^ 
by the scholia on the Iliad, the name of Ni;<ro;, in the sense 
of Aiomxrosy was common, nd<ri rols kqt ixTlia eOvfaiv : and 
though it would not have been true at any time, so far as we 
are aware, to say that all the oriental nations had a common 
name, even for a common conception, which they esteemed 
divine and sacred also, and that, the Greek Aiovvao^ — it might 
have been, and it probably was, true, in the time of Philo- 
stratus, that all of them had a conception of this kind, (to 
which they gave the name of king,) only p^ accidens different 
from the W<ros, or Auiinxrosy of the Greeks, in its first and 
proper sense. 

f Page 82. 



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CH. 2. s. 6. Dumysian Correction of Melampus. 91 

Section VI. — On the quarter from which Melangms obtained 
his knowledge of the Indian Deunus. 

Hie name of the Hellenic Dionysos having been thas 
deriyed firom that of the Indian Deanus, there can be no 
question that both the name, and the idea denoted by it, 
most ultimately have come from India. Now the testimony 
of Herodotus was express that^ among the Oreeks, the 
author of the worship of Dionysos was Melampns ; and that 
must imply that he was the author of the name among them 
also. We are told too, if not by Herodotus^ yet by Diodorus 
Siculus, and Clemens Alexandrinus^ that Melampus brought 
both these things into Greece from Egypt. We must there- 
fore endeavour to reconcile our own conclusions with each of 
these testimonies, by shewing how it may have been equally 
true^ that the name and idea of the Hellenic Dionysos came 
ultimately from India, and yet that they were brought into 
Greece by Melampus from Egypt. 

Egypt, at this period of the history of mankind, being the 
repository of all the knowledge handed down from the ante- 
diluvian to the postdiluvian world, and of all the additions 
made to it, from the second beginning of things downwards, 
it is superfluous to observe that it was the centre of attraction 
to the curious and inquisitive everywhere. Melampus indeed 
is the first of the Greeks of whom the fact, that he visited 
Egypt, is actually on record ; but that fact being admitted, 
thcxe can be no question concerning the motive which took 
him to Egypt, as it did Thales, and Solon, and (Enopides, and 
Pythagoras, and so many more of the Greeks, after him. 
And early as this visit of his may appear, in the history of 
such visits on the part of the Greeks in general, it was not 
earlier than the beginning of such an intercourse between 
Egypt and Greece as must already have diffused in that 
country some idea of the treasures of learning and science 
concealed in Egypt, and must have excited the curiosity of 
the intelligent and inquisitive among the Greeks, to become 
better acquainted with them. The colonies of Cadmus, of 
Danaus, of Erechtheus, and even of Minos, (all older than 
the acme of Melampus,) respectively, and especially that of 
Danaus, which settled at Argos, and from which the Proetidse, 



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9^ Dionysian Correction of MeUmpus. diss. vi. 

the contemporaries of Melampus^ were lineally descended, 
are abundantly sufficient to account for the visit to Egypt, in 
the time of Melampus, of any Greek who was desirous of re- 
pairing to the fountain head of all the wisdom of his own 
day. 

Now the principal city of Egypt in the time of Melampus 
was Thebes. The city of Memphis^ which disputed the palm 
with Thebes, and even eclipsed it, in later times, was not in 
existence in the time of Melampus ; having come into being 
only along with the worship of the Apis, and the institution 
of the Apis cycle, B. C. 973 6 ; whereas the antiquity of 
Thebes must have gone as far back as the time of the descent 
into Egypt \ and was little inferior to that of Zoan (Tanis) 
or On, (Heliopolis,) the only two cities of ancient Egypt 
which we know from the testimony of Scripture to have been 
actually older than the descent. No stranger then, who re- 
sorted to Egypt, attracted by its renown, and desirous of 
access to its stores of traditionary as well as acquired learn- 
ing, could fail to visit Thebes. The populousness, magnitude, 
and wealth of this city, for which it was still famous among 
the Greeks in the time of Homer, three centuries and up- 
wards later than Melampus, were probably at their acme in 
his time ; and among the other causes which might have con- 
tributed to make it the principal city in Egypt, much must 
probably be attributed to the peculiarity of its situation, on 
the banks of the Nile, yet on the high road of the intercourse 
with iSthiopia on the one hand^ and at a convenient distance 
for the intercourse with Arabia and India^ along the shores 
of the Red Sea, on the other, whereby it would seem to have 
been designated as the centre of trade and commerce, between 
Egypt in general and those parts, in these times, as Alexan- 
dria was in after-times. 

Of the fact of this intercourse between Thebes and India 
in particular, we produced a proof, of very high antiquity, 
though not so old as the time of Melampus >, in the Metonic 
correction of the primitive equable calendar, peculiar to the 
Thebai'd, which must have been derived from that of the 
Hindoos, only 57 years after that had been made among 

K Sec onr Fasti CatholiH, iv. 4.^8 aqq. * IWd. iv. 242 sqq. 

i Ibid. iv. 317 sqq. 



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CH. a. 8. 7- Dumgrian Correetian of Melampus. 08 

them in B. C. 946 — and havii^ been so introduced and esta- 
blished at Thebes^ and among its dependencies, B. C. 889, 
oontinued in use in the same quarters much later than the 
beginning of the Christian ssra. There is no reason to sup- 
pose that an intercourse, which was still active and flourishing 
only three hundred years later than the time of Melampus^ 
might not already have been begun before his time ; and in 
that fact, (if it may only be assumed on the strength of its 
own probability,) we have the desired explanation of the phe- 
nomenon » into which we are inquiring, that of the derivation 
of the idea and name of the Oredan Dionysos, both from 
India and from Egypt. The truth must now appear to be, 
that they both came into Greece from India through Egypt. 
They were brought into Greece by Melampus from Egypt — 
they were found by Melampus at Thebes, in Egypt — and 
they came originally to Thebes from India. It is not neces- 
sary to suppose that if Melampus visited Thebes, in Egypt> 
he must also have proceeded as far as India; though such a 
aoppodtion in itself is not impossible. It is sufficient to 
know that if he merely travelled as far as Thebes in upper 
Egypty he mi^t find there not only native Egyptians, but 
very pomibly native Indians also, from whom he might learn 
both the name and the nature of the Indian Deunus. And 
though he must have become acquainted in Egypt also with 
the name and nature of the Egyptian Osiris, and if he did, 
oonld not have (ailed to perceive that there was no diffi»rence 
between the Egyptian Osiris and the Indian Deunus, except 
in name ; it is no wonder that having to choose between two 
a^ieUationa^ for his own conception of the same kind, (that 
of Osiria. which denoted the Son of the Egg^ and that of 
Deouna, which denoted the King,) he should have fixed upon 
the latter^ and therefore brought back with him to Greece, 
ift hia own Aiopvaos or Aeivwos, not the name of the Egyp- 
'Oatp^Ss but that of the Indian Aevirvs. 



SscnoM VII. — On the probaUe motwe to the introduction of 
the worship cfDionyeoa among the Oreeks:. 
lu the pasaage from Clemens Alexandrinus, quoted supra ^, 
it is observable that Melampus was spoken of as the author 

^ See our Fasti Catliolici, ifi. 165 sqq. ^ Page 58. 



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94 DionyHan Correction (^Melaropus. diss. vf. 

not of the mysteries of Dionysos, but of those of Demeter. 
To anderstand this literally would contradict other and better 
testimonies ; and be inconsistent with what we ourselves have 
shewn of the origin of the Eleusinia and of the Thesmopho- 
ria>>^. The question is then, In what sense may it be under- 
stood? without prejudice to the matter of fact and to the 
whole current of Grecian tradition, with respect to the origin 
of the mysteries of Demeter in particular. 

In answer to this, we begin with reminding the reader of 
the testimony of Herodotus, to which we had repeated occar 
sion to refer in the second Dissertation of this Part " ; viz. 
That the daughters of Danaus taught the women of the 
country the Thesmophoria : from which we argued, that they 
taught them the Isia under the name of the Thesmophoria. 
Now it is very observable, that though Herodotus told us ex- 
pressly that the daughters of Danaus taught the Argive women 
the services of Isis, he said nothing about their having taught 
them those of Osiris also ; and yet it was to be expected a 
priori that Isis and Osiris, besides being necessarily connected 
with each other in the nature of things, would have been so 
associated in the apprehensions of all native Egyptians, that 
the idea of the one must have included that of the other, and 
neither could have been thought of, or mentioned, much less 
proposed as an object of worship, by native Egyptians at 
least, without the other. 

Notwithstanding however this very natural presumption, 
we have no doubt that the case was^ as the testimony of He- 
rodotus, literally construed^ implied it to have been ; viz. That 
the daughters of Danaus did introduce into Argos the worship 
of Ids, but not that of Osiris : and we have no doubt also 
that the true explanation of this anomaly, if anomaly it is to 
be called, with respect to these Argive Thesmophoria of the 
daughters of Danaus, which admitted an Isis but not an 
Osiris, is that which we have already proposed ^, to account 
for the same kind of inconsistency in the Thesmophoria of 
Eumolpus and Triptolemus, both of which admitted a Deme- 
ter, and a Eor6, but neither of them an husband of the one, 
or a father of the other. The innocence and simplicity of 

m Diflsertation ii. n Cf. supn, iv. page 304 sqq. 

T. 3M sqq. 



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CH. 2. 8. 7. Dionynan Correction q/^Melampus. 95 

these early times revolted from the open recognition of two 
such distinct principles as the masculine and the feminine 
agents in the work and effect of animal production : and the 
same sense of propriety^ which induced the authors of the 
Eleosinia and of the Thesmophoria respectively to exclude 
from those institutions, as designed originally for the female 
sex, the emblem of the phallus, and every trace of anything 
but vegetable life in the cycle of production adumbrated 
thereby, caused the daughters of Danaus also to suppress the 
name and idea of the proper correlative of the Egyptian Isis, 
the type of the masculine and active principle in the cycle of 
production, as she was of the feminine and passive, in the 
laia which they taught to the women of Argos. 

With respect to the date of this coming of Danaus into 
Greece ; it is a question on which we have never yet formally 
entered : and we shall find it convenient to postpone it still 
to a future opportunity. We may observe however that if, 
as we have hitherto assumed P, all these migrations from 
Egypt to Greece in particular, whether under Cadmus, or 
under Danaus^ or under Erechtheus, or under Minos, besides 
those to any other quarter^ as the Umbrian one to Italy, the 
Colchian one to the Pontus Euxinus, were ultimately due to 
one of the greatest, and longest, and most laborious of the 
undertakings of the ancient Egyptians, the excavation of the 
Lake of M<eris ; none of them could have been earlier than 
the beginning of that undertaking — which we have seen rea- 
son to determine to the epoch of the first Sothiacal period, 
B.G. 1350 q. Of these different colonies to Greece in parti- 
enlar, that under Cadmus appears to have been the earliest ; 
and of the date of this we hope to speak by and by. Next 
to this, that under Danaus; which approached in fact so 
closely to the other, that probably there was only one year's 
difference between them. 

Be this as it may ; the fact of most importance to the pre- 
sent question is this. That several years before the time of 
Melampus the worship of the Egyptian Isis had been intro- 
duced into Argos, and by native Egyptians too— but not that 
of the Egyptian Osiris ; and that^ for anything which is 
known to the contrary, the Egyptian Isis had continued to 

P 8e0 fiipn, VoL hr. 43 iqq. « Sm our F. Cathotid, iu. 193 sqq. 



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96 Dianiysian Correction of MeltitDfu^, diss. vi. 

be worshipped with proper rites and ceremonies, at Argos, 
from the time of the daughters of Danaas to the time of 
Melampus ; but not the Egyptian Osiris. The Argive Hera 
was characteristic of that city from the first ; and the sera of 
Argos was the »ra of the priestesses of Hera from the first : 
and the Argiye Hera was the Argive Isis from the first. In 
this state of the case then we have probably an explanation 
of the motive which induced Melampus to conceive the idea 
of introducing the worship of Dionysos at Argos also : and of 
the end which he proposed thereby. It might naturally have 
appeared to him that neither the Argive Isis, nor the Eleusi- 
nian Demeter, as the impersonation and type of a cycle 
which, though taking its origin in the material and vegetable 
worlds attained to its climax and consummation only in the 
animal and sensible, could be complete and perfect of its 
kind, without a corresponding masculine principle. An Isis for 
the vegetable world, without an Osiris, might be admissible ; 
but an Isis for the animal one also, without an Osiris, would 
be an impossibility. 

It is' very conceivable therefore that the first motive to the 
act of Melampus might have been the conviction that the 
cycle of natural production and reproduction, adumbrated 
whether in the Isia or in the Thesmophoria, could not be 
restricted to the vegetable kingdom of nature ; and if it must 
pass into the animal also, something was wanting in each of 
these institutions, constituted as they were in his time, to 
adapt them to this enlargement of their scope and compre- 
hension respectively. And if he went to £g3rpt, in search of 
this desideratum, that was only to go to the fountain-head of 
each of these institutions themselves; where only, if any 
where, could they be found fully and entirely developed, and 
as true to their principles and assumptions in the practice 
and exemplification, as in the theory. Nor would it make 
any difference whether he had already been in Egypt before 
he conceived this idea of the reformation of the Argive Isia^ 
or went there on purpose after he had formed it. Nor is it 
any objection, as we have already observed, that the mascu- 
line principle, which he actually associated with the Argive 
Isis at last, was not the Egyptian Osiris, but the Indian 
Deunos^— ; if there was no difference between the Osiris of 



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CH. a. 8. 8. Dionynan Correction of Melampus. 97 

the Egyptians and the Deunus of the Indians except in name 
— and if the name of Dennus^ on many acconnts^ for such an 
iiiatitation as that of his Diouysia, and for such an idea as 
that of his Dionysos, was preferable to that of Osiris^ or, as 
OsiriB in his time was still called in Egypt^ Suiris '. 

We will therefore assume that the moving cause to this 
correction of the Argive Isia or Thesmophoria by Melampus 
was the want of a masculine principle in the symbolical re- 
presentation thereof in his time, to correspond to the femi- 
nine which actually entered it. On this assumption^ it is 
easy to see that there might have been a foundation even 
for the statement, referred to supra^ from Clemens Alexan- 
drinns; that Melampus brought the mysteries of Demeter 
from Egypt. He brought that from Egypt, and associated it 
with the mysteries of Demeter^ which was necessary to their 
integrity^ and to make them the same thing in practice which 
they were in theory. And it is a still stronger and more 
striking confirmation of our conclusion, that Melampus 
most have been the first who associated both the masculine 
and the feminine principle in the mystical cycle of his own 
time, that Melampus also, according to testimony, was the 
first who introduced among the Greeks the mystical symbol 
of the relation of these two principles to each other, in the 
shape of the Phallus ^before carefully excluded both from 
the Argive Isia and from the Eleusinian Thesmophoria". Of 
this however more will require to be said by and by. 

Sbction VIII. — On the probable date of the introduction of 
the name and worship of Dionysos ; and of the Correction of 
the Primitive calendar which accompanied it. 

With respect then to the time of this introduction of the 
name and the worship of the Hellenic Dionysos — if Melam- 
pus himself was not bom before li. G. 1297, it could not have 
been older than B. C. 1297 : and if he lived to be sixty or 
seventy years of age, it might have been as late as B. C. 
1230, when he could not have been more than sixty-seven 
years of age at the utmost. 

But before we can come to any conclusion on this ques- 

' See our Fmsti Catholid, iii. 170 sqq. > See Vol. iv. 309. 

KAL. BELL. VOL. V. H 



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98 Dumysian Cof^ectianofMelBm^ns. diss. vi. 

tion, it is very necessary to take into account a well known 
fact in the traditionary history of the Dionysos of the Greeks, 
to which we adverted generally supra t — his Indian expedi- 
tion, his conquest of that country, and his triumphal return 
to Greece. In every account of this fable, his invasion and 
subjugation of India are represented not only as prior, but 
also as preliminary, to the recognition of himself as divine, in 
Greece. The final end of the conquest itself, followed by the 
return in triumph, is declared by the effect, which in every 
account of the fable is supposed to have ensued upon it ; the 
recognition of the divinity of Dionysos first indeed at Thebes, 
where he himself was born, and then, with little or no delay, 
everywhere else in Greece. 

Now, with respect to the first idea of such a fable as this ; 
if the name and worship even of the Hellenic Dionysos did 
really come from India, as much as from Egypt, it is mani- 
fest it had a foundation in the matter of fact; and if it 
implied no more than simply that Dionysos had been ac- 
knowledged in India before he was so in Greece, or even 
that his recognition in Greece followed with little or no 
delay on his recognition in India, it would have implied no- 
thing which was not agreeable to the actual course of things. 
Nor can there be any doubt, in our opinion, whether this popu- 
lar fable of the conquest of India by the Theban Dionysos, 
and of his triumphal return from India to Thebes, followed by 
the confession of his divinity everywhere among his country- 
men the Greeks, must not have been sometime or other 
grafted on the simple historical fsict, which our own inquiries 
have just brought to light, that the first idea of the Hellenic 
Dionysos, and in particular the name, was derived from 
India. 

With respect then to this part of the traditionary history 
of the Hellenic Dionysos ; we may observe that Nonnus in- 
deed, the author of the Dionysiaca, has made this Indian 
expedition the subject of his epic poem, in 48 books ; and 
for that reason, in all probability, contrary to the uniform 
tradition of antiquity, has supposed it to have lasted seven 
years. Tradition represented it to have lasted only three ; 
and it founded on that coincidence the rule of the Dionysia, 

t Page 78. 



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ca. 2. 8. 8. Dionyrian Correction (^/^Melampus. 99 

in the aenae of the Orgies^ themselves — ^as a cycle of three 
yean, a rpienjpCs : T6v y oSv Aton/o-rfy (^<n, says Diodorus ▼, 
Kokiaawra liiv roifs &r€j3e(s ivuuo&s H vpoatvt^Ohna rols iX- 

iwipo^p voi/f<rQffO(u' rpi€Tovs bi htay^ytwifiivov rov (rvfiitatnos 
Xpivovy ^curl rov9 "EXXtpnis airo rol^s tt}s cdrCas iytiv ras rpie- 
nipAav. And again ' : Srparcticrain'a d* €{9 r^i' ^Ii/5iic^v rpierci 
X^M* r^F focdw^p e{f rriv Bouoriav voirjfTcurdcn^ KOfilCovra fikv 
kCK^wpmP iftokoymv vXtjOos' Karayayitv Si vp&rov r&v anivr^v 
BpCofAPop iw* iki<^<ufTos 'Ivbucov. Koi robs fiiv Bouarovs koI rois 
SXX€V9 ''EXkr}va99 kou GpoKas, ivoiimnjiovevovTas ttjs Kara ttiv 
^l»duci^F orpartiaSf icaraJbti^ai rhs TpttrripCbas dvvlas Aioviaf, 
K<d TOP B€hv vofdC^tP Karh t6p xpopop towop voulaOai. tos vaph 
roir ivOp^ivots ivul>aP€las. bib koL iraph voKXak t&p *EXXTivibf»p 
TiAtmp bth Tpmp irm /3aicxeui re yvpcuK&p iBpoiCfaOat k, r. X y. 

The final end of this expedition, and of this return from it 
in triumph, as we have obseryed, was the acknowledgment of 
the diyinity of Dionysos by the whole of Greece ; and the 
time of the return, according to the fable, followed by that 
effect, synchronised so critically with that fact in the history 
of TheseoB, which we considered supra ', his return from 
Crete after his mission with the baapibsf that Ariadne, just 
abandoned in Dia by him, was supposed to have been found 
there by Dionysos, just returning from the east. So that 
OQ this principle there was little or no interval between the 
desertion of Ariadne by Theseus and her discovery by Dio- 
nyaoa: and in some accounts (as for example Diodorus's^) 
the arrival of both at Naxos (Theseus^ on his way home, 
and Dionysos' on his return from India) coincided so criti- 
eaUy, that Ariadne was not found abandoned there by The-* 
aena, but forcibly taken from him there by Dionysos himself. 

Now, though this history of the Theban Dionysos, and of 
Ua Indian expedition, was purely imaginary, the mission of 
Hieaeiia to Crete, and his marriage to Ariadne, were not fabu- 
lous. How then shall we account for such a critical coincidence 
between this one circumstance of a merely fictitious and 
AbohNia 9tory and an actual matter of fact? This fable of 

▼ lii. 65. X iv. 3. 

f Ct Ewebiii9» Pnep. Snoig. ii. 2. 1 15. Apoll. BibUoth. iii. ▼. i. cf. 2. 

s VoL It. page 515. • iv. 61. 

H % 



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100 Dionysian Correction ©/"Melampus. diss. vr. 

the Theban Dionysos and of his adventures in India was no 
doubt the invention of the later poets; and the historical 
groundwork of the fable in general, and of this one of its 
circumstances in particular, was probably this. That the 
name and worship of Dionjsos, as originally derived from 
those of the Indian Deunus, having been introduced into 
the Peloponnese by Melampus, three years before the return 
of Theseus from his mission to Crete, were generally received 
and acknowledged in the rest of Greece, or in Boeotia and 
Attica in particular, about the time of thai return. 

On this foundation, which in itself was a simple historical 
coincidence between two totally different and unconnected 
events, it would be easy to build such a superstructure as 
that of the fabulous conquest of India by the same Dionysos^ 
whose name and nature as divine, however generally received 
among the Greeks, still came ultimately from India— of his 
triumphal return from that conquest to Greece, in order to 
receive the homage due to his divinity, as attested and sealed 
by that conquest — and of the coincidence of the return, fol- 
lowed by this recognition, with a memorable epoch in Attic 
history in particular, the return of Theseus from his mission 
to Crete. If then we know the true date of that return, we 
know the date of the first introduction of the name and wor- 
ship of Dionysos at Argos, three years before ; and the for- 
mer having been already determined to B.C. 1227^, the latter 
is thereby determined to B. C. 1230. 

This point therefore being so far settled — with respect to 
the remaining question, that of the correction of the Primi- 
tive calendar which Melampus associated with the introduc- 
tion of the name and the worship of his Dionysos ; we must 
begin with referring again to the testimony of Diodorus 
quoted once before, supra ^ : M cAd/xiroda 6i <t>a<n iJL€T€V€yK€tv 
i^ Aly&iTTOv TO, AioiritTi^ voixiCofifva rcAeia-^oi iraph rots "EAXiyiri, 
KcH TO, TTfpi Kpopov fivdoKoyovfjLfvay KOI ra trfpl rrjs Tiraro/juix^as, 
Koi r6 <r6vo\ov riiv irepl rh iriOrf tQp Oe&v Itrropiav ^. It is clear 
from this that tradition attributed three things to Melampus, 
the first introduction of the rites of Dionysos as ordinarily 
celebrated among the Greeks ; the fabulous history of Cro- 

* See Vol. iv. 522 gqq. c Page 58. «* Diodonu, i. 97. 



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CH. 2. 8. 8. I/ionysian Correction o/Melampus. 101 

DOS ; and the TiravoimxCa : all too as brought by him from 
Egypt, and apparently brought at once. 

Now in what sense could that be true of all these things 
alike? The rites of Bionysos, it is to be presumed, must 
have meant one things the fable of Cronos another, and the 
Tiravonax(a, something different from both. And though Dio- 
doras enters into no further explanations on any of these 
points, yet we may presume he must have meant by the 
fable of Cronos in particular, here ascribed in its origin to 
Melampus, the same in general which we still read in the 
Theogonia of Hesiod; and by the TiravofjiaxCa, the same 
battle of the Titans and the Olympic gods which is still to 
be read there too. On this principle, the first author of each 
of these fables, as known to the Greeks, as well as of the rites 
of Dionysos, as practised among the Greeks, must have been 
Melampus ; and all must have been brought into Greece by 
Melampus from Egypt, and all at once. 

With respect to that one of these assertions, which attri- 
bates the introduction of the name and worship of the Hel- 
lenic Dionysos, and yet as derived from Egypt, to Melampus, 
we have said enough already to shew that there was good 
foundation for it in the matter of fact. With respect to the 
other two, that he brought the fable of Cronos and Uranus, 
and the fable of the battle of the gods and the Titans, from 
Egypt also, and at the same time too ; the proper explanation 
of these assertions is to be found, first, in the connection of 
these two fables with each other, which was such that they 
moat be considered only as successive parts of one and the 
aame history ; secondly, in the derivation of the second of 
these fables, that of the Ttrai/o/juxxta, from Egypt also, as 
much as the name and the worship of Dionysos. It was 
shewn, when we were considering that fable in particular % 
that these Titans, under their chief Cronos, were the repre- 
sentatives as well as the champions of equable time; the gods 
of Olympus, under the leadership of Zeus, were the imperso- 
nation as well as the asserters of Julian, in contradistinction 
to equable : that these Titans themselves derived their name 
from the Egyptian Tati, or Thoth, the impersonation of 
equable solar time in Egypt, and they were each of them so 

• VoL iv. 517 sqq. 



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102 Dionysian Correction q/* Melampus. diss. yi. 

many Tatis, or Thoths, also ; and that the final end of the 
fable itself^ the secret meaning of the whole of this ima- 
ginary contest between the two systems of time^ the equable 
and the Julian, in the abstract, was simply to explain and 
account for the fact that a correction of the Primitive calen- 
dar^ by the substitution of the Julian for the equable principle 
of reckonings which should have been made ten years before, 
and attached to the 17th of Athyr, was made ck facto ten 
years later, and attached to the 19th of Athyr. 

Now Melampus, if really born about fi. C. 1297, must have 
been contemporary with the correction of Minos, B. C. 1260, 
when the Julian principle, in the shape of the octaeteric 
cycle, was first introduced into the primitive civil calendar of 
the Greeks. It is manifest therefore that neither his time, 
nor the facts of his personal history, as far as anything is 
known of them at present, nor any condition of the true 
authorship of such a fable as this, implied in its own suppo- 
sitions, would be inapplicable a priori to its supposed inven- 
tion by Melampus ; and that, as tradition among the Greeks 
appears to have handed his name down as that of its author, 
so it could not have handed doWn the name of any one more 
likely a priori to have been its author. 

It is manifest that if this fable recognised JBra Cyc. 2787, 
B. G. 1270, as the time when a correction like that of Minos 
ought to have been made, in order to be attached to the 17tb 
of Athyr, and ^ra Cyc. 2747, B. G. 1260, as that when it 
was actually made and attached to the 19th, it oould not 
have been older than B. C. 1260 ; and unless it could be con- 
sidered probable that an ingenious allegory like this, founded 
upon the fact of the correction, would be imagined and made 
public as soon as the correction itself, there can be no objec- 
tion a priori to the supposition that, even if the work of 
Melampus, it was not invented before the introduction of 
the name and worship of his Dionysos, and the institution of 
his Dionysia, with which Diodorus also appears to make it 
synchronous. 

Now it is clearly inferrible from this fable, if we have ex- 
plained it rightly, that in the opinion of its author, the deri- 
vation of a Julian calendar from the preexisting equable one, 
attached in the first instance to the 17th of the primitive 



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CH. 2. 8. 8. Dumynan Correction of Melampus. 108 

Athyr, would have been no irregularity, no novelty ; but the 
derivation of a Julian correction from the equable calendar, 
attached to any other equable date^ instead of the 17th, (like 
the 19th of Athyr, to which that of Minos was de facto 
attached,) was an anomaly, was an innovation, contrary to 
rule and precedent ; to obviate which, and to prevent its be- 
coming the law and the practice in future corrections of the 
same kind, was the sole object of the long and furious resist- 
ance of the Titans, or Thoths, the representatives and propu- 
gnators of equable, in contradistinction to Julian, time. 

We may infer then, from the state of the case in the fable 
of this author's own invention, that he was aware of the rule, 
founded on the example of the Egyptians, at the time of the 
introdoction of the worship of their Osiris and Isis, B. C. 
1350, which had consecrated the 1 7th of the primitive Athyr 
as the stated epoch of Julian corrections, derived from the 
equable calendar indeed, but intended for the regulation of 
rites and ceremonies, in honour of such objects of worship as 
the Egyptian Osiris and Isis; and that he was not only 
aware of it, but approved of it, and must have considered no 
term in the equable calendar so {>roper for an use and pur- 
pose of that kind as the 17th of the third month. It may 
therefore be taken for granted, that if Melampus was both 
the author of this Titanomachia, and the author of a correc- 
tion of the primitive calendar, simultaneous with the intro- 
duction of the worship of his own Dionysos, and subserrient 
to it, it must have been attached by him to the 17th of the 
primitive Athyr. 

And as there were two forms of these Julian corrections, 
either of which might be derived in this manner from the 
equable calendar, the simple Julian, with a cycle of four 
years, and the cyclico- Julian ^, with a cycle of 120 years, it is 
easy to see which of the two the author of such a fable as 
this was most likely to prefer ; the simple Julian, which had 
nothing in common with the equable calendar, except the 
epoch of its own origination, borrowed from it at first, or the 
qrdico-Jnlian, which though Julian in principle as much as 
the other at all times, and at stated times Julian in practice 
and administration, yet to all appearance continued to be 

t See oar Fasti GithoUci, i. 549 sqq. : 555 sqq. 



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104 IHonyHan Correction q/'Melampus. diss. vi. 

equable^ after the correction, as much as before. In answer 
therefore to the question, what kind of correction of the pri- 
mitive calendar Melampus would probably think of making 
for the sake of his own Dionyeia, we may venture to say it 
would be the cyclico-Julian ; and in answer to the fnrther 
question, what would be the proper Julian epoch of such a 
correction, we may likewise nndertake to say, it would be 
that Julian term which in the year of the institution of his 
Dionysia corresponded to Athyr 17. The year of the insti- 
tution therefore having been already determined on probable 
grounds to B. C. 1230^ all we have to do, in order to discover 
the epoch of his correction, is to ascertain the Julian term on 
which Athyr 17 was falling B. C. 1230. 

Now B. C. 1230 corresponded to ^Era Cyc. 2777 ; and in 
that year of the ^ra Cyclica, the first of the primitive Thoth, 
reckoned by the Julian rule from midnight, as our Oeneral 
Tables shew, was falling June 23 at midnight ; the first of the 
primitive Phaophi, July 23 at midnight ; and the first of the 
primitive Athyr, August 22 at midnight : and consequently 
the 17th, on September 7 at midnight. This therefore, if 
we are right in our reasonings and conclusions hitherto, 
must have been the Julian date of the Dionysian correction 
of Melampus, Athyr 17, iEra Cyclica 2777, Sept. 7, B.C. 1280. 
It is the natural result of our preceding reasonings ; and we 
shaU find it confirmed by fresh proofs hereafter*. 

* The date of the introduction of the worship of the Dionyaos of Me-* 
lampus hemg thus determined to B. C. 1230; we may observe that it was 
just eight years, or one Octaeteric cycle, older than the introduction of 
that of the Pythian Apollo by Philammon of Delphi, B. C. I2aa. The 
proper services of the latter were attached to, and celebrated by, an Octa- 
eteric cycle attached to August 26. And this was so near to the stated 
date of those of Dionysos, Sept. 7, that both would often be going on to- 
gether — which was probably the reason, as much as any thing else, why 
mount Parnassus, though properly sacred to Apollo, yet from a very 
early period appears to have been considered sacred to Dionysos also ; to 
which no doubt the peculiarity of the mountain itself, in having a summit 
with two peaks, would contribute also. 

Mons ibi verticibus petit arduus astra duobus. 
Nomine Parnassus, superatque cacumine nubes. 
Ovid. Metam. i. 316. 
Macrobiu(«, Saturn, i. 18 : Item Boeotii Parnasum montem ApoUini 



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H. 2. s. 9. Dionyrian Correction of Melftmpus. 105 

Tlua then haTing been the Julian date of the correction^ 
and the correction itself one of that kind to which we have 
given the name of Cyclico-Julian^ as combining the character 
and appearance of the eqaable reckoning externally with the 
Jnlian in reality, it would proceed from this time forward, 
(Sept. 7, B.O. 1230, Athyr 17, ^ra Cyc. 2777,) in the Pe- 
riod of 120 years ; the Julian epoch, from Period to Period, 
continuing the same in terms as at first, the equable varying 
from Period to Period, in proportion to the recession of 
eqaable cyclical time in Julian, from Period to Period also. 

Section IX. — Scheme of the CycKco-Julian Correction, or 
Dionynan Calendar, of MelampuSy in the Period of \20 
Julian and 120 Equable years respectively, from B.C. 1230 
to B.C. 510. 

Epoch, Athyr 17, iEra Cyclica 2777 
Sept. 7, B. C. 1330 



lUdn. ^mCyc. Midn. B.C. 

Athyr 17 3777 Sept. 7 1230 



n. 


Chceac 16 


3897 


Sept. 7 


1 1 10 


iii. 


Tybi 16-15 


3017 


Sept. 7 


990 


iv. 


Mecbeir 15 « 14 


3137 


Sept. 7 


870 


▼. 


Phanieiiothi4»i3 


3357 


Sept. 7 


750 


vL 


Pharmuthi la 


3377 


Sept. 7 


630 


TU. 


Pachon 11 


3497 


Sept. 7 


5"-5io 



acratmn esse memorantes, simul tamen in eodem et oraculum Delphicum 
el speluncas Bacchicaa uni Deo consecratas colunt. unde et ApoUini et 
libero pairi in eodem inonte res divina celebratur. Nonnus, xiii. 139 — 

nafnnf(r(r6p diKaptfpop — 
Ibid. zzTii. 355. ubi Japiter loquitur, cf. 250. 

^A/iircXof oC <T€ \f\rf6ep c<^i7/i€poff* oiaBa xai avrrjit 
ofMtPoTfpwp vttoittkwf didvfiaova fivarida wtvKrfv. 
dXXd KaviyvriToio rcov vpofidxiC^ Avaiov, 

nafimjirov dc ytpaipt rtifv (yyriova nhpijv, 
dinrdrt jcoofiafovcra ;(opoirviroff Xa)(€ BoKxrir 
trol fjiiXos hnvvmxFa kcu, aypvirtnp Aioyuo^ 
i^X^cxiy dfitfuntpoio'iv 6fi6Cvyop a^fmfUtni rrvp. 



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106 IHonysian Correction of Melampus. diss. vi. 

The ingress of the vith Period^ it is evident, would antici- 
pate 37 years on the archonship of Solon, B. C. 593, and 38 
years on his correction, B. C. 592 ; and in those 37 or 38 
years, the recession of Fharmuthi 12, on Sept. 7, wonld 
amount to ten days exactly ; and Fharmuthi 12, which ^ra 
Cyclica 3377 was falling on Sept. 7, B.C. 630, iBra Cyc. 3414 
would be faUing on August 28, B. G. 593, and iSra Oydica 
3415 on August 28, B. C. 592. For B. C. 593 being a leap- 
year in the Julian reckoning of the ^ra Vulgaris before 
Christ, with the exception of the dates of the first two 
months, the scheme of the equable calendar, in terms of the 
Julian, would be the same, i£ra Cyc. 3414, B. C. 593, and 
^ra Cyc. 3415, B. C. 592. 



Scheme of the PrvmHve Equable Calendar, jEra Cyc, 3414 and 34159 
terms qf the Julian, for the first eight mouths. 



JSmCyc. B. C. JSaCjc B.C. 

3414 693 3415 69a 



Month. 

i. Thoth Jan. ao i. Thoth Jan. 19 

ii. Phaophi Feb. 19 ii. Phaophi Feb. 18 



Month. 




iu. 


Athyr 


IV. 


Choeac 


T. 


Tybi 



iEra Cyc. 34i4—34i5 
B. C. 593— 592 

Month. 

March 20 vi. Mecbeir June 18 

April 19 vii. Pbamenoth July 18 

May 19 viii. Pharmuthi Aug. 17 



Pharmuthi 12 August 38 



Section X. — On the tramfer of the Dionysia of Melampus 
from the \2th of the Sth month in the Primitive Calendar^ 
B. C. 592, to the 12/A of the second in the Correction cf 
Solon. 

From the account of the name and nature of the Dionysos 
of Melampus, which has thus been given, it is evident that 
nothing could have been originally intended by it, except the 
masculine principle in the cycle of production in general ; 
or, if a distinction requires to be drawn between the vege- 



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CH. 2. B. lo. Dumysian Correction of Melampns. 107 

table cycle of that kind and the animal one, with a closer re- 
lation to the latter than to the former. It is dear at least 
that the Dionysos of Melampas, in the idea and apprehen- 
sion of its own author, could have had no exclusive relation 
to any one kind of vegetable production in particular, nor 
could possibly have been conceived and proposed at firsts in 
the character of the Dionysos of later times^ the impersona- 
tion of the vine, or of the fruit of the vine. And though the 
correction of the calendar, which accompanied the institution 
of the Dionysia, was certainly attached to Sept. 7, and Sep- 
tember 7, even at this period of the history of time, might 
not have been more than a month too early for the vintage 
season in Greece, it cannot be doubted that this coincidence 
was merely per accidens, and due to the circumstance that 
the 17th of the Primitive Athyr at the same point of time 
happened to be falling on the Julian Sept. 7. The same 
reason which induced Melampus, B. G. 1230, to attach his 
correction to Sept. 7, would have induced him, B. C. 1806, 
as it did the Hindoos, to attach it to Sept. 25, and without 
any express regard to the season of the vintage, B. G. 1806, 
any more than B.G. 1280; though Sept. 25 would have been 
much nearer to the stated date of that season, for the climate 
of Greece, B. C. 1806, than Sept. 7, B. C. 1280. 

It is manifest therefore, that the connection, which must 
sometime or other have been established between the Dio- 
nyiia, in the sense of the rites and services of Dionysos, and 
the Dionysia, in the sense of the vintage festivities, in its 
origin must have been accidental. And though it may be dif- 
ficolt at present to account for it satisfactorily, yet, if the 
truth on this point liad been handed down by testimony, we 
are of opinion, it would be found to have arisen in fact out 
of the coincidence of the Eleusinia or the Thesmophoria with 
the vintage season, before the Dionysia, and out of the trans- 
ition of the Dionysia, some time or other, into the Eleusinia. 
For both of these were older institutions than the Dionysia; 
and each was attached from the first to a Julian date, Sept. 
25-^ which, even at the time of their institution, would have 
been as proper and suitable for the beginning of ingathering 
cr vintage, as any that could have been selected. Nor after 
the institution of these two solemnities could it fail to hap- 



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108 Dionysian Correction of Melampus. diss. vi. 

pen^ that their proper ceremonies and the vintage festivities 
every year would be beginning and proceeding together. If 
then the Dionysia of Melampus had been instituted along 
with them at firsts or, though instituted before them both, 
had been subsequently incorporated with them, nothing 
would have been easier than to explain the connection be- 
tween the Dionysia, in the sense of the Orgies, and the Dio- 
nysia in the sense of the vintage festivities ; or the popular 
idea and apprehension of the nature and relations of the Dio- 
nysos of those ceremonies himself, as the impersonation of 
the fruit of the vine, which must have grown up in the course 
of time out of this coincidence. 

The history indeed of the Dionysia of Melampus^ from B.C. 
1230 downwards, is obscure and uncertain, but only because of 
the defect of testimony. We may observe however that both the 
Eleusinia and the Dionysia having come into existence within 
80 years of each other — both having been attached to the 
same season of the natural year — both to the same month in 
the Julian, if not to the same day of the month — and one of 
them being professedly devoted to the feminine^ the other to 
the masculine, principle^ in a cycle of production^ communis 
generis — either was predisposed to coalesce with the other ; 
and it might easily come to appear necessary to the common 
end and effect^ proposed by each, that they should be in- 
corporated one with the other. The Demeter of Eumolpus 
could not be complete without the Dionysos of Melampus ; 
nor vice versa, the Dionysos of Melampus without the De- 
meter of Eumolpus. And as the fact is certain that the 
masculine principle, though not originally recognised in the 
institution of Eumolpus, did ultimately get admission into it ; 
it seems on every account most reasonable to suppose it must 
have done so, under the influence of some such conviction as 
this, that the masculine principle was a desideratum in the 
original institution, and must be supplied ab extra^ from 
some other source. And as nothing of this kind could have 
been done among the Greeks anywhere at random, so among 
the Athenians in particular it was never so likely to have 
been done advisedly, and with the requisite degree of au- 
thority^ as B. G. 593, when Solon was archon^ and not only 
remodelling the constitution of the Athenians in general, but 



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CH. 2. 8. lo. Dionysian Correction ofMehmpus. 109 

oanrectiDg the calendar in particular, and in subserviency to 
that making very important changes in the long-established 
rule even of the Eleusinia and the Thesmophoria themselves ; 
of which we have given an account in the second Dissertation 
of this Part s. It would be nothing extraordinary if, at the 
■ame time, he made another innovation in the old rule of the 
Eleusinian institution, which, though a still greater departure 
from the principles and assumptions of its proper author, 
might appear to be required by the reason of things^ and the 
change of circumstances^ — that of adopting the Diouysos of 
Melampus into the society of the Demeter of Eumolpus^ but 
in the form of the '^iaicxp^, or AlSwo-os M yjoar^ — the type 
and impersonation of infant animal life, as the KorS was of 
that of vegetable. 

As then, in tracing the Dionysia from the time of Melam- 
pus to the time of Solon, we have to explain, if possible, two 
&cts, each of them connected with the Aiort/o-ia h Aitwcus — 
(the AiovwTia Xrivaia, cm Ai;i^, or '* AvS€(rTripia) in particular — 
one, why these, from the time of Solon downwards, should 
have passed for the oldest of their kind — the other, why these, 
firom the time of Solon downwards, should have been attached 
to the 12th of the second month in his calendar — With re- 
spect to the first ; we account for it at once, if we suppose 
these Aioviaia h ACfxvais to have been first instituted, and by 
Solon, B. G. 592, and none else, at that time, besides ; and 
none but these for a long time after to have been actuaUy in 
existence among the Athenians. It is no objection to this 
supposition, that Thucydides calls them the ipxaidrfpa Acor 
MMTia even in the Ionic, as well as in the Attic, ritual of his 
own day: for there was no difierence at first between the 
Ionic correction and the correction of Solon. And as to the 
ritual, or liturgic, year of both, the influence of Solon, which 
effected these changes at Athens, at the time of his correc- 
tion, for some reason or other, seems to have extended to 
Ionia, and to the adoption of the same rules and regulations, 
in numberless instances, there also. 

With respect to the second ; we account for that too, if we 
suppose that when Solon adopted the Aiowa-os of Melampus 
into the mysteries, under the name of the mystical "lanxos, he 

9 8ee Vol. iy. page 339 sqq. and page 378 sqq. 



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1 10 Dionysian Correction of Mekoipus. diss. vi. 

set back the Dionysia^ as before observed according to their 
original rule, from the 12th of Pharmuthi, on which they 
were falling B. C. 693 or B. C. 592, to the 12th of Phaophi ; 
or, in terms of his own correction, from the 12th of his Meta- 
geitnion to the 12th of his Anthesterion. And this will ex- 
plain another peculiarity of the rule of these Aiovvaia iw 
AliJLvati — that they had two days assigned them, in the cor- 
rection of Solon, the 12th and 13th, of the proper month ; 
and not merely one. The correction of Solon was derived 
from the Primitive Calendar; and in the year of the correc- 
tion, the first of Gamelion, Cycle i. 1 of his calendar, and the 
first of Thoth, Mth Cyc. 3415, were absolutely the same, and 
both with Jan. 19, B. C. 592. But the first of his Antheste- 
rion the same year anticipated one day on the first of Phao- 
phi; Feb. 17 instead of Feb. 18: the consequence of which 
would be, that the 12th of Pharmuthi, set back to the 12th 
of Phaophi the same year, would be set back to March 1 : 
the 12th of Metageitnion, set back to the 12th of Antheste- 
rion, would be set back to Feb. 28. The Dionysia of Sok>a 
were consequently attached to both; both to the 12th of 
Anthesterion, Feb. 28, and to the 13th, March 1 : to the 
former under the name of the XJe^, and to the latter under 
that of the X&rpoi. 

And these two appear to have been de facto the proper 
dates of the AuyvHaia Ip AC^cus, in his calendar, ever after. 
For though there was another date, that of the UiBoiyia, at- 
tached to the 11th of the month, which, along with the X^ 
and the Xi/rpoi, made up the Ai^i^oia in general, and is com- 
monly redconed one of the component parts of the AtovAa-ta 
iv Aliivoii^ this connection seems to have grown up only in 
the course of time, and to have been accidental originally. 
For this particular ceremony of the HiBolyia iq[ipears to have 
been more ceoonomic than Dionysian ; and to have been at- 
tadied to the 11th of Anthesterion for a reason more oodp' 
nected with the ordinary business of domestic life and bonae- 
hold management, than any of the services of religion K Bat 
the Dionysia in the sense of the scenic representations seem 
to have begun properly on the Xdc;, the 12th, not the 11th, 
of the month. And though the annual arehonship had long 

bCf.VoLii.7a3tqq. 



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CH. a. 8. 1 o. Diorufsian Correction of Mekmpas. Ill 

beem in existence in the time of Solon, and he might, had 
he pleased, have assigned the care and superintendence of 
these Dionysia to the archon Eponymus ; it is to be consi- 
dered that, as representing the original Dionysia of Melampus, 
and possibly as old^ among the ancient observances of the 
Athenians, as the time of Theseus himself, the contemporary 
of Melampus >, they would appear to belong more properly to 
the jurisdiction of the "Apxjiov BoirtXct/s — the representative of 
die ancient kings of Athens, in name, even in Solon- s time. 

It may however be objected to this account of the pro- 
bable institution of the Atoi^ux iv Alfxvcus, that, as there 
were only five periods of 120 years between the time of 
Melampus and that of Solon, it was to be expected a 
priori he would go back only five months, from the proper 
date of the Dionysia of Melampus in his own correction; 
and therefore from the 12th of Metageitnion, B*C. 592, to 
the 12th of ElaphebolioQ, not to the 12th of Anthesterion. 
Bat it should be recollected, as we saw supra ^, that there 
was a preexisting ceremony among the Athenians, much older 
than his correction, under the name of the Xo€9 — which tra- 
dition derived from the time of Orestes — and the stated date 
at which, as transmitted from that time to his, was the second 
month of the Primitive Calendar, represented in his correo- 
tioa by the month Anthesterion. It was probably for the 
sake of this that Solon went bade one month further than 
mi^t otherwise seem to have been necessary, to find the 
proper term in his own correction, to which he should attach 
his IMonysia. It is certain that these were attached de facto 
to the 12th of the second month in his calendar, under the 
name of the Xdcs : and it is certain also, that the Xocs was 
the name of Uie ceremony, older than his Dionysia, the origin 
of whidi tradition carried back to the time of Orestes. 

And yet this ajqparent anomaly, in carrying back the 
date of the Dionysia from the 12th of Pharmuthi to the 12th 
of Phaophi, instead of the 12th of Atbyr, ^ra Gyc. 3415, or 
from the 12th of Metageitnion to the 12th of Anthesterion, 
instead of the 12th of Elaphebolion, cycle i. 1, of the correc- 
tioD, or tmn August 28 to Feb. 28, instead of March 30, 
B. G. 682, might have something to do with the institution 
of the Dionysia iv fiorci, and the determination of their proper 

' Ct VoL iw. pag0 507 «1<1- cf- wprs, «<). k Pftge 31 sqq. 



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112 Dwnysian Correciian (/Melampas. dis». vi. 

date, at the time of their institution. It is far from im- 
probable that as the Aioiriaia iv AtfAvais, the first and oldest 
of aU, had been instituted hy Solon, soon after the beginning 
of the sixth period of Melampus, so the next in antiquity to 
these, the /^lovviria iv io-rct, might be instituted at the begin* 
ning of the seventh, B.C. 6lO; and as the former had been 
attached at that time to the 12th of the second months so 
might the latter be attached at this^ to the 12th of the 
third*. B. C. 510 is another important epoch in the history 
of changes in the laws and constitutions of the Athenians ; 
being the commonly received date of the alterations made by 
Cleisthenes, the next great reformer and legislator after 
Solon. The institution of the Aioiritna iv &aT€i was very 
probably one of these. On this supposition, we should ac- 
count for the name given to these in particular ; that of the 
Au>vji(ria ixeyiXa, or Aiovvina ^irXcos, though so much later 
than the Aiovv<na iv ACfivais — because they were the repre« 
sentative of the original AtoviiiTM of Melampus; and why 
they should have been committed to the "Apxtav ivdwiios, 
not merely because the Aiov6<rta iv AC^jLvan had been assigned 
to the "kpfyjMf fiaaiX^vs, but because the ''Apxt^v iitoivvfios was 
the principal Archon^ and these Atoin/o-ia were the principal 
Dionysia. 

That all this was actually done, B. 0. 510^ or about that 
time, we do not indeed know from testimony ; but neither do 
we know that it was not. The earliest allusion to these Dio- 
nysia, as already in existence at Athens, is that which occurs 
in Herodotus ^ to the representation of the MiXi^rov SXi^ai^ 
of Phrynichus, in the theatre; for that implies, at these Diony- 
sia : and this, as we observed supra ™, could not have been 
much later than B. C. 494. And having thus pointed out 
the probable date of the institution of the oldest AiovAria at 
Athens, B.C. 592, and that of the next to them, B.C. 510, all 
we have to do, in order to conclude this subject, is to remind 

* Or what is equally probable to the nth, especially if the Dionysia <y 
Aifipms, though properly attached to the lath of the preceding month, had 
come by this time to be reckoned practically f^om the i ith. The equable 
date too of Sept. 7, B. C. 510, was falling on Pachon 1 1, (see p. 105.) and 
get back to Athyr 11 would fall on March 11, only four days later than 
Elaphebolion 1 1 the same year, cycle xi. 3. 

* VL II. ■>'Page34Ji. 



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CB. 2. 8. 1 1. DUmysUm Correction of Melampus. 113 

tbe lesder of the date of the institatioD of the Dionysia iv 
oyyioiV^ or i^ ITcipcUci; probably established also^ in B.C. 503. 
To go into the details of these different representations would 
be foreign to our proper purpose. Both the ancient comedy 
and the ancient tragedy appear to have first come into exist- 
enee between B. G. 592 and B. C. 510. It is most probable 
therefore that each of them grew originally out of the institu- 
tion of the ^unninna iv AC^pais^ and that each was originally 
intended for those in particular. 

Section XI. — On the association of the Phallus with the 
Dionysia o/Melampus. 

The introduction of the Phallus among the Greeks^ as we 
have seen <>, is attributed by Herodotus to Melampus ; and if 
so, at tbe time when he instituted his Dionysia. And this 
fact being admitted, on the testimony of Herodotus^ it is 
derisive of the true meaning of his Dionysos, and of the final 
end which he must ha?e proposed by the institution of his 
Dionysia, from the first. As to the quarter from which he 
might have derived this symbol^ it is far from improbable 
that even if he went to India in search of his own Dionysos, 
he most have met with it there, already associated with the 
rites and ceremonies of the Indian Deunus ; for it is still in 
existence in India, under the name of the Lingam, and still 
recognised there as the type of the cosmogonic powers of 
nature. But there can be little doubt that as the ancient 
Hindoos derived the first idea of their Deunus from the 
andent Egyptians, so did they this accompaniment of that 
idea ; and there is just as little that, if Melampus brought 
his Dionysos into Greece from Egypt, he brought the Phallus 
into Greece from Egypt also. Of Egypt alone, among all 
the ooantries and all the nations of antiquity, has the unen- 
viable distinction held good, that the first idea of the recogni* 
tkm and consecration of such an emblem as this, in the name 
of the generative powers of nature, was self-originated ; and 
npon andent Egypt must rest the guilt and the responsibility 
otihttt cumulative mass of licentiousness, impurity, and sen- 
•uslitj, which could not fail to ensue, and actually did eusue, 

■ Gnpn, p. 35- ° Supra, pag. 58. 

KAL. HSLL« vol*. V. I 



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114 DUmynan Correction of Melampus. diss. vi. 

in the course of time, wherssoerer this qrmbol was openly 
received and tolerated. But on this subject it is not neces* 
sary for us to enlarge at present p. We allude to it merely 
for the sake of redeeming the promise, made in our Fasti 
Catholici, that we would some time or other collect the prin- 
cipal testimonies of antiquity to the use of the Phallus, and 
> to the estimation iu which it was held, both in Egypt and in 
Greece. 

Testimonies to the use of the Phallus, among the 
Egyptians and the Greeks, 
i. T^v h\ oZv 'I<rir viarra rh ^x^prj tov crcS/Aoros irXriv rmv al^Ct»v 
fip€u^^,., t6 bi alboiov ivb fi^v Tv4>&vos ds voratiop pitpfjvai 
Acyovffi, hih TO iJ,rib4va t&v <rvv€pyria'iirr6^v airo XajSeu^ jSovXij^ 
vat. ivh ik r^s "laiZos oibiif fJTTov t&v ikkctv i£tmBrjvai tijiQv 
IffoBifAV, iv T€ yhp ToU Upois ctb^Kov ainrov KaTaa-K€viff<urCLP 
rififv Karadeijfai, xal #rard tas reXcras koX ras BvtrLas rf dc^ toii- 
r^ yivoiiivas ivTi^ioraTov iroi$<rai...dii Koi tovs "EXXrivas, i( 
Alyiwrov irap^iXrjff^oras rh TT€pl rohs 6pyia<rfji4)vi koX rhs AiovvauL" 
icct9 iopras, rifjLqv tovto to pLffpiov tv t€ toXs pwcrrrfpCois koX rats 
TOV 0€ov TCf&rov {AtoviiTov) T€\€TaXs T€ Kol 6v<r(ats, ivopj&CovTos 
asM il>aXXiv '— Mwor bi t«i> pxp^v tov ^Oa-Cpibos t^i; ^laiy oi\ 
fi/pfijf TO aidoibv* €V$V9 yap e& tov itoTapibv pi4»^i^a4...r^v ft' ^Wuf 
ivr^ iMtpov idp,r)fia isovtiaapAvriv KaJ9t€p&<rtu tou if}aXXotf, f Kid vvp 
iopTiC^iv Tovs Aiyvwr&vjs — Tov ft^ Tpiyov intOiwrav, KoBiv^p 
leal vaph toIs ''EXXi^o-i TenfjajcrOoA X/yovo-4 r^ Ilplairov, bta r& 
y^vvrjiriKhv pbdpiov, to piv yap (j^v clvai rovro Mxrwt^^piffraTov 
vpis Tits irvvovirlas, Ti ft^ p4pLov tov a-^paroSf t6 ttjs y€v4<r€»$ 
aXnov, TipjourOai irpoai/Koz^ax, m hv iiripxov ip^iyovov ttjs tAv 
CiioiP ^<r€»(. Ka£6kov ik to albolov ovk AlywrrCovs puivop dXXJt 
ical TWf ikK(op oitK dklyovs KO^tcpcaicci^ai icar^ Tas Tekerhs, &9 ahwp 
r$s T&v C<iav yfvia^t^s^ — OSrJ; ioriv 6 i'n6ppri70s airois k6yo9 
kclL pM(mK6s. kiyovtn yovv &n Alyvrrrwi TtivTiAV iofQpAtt^v /y^ri 
70VS <Ppvya£ ipxaiArtpoi KaOetrr&T^s, mX vaun rols iXKoa ivOpiir 
9019 Sp^oyovpiivf^ T€k€ras kcu, Spyia Btwf nivnap 6fiov...ican}y* 



P See oar Fasti CathoUci, yi. to6, xviii. 
107. cL n;. t Diodoma, i. 88. of. ad iv. 6 : Eu- 

4 Diodonu, i. ai. iebins, Prvp. Evang. iL 2. try. i 11 : 

r Ibid. 32. Tzetxes, ad Lycoph. 213. 
• Plutarch, De Iside et Osiride, 



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CB. 2. 8. 1 1. DumjfiUm Correction of Melampus. 115 

»Mf Hk "Itfidor Ixown fnwrripuiy rh S" tltrlv cvk iKko n ^ {t6) 
^fmtb^lithov Koi {rp'ouiifvov ito r^s iirraardKov Kot iJL€kav€l^vos 
•i^vfi 'O^tfiibos^. 

iL ^OiFTts a ra Kafitlpctp Sfyyia /yK^t^ai, ra XafjMBpfj/i'iKts 
imw€ki€wn TopoAo/Si^yrc? iro^ct IleAcuryWy iAros iviip otb€ rb 
kiym, ri^y yap So^io^iici^i^ oIkcoi; vpiripov U^Xaayol oiroi, To(r 
W€p '^AOtfiHUoun aHvoiKOi iyivovro ^ — T^xa ^ i^ xalpoi rotovrf 
$viiari (r^ rpiyif^ 6 Ai6w(ros, bia rb iavrbv €tvai tov rpiyov i^ 
ei KM ol oiNM iv ToSs ir^pivaZs outov BaiklCoivai,^ iral ol ^oAAol cAr^ 
i»Qx(B€PTQi^ tuxL ra ^okkayAyia iytrai^ — CMro^ irikiv rhv tov 
A»a9ia€vipdkk6p...KaL ^icaX€iro hi napa rois''E\\'q(n f^aXXaydyia 
i rev ^oAAov ^opnf* irpoaciaivovv fjiv T(WToif...ol dpyidCovr^s 
imaPTCfy ritf ^ Kiyov ovk ^heaoar i di Kokoiiuvos Upo<f>ivTri9 
jl^ rdr "Oa-tptv jcai tov Twfmva, icai Ta rod "^Oalpiboi ivh tov 
Ttf ^fi y p g KOTOKirMTifMva pLikri Koi irairmxP^^ diacnrci/wfieya, rifv hi 
'loiM, ri^ rov ^CMp&ios ibtX^if^ ravra ovv vov^ avWiyovirav, 
l^thfop di TOV iftaXkhp oix ^ploKOvoav, koX toUtov yc x^^ €lK6va 
roitov tBiKtoffK€vi(ovoa»y Koi tropin irJofniiv vpooKvvwBai kcXc^- 
aa». raSra itc rrjs Aly&Htov to Spyia fjM$i»v (6) 'Ohp^oris 'Op^v9» 
Hs r^ 'EAX<S^a pLen^vtyKt^ nai ri^v t&v Aiowolmv ioptriv 5ic<r«€t^ 
•r€P * — 'Birl ro^/roif iiraai Koi rrfJc vpooK^Mm — 

^aXXi|i4r ri^MM^t Htftovwrno Kopifuop. 
0im>m%. ykp at ir^cis irol rcXcrcty iyovow o6 ia6pov ^oXXi^yott 
A»ov6oou> KOffqvoit ikkh Koi X^$ivois koI x^'^^'^^^ ^^^ Xfivoiotr 
ci i^pop <^akXrivois iXXh koX o^toXs AtowoCoif, koL &XX019 irafA- 
•dXXoif *How9i€(oi9 Bfois ^ — Kal rovr ehai t6 fuyh Kal Kp6^i09 
rfi# Skmv leyvmoTov iwom/jpieVy itaph rots AlyvtrrUHS K€icaXvfAfi4vop 
mt A^OKtrnXviifidpov. oifbAs (lege oJ/tos) yhp^ ^vyaii^, i^rrlp h pof 
wpi T^ 0Miknr ovx (lege oS) iorriK€ yvfwop ro i^^KpvfxpJpop, Korut^ 
$€P tarn pkhop.^AotApoi bi oi yApop Ip rots hyiMtAtois vpb t&p 

ifyaXi^irmP vooir Xiyovoi rb tovoOtop, iXXh (yhp) Koi ip 

wi0m»9 Mois Koi vifftus iyvioii, koI itap* ovrah rals oIkUu9, SpoP 
rurk ni T4p§ia tijs oUtas vpoTfToyiUpop, koL tovto tlpai ri iya* 

* QrifeOy FhOoflophameiia, ▼. 7. loi. § 95. 

^ « Theodoret, Onec. Affeet Curatio, 

' Herodotus, ii. 51. i. 50- § i>3- ^- iu* H^- § ^4: ▼>• 

f Pharnohifl, 3a f- aiS. De Dio- 183. § 11. 

■jBO. b Eoiebiut, Pnep. Evang. v. 36. 

' CY. ii 71. § 34: 70. § 30: 96. Pag. 494. £x (Eboiiim. 

I 2 



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116 Dionysian Correction of Melampus. oi88.vi. 

$iv ivb irivTtaif keyofifvov* &ya&ri(f>6pov yhp airrb icakowiiv,.,Kat 
TOVTo *'EAX7;i;€s /utt/oriicoi^ &n6 Alyinrrifov 'napa\afi6vr€S, ^vKia-» 
coviTi fxixP^ (rqyL€pov. rovs yovv ^Ep/jteif, 4^<r2^ Tsap avroi9 voir 
oifTi^ TCTifiriixivovs crx^/xan $€a)povfJL€v, KvXXrjifioi bk bta<l>€p6uTfd9 
TipLQvT€s \6yov {ififriai yip' ^Epfxijs i<m Xoyos, ipfiqvevs i)V koI 
brjpLiovpyos ra>v y€yov6T(ov opLov koX yivopAva^v kcH ivoyAviav)' 
vap ovrois Ttfxdfxevos tarrrjKf Touy&r(^ Ttvl KexapaKTripiafrfiivos 
(Tx^/xon, Sir^p iarlv alax^vri iv$pdvov iirb tw Kirw iirl rh iv^ 
SpfjLTiP ix<^v^' 

Aiyovai hi airbvj <f>riai^ ^piyes ical x\o€pov ardxvp T€$€pi<rfU^ 
vov Koi /xerct Toits ^pvyas 'Adiji^aibi ixvovvt€s ^EXevalvia, Koi 
iirtb(iKtr6irr€s roXs iwowrct/ovd-i to p^ya ... fivarrlpioVf iv (rtoiTT^ 
T€B€pi(ry.ivov ariyyv, 6 hi ordxvs oSrrfy ifm koX itapia 'A^- 
valois k\ r. A. ^ — Nam et ilia Eleusinia, hseresis et ipea Atticee 
superstitionis, quod tacent pudor est. idcirco et aditum 
(aditurum) prius cruciant, diutius initiant quam consignant, 
cum et portas (epoptas) ante quinquennium instituunt, ut 
opinionem suspendio cognitionis sedificent, atque ita tantam 
majestatem exhibere videantur, quantam prsestruxerunt 
cupiditatem. sequitur jam silentii oflScium. adtente custo- 
ditur quod tarde invenitur. ceterum tota in adytia divini- 
tas. tot suspiria portarum, totum signaculum linguae, simula- 
crum membri virilis revelatur^ — ^kiT€Ky&v vjuv pLoprnv i$io9 
*A(f^poh(Tri ylverai Kapiros. iv rais rcXcrafe TatJnjs rrjs ireXaytay 
rlb6vrjs TfKfJLrjpiov Trjs yovrjs^ ak&v xovbpos K<d 4>aXXo9 roU pvoV' 
pkivoi^ i^v Ti\vriv rr^v pLOi\ii^v imbChorat f. 

4>aXXd9 (vKov ^it^t/kc?, i^ov iK r^ iorp^ aKVnvbv alhotov ifffP' 
Tfjpiivoif, laraTO tk 6 <pa\kbs r^ Aiovvo'if Kari ri yMtmipiov. Tr€fi 
M airrov tov (f>aXkov Toiavra X^ycroi. HrjytKrbs iK r^v 'EXcv^e- 
p&v, al hi '*EK€v$€pal ts6\is ^Url Botcor/a;, Kafiitv AMVikrov rb 
iyaXfxa fJKtv eh rriv 'Arruf/i;' ol bi ^AOrivaioi ovk ib4(aPT0 pitrb. 
Tiprjs rbv d€6v' dXX* ovk &pAa6t y€ avrols ravra PovKeva-apuivoK 
iiripri. p.r}vlcravTos yhp tov Oeov v6<ros KaTiaKrpjfev eh Th alboia 
T&v ivbpQv ... ib? a iviiTTOV Ttpbs riiv v6<rov ... &7rcaT<iXi7<rai; 
OeiApoX pLerb frnovbrjs k, r. X. liUfrOivTts oiv Toh rfyyeKpAvoii ot 
'A^T^j/aioi <^aXXotrs Ibtt^ re jcol bripL0<rCq KoretrKeiaaav, koI to&tois 
iyipaipov Tbv Sebv, iTs6pvr)pjOL voio6pi€vot tov iriOovs. t(ra>$ ik icai 

c Origen, PhU. ▼. 7. loa. 30. d Ibid. ▼. 8. 1 15. 85. 

« Tertallian, ii. 143. Adv. Valentinianos i. 

f Clemens Alek. Protrept. n. § 14. pag. 15. 1. 18. 



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CH. a. 8. 1 1 . Dionynan Correction of Melampus. 117 

in 9aQk$» ytviatois cirios i OtisS — ^'AAXa r^ /x^p iirl ISdypf 
(oorr. 'Aypms) fiwrnipia koX rcfc iv 'AkifjLovvn rrj^ 'Airtit^y 'A^ 
prfoiM v^puipurrai' alsryps Vk Vr\ KO<rfUKiv ot t€ iyQv€s koI ol 
^akkoi ol ^tov6atf ivufXoifuvoi, ica#cd>; i'niv€V€^r^xivoi rhv pCov 
.... vn6iuni^ tov vidovs roirov ilvotuAv if>aXko\ icarct 'n6k€is 
iunarapTai Aiopvo-^. ft fi^ yap Atojriai^ ?ro/ui7r^v iTroiovirro koX 
€§iP€ov 4^lML, cdlUkCounv iivaiJbiorara ci/oyaarai, ff>yi<T\v *H/>aic\ei- 
ro$, wrrh^ ^ ^Atbi^s koL Aiowoos orc^ iMCvotrrat koI krivatCovinp 
ev buL TTiP lUOrjv rod oAyjxros, ca9 iyi^ otjfiai, toctovtov 8oov bih 
riiv imP€C6uTTov i% iurtkyfCas Upoi^aiT^j; ^ — Jam dudum roe 
fateor haesitare ... dom pudor me habet Alimontia ilia pro- 
fierre mysteria, quibos in Liberi honorem patris pfaallos 
aabrigit Orseda, et simulaciis virilium fascinorum territoria 
cuDCta florescunt K 

De Pamyliis apud Mgy^tios^: so called from napa/krjs^ 
the first who announced the birth of Osiris: Kal bihrovro 
Bpl^ai TOP 'OtripLP^ hyxeiph-atrros auTt^ tov Kp6vov, Koi ttiv tQv 
Ha^klktp iopTf^p avr<p KokuaSai, ^akkri<f>op(ois ioiKViav — ITaa- 
idkris^' AlyvTmos $€os Upiav^ri^. KpaTwos 6 v€<iT^pos TCyaaiV 
*Q,s iri^p&9 ij Alyvm-Mrii ^dxapis Uadfiijkrjs^ — ^Wvif>akkoi^ 
... voi^fuirit Tipa oSt^^s tkiyero to, inl r^ <^aAA<S qb6p,€va ... ^X^- 
y€To bi KvpCms Wvifxikkos rd ipT€TayAvov alholop^ m KpaTivos ip 
^AfXiX6xoi9 — 'I^i^oAXoi^' ol M ttj ipy^frrpa (ita leg.) «cal d^o- 
kov$ovpT€^ rf ^aAX<p yvpoiKtiav oToki\v i\ovT€s, kiyfTat Sk <^aX- 
kit Sf€ fihf ica2 to cdbovop' koL iroi^/mara 5^ KokfloOai h irtl r^ loro- 
lihm <paXki^ ab^rai — Ol roi^; Wvtpikkovs ip rfj dpxjfioTpf^ dpxovpitpoi, 
Tony/iara 5c Tiva oCt» kifftai^ rot M r^ <^aAA^ qb6fjL€pa. ikiy€To 
tk KvpCms Wfitpakkos to ipTtrapApop alhoiop^ — 'Ecm hk ip avT^ 



c Sdiolia in Acharn. 343. 6 ZomBIos 1 Hesychius. 

thf ^oAA^r. ct ad 358. a6o. 363. ^ Cf. in IlaA/itVrtyf Aly^imos 6f6s, 

^ Qemens Alex. Pinotrepticon, ii. 1^ Harpocation. 

§ ^ pag. 39. 1. 18 : cf. ad § 39. » Phorii Lex. 

pag. 33. L 17, at Sikyon. 9 Ibid. cf. Hesychias, 'I0^aAAo< : 

i Arnobina^ t. 176. cf. 184, 185. E&9^aAAoy : llfpi^dKkta. IIo/Air^ Aio- 

Tlie ftory follows. Alimus was one of v^^ r^KovfA^rri r&v ^ia\K&v\ ^oKiipiii 

tbe Siv«M of Attica ; Schol. ad Aves, *aKK6s : ^a\kiKdi Phot. Lex. «aAXi- 

496. 'AAyiovrTctSc. A^/MS r^f Atomi- k6v : wotrifia ahro<rx*^iov, M r^ ^oAA^ 

a* ^«Ai|v. cf. Stym. M. 'AAj/iow : ^h6pA¥o¥, ^aXKoi : ParGemiogr. Graed, 

Aneodota Gneca» 376. 35. 'A\ifio^- 90. e Cod. fiodl. 743 : 'O ♦oAA^s r^ 

#wt. Pansaaias, L xxxi. i : *A 8^ *ls 9«^' M r&y burovtiUrrvy iviois rii ol- 

ptfilpailf wmpdj^mrro, 'AXipufwiois fdf km ktd wpSa-^ofta rlStreu, cf. Prov. 

99€ft$p4p9¥ A^fanrpos ttol Kdfnis ivrW Diogen. Centoria vii. 23. pag. 313: 

^^ 1^, r. A. <^. sapn» Vol. !▼. 371 n, Plntarch, Proverb. &c. Hi. *Evc) r^ Aio- 

^ Plntareb, De Iside et Osiride, xii. wOr^ Toraro 6 ^oAA^t. 



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118 Dumyrian Correction of Mdampua. mss. ti. 

iitfffi^liov jcal rh h(iJL(Tpov fipaxvKarikriKrov, to KokcfiptMvop ttu^^oA- 
XiKhvy <p irp&rot fji^v ^ApxlXo\0£ jc^pi^oty ovfc^fas eir^ ^xrvAi- 
icoj; T^TpiLfMrpov ofrttr 

VeDiebamus etiatn dos aliquando adolescentes ad specta- 
cula ludibriaque sacrilegiornm : spectabamus arreptitios, ao- 
diebamus symphoniacos, ludis turpissimis qui Diis Dea- 
busque exhibebantur oblectabamur, (ut) Gelesti Virgini et 
Berecynti^ Matri Deorum omnium ; ante cujus lecticam 
die solemni lavationis ejus talia per publicum cantitabantur 
a nequissimis scenicis^ qualia non dico matrem deorum sed 
matrem qualiumcunque senatorum^ vel quorumlibet honesto- 
rum virorum, immo vero qualia nee matrem ipsorum sceni- 
corum, deceret audire. habet enim quiddam erga parentes 
faumana yerecundia, quod nee ipsa nequitia possit auferre. 
illam proinde turpitudinem obscoenorum dictorum atque 
factorum scenicos ipsos domi suae proludendi causa coram 
matribus suis agere puderet, quam per publicum agebant 
coram deum matre, spectante et audiente utriusque serus 
frequentissima multitudine 4. 



CHAPTER III. 

On the Theban Dionysoe^ or the IMonysos qf the popukn- 

Hellenic mythology ; on the foundation of Thebes iy 

Cadmue ; and on the Sphere of Cadsme. 



Section I. — Dionysos^ the son of Zeus and Semele, a fabulous 
character, of later date than the Dionysos of Melampus. 

The well known fable relating to the parentage and birth 
of the Dionysos of classical mythology represented him as 
the son of Zeus and Semele, the daughter of Cadmus. It is 
unnecessary to object to this representation, that as the Zeus 
of this genealogy neyer could liave tiad a real existence, so 

P Hephaestion, wtpi idrpmv. vi. § 5. vcpl rpoxoteotr cf. vii. § 5. wtfi Iwrrv- 
Kutw : ftlao Schol. td Acharn. 160-162. ♦oAJ^s 4r«^ B^x^- 
4 Augustin, De Civitate, ii. 4. 



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CH. 3. 8. 1 . The Theban Dionysos, Cadmus, and Thebes. 119 

Aera ii good reason to suspect that the Semele too never 
could have been a real person. But the simple impossibility, 
that the Dionysos of the popular mythology could have been 
the aon of two such parents as these^ follows from the fact 
that Zeus on the one hand was not older than Minos, and 
Semele on the other, as the daughter of Cadmus, was little 
less than an hundred years older than Zeus. 

That the Theban Dionysos then must have been a conoep- 
tion of later date than the Dionysos of Melampus, there can 
be no doubt ; and this being the case, it is almost superfluous 
to be at any pains to reconcile the popular fable of his birth, 
and his subsequent history, with the account just given of 
the first conception and first introduction of this idea and 
this name among the Oreeks, further at least than to shew, 
if possible, in what manner this fabulous history of the Qreek 
Dionysos might have arisen out of the true, and have been 
founded at bottom upon the true. And though, in order to 
the illustration of this point, nothing would appear to be 
more necessary than to ascertain in the first instance the 
earnest date at which this fable began to appear ; we shall 
find it convenient to reserve that question for the present. 
We may allow that it was older than Hesiod, but it does not 
follow that it was <dder than Homer, unless everything which 
is read in the Iliad or the Odyssey at present, merely because 
it occurs there, is to be considered Homer's. 

In oar opinion, a very simple explanation is competent to 
connect this Dionysos of the popular mythology with the 
original eonc^tion of Melampus; and to shew by what steps 
and what association of ideas, it was easy to ascend from the 
latter to the former. For i. There was no difference between 
them, not even in name. ii. The Dionysos of Melampus came 
from Thebes in Egypt ; the Dionysos of the popular fitble 
came from Thebes too — Thebes in Boeotia. iii. Boeotian 
^ebes itself derived its origin from Egyptian, and Oadmus, the 
founder of the forme»>, came from the latter. It is manifest 
that, under soeh circumstances, there was no difference be- 
tween the historical Dionysos, and the mythological one, 
except one of time — ^that the mythological Dionysos, as the 
son of Semele, the daughter of Cadmus, was older than the 
Dionysos of Melampus ; and one of place — ^that the mytho- 



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120 Dionysian Correction of Melampud. Hiss. vi. 

logical Diony808 appeared first at Thebes, the Dionysos of 
Melampus at Argos. 

This we believe to be in brief the true explanation of the 
later and popular conception, in contradistinction to the 
Dionysos of Melampus. The Dionysos of this fable, in every 
essential respect, was the same with the Dionysos of Melam- 
pus, which we may call the historical Dionysos, as having 
had an historical date and time ; but he was an older Dio- 
nysos, because Cadmus was older than Melampus, and this 
Dionysos was the grandson of Cadmus. And as the historical 
Dionysos ultimately came from Egypt, so did this mytho- 
logical one, but through Cadmus, not through Melampus. 
All this, it is manifest, would be consistent, if the final end 
of this later fable was simply to shew that, without calling in 
question the reality of such a conception and such a person 
as that of the Dionysos of Melampus, the true exemplar and 
prototype even of this idea and this person, was the Theban, 
the grandson of Cadmus. And this view of the final end of 
the fable is strikingly confirmed by the following coincidence, 
which is well adapted also to confirm the epoch assigned to 
the Dionysian correction of Melampus. 

It has been seen, that though the idea and the name of his 
Dionysos were derived by Melampus from those of the Indian 
Deunus, the original of both was in reality the Egyptian 
Osiris ; and this idea and this name having been first intro- 
duced into Egypt, i£ra Cyclica 2657, B.C. 1350, it is evident 
that, on the principle of the Cyclico-Julian corrections of 
antiquity, if such a calendar had come into existence among 
the Egyptians along with this fable, attached to Athyr 17 in 
the equable, October 6 in the Julian tera, of the time being, 
the first period of this calendar would have expired, and the 
second would have begun, JEm Cyclica 2777^ B. 0. 1230 ; 
that is, exactly at the time selected by Melampus for the in- 
troduction of the name and the worship of his Dionysos, and 
for the Dionysian correction, intended to regulate his Diony- 
sia, instituted along with it. And this, it must be admitted^ 
is a remarkable confirmation of the epoch which we have 
assigned to both, Athyr 17, iEra Cyc. 2777, and Sept. 7, 
B. C. 1230. But it is an equally decisive proof that the trae 
prototype of the Dionysos of Melampus, even in the opinion 



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CH.3- s. 1 . The Thiban Dionysos, Cadmus, and Thebes. 121 

of ila aathor, must have been the Egyptian Osiris, and that 
to go back to the real origin of the Dionysos of Melampus 
himself, who might seem to have come into existence first, 
B. ۥ 1230, yon must ascend to that of the Egyptian Osiris, 
120 years before. 

If then it was known to the author of the fable of the 
Theban Dionysos, that the Dionysos of Melampus, though 
brought into existence in Greece de facto only B.C. 1230, was 
virtually as old as the Egyptian Osiris, it is very conceivable 
that he might think it necessary to set back the birth even 
of the historical Dionysos, 120 years before his actual time. 
And if he was also aware that this was the time when Cad- 
mas too came from Egypt into Greece, and from the same 
quarter in Egypt itself as the first idea of the Dionysos of 
Melampus, nothing could appear to him more natural than 
the inference from these facts, viz. that the true epoch of the 
historical Dionysos of Melampus was virtually that of the 
coming of Cadmus into Greece, as well as that of the birth 
of Osiris in Egypt. And this being assumed as the actual 
foundation of the fable, all the rest, that is, its circumstances 
and particulars, may be set down to the embellishments of 
ifuicy, and to the licence in such respects claimed by the 
fabulists and poets of old. The historical basis of the whole 
would still be the fact that the Dionysos of Melampus was 
firtually the Osiris of the Egyptians, and if virtually the 
same with Osiris, virtually as old as Cadmus ; and the infer- 
ence from this fact would still be both possible and probable, 
that, if as old as Cadmus, he might have been brought into 
Greece by Cadmus. 

It is evident therefore that, in order to the further expla- 
nation of this fable, nothing would now be more necessary 
than the consideration of the time when Cadmus came into 
G r ee c e , and of the quarter from which he came ; and if it 
turned ont, as the result of this inquiry, that he must have 
oome irom Thebes, in Egypt, and at or about the actual time 
of the introduction of the worship of Osiris itself into Egypt, 
we should want nothing more to account for the origin of 
the fable of the Dionysos of Thebes, in contradistinction to 
the Dionysos of Melampus. We should now understand that 
there was never any real difference between them ; only that 



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122 Dkmyrian OarrectUm of Melatnpus. diss. vi. 

the Dionysos of Thebes, as tlie older of the t«ro^ and as ooeend 
at Thebes with the common prototjrpe of both, Osiris, was 
the better entitled to the name. 

And here it is necessary to point out an important distinc- 
tion^ which bears directly on this question, of the date of the 
coming of Cadmus into Greece. It has been seen from the 
traditionary fable of the Indian expedition of the Theban 
Dionysos, that, when it was invented, it must have been 
known there was an interval of three years between the sup- 
posed birth of this Dionysos, and the recognition of his divi- 
nity, at Thebes, his birthplace itself. And assuming that 
according to the author of this fable, the date of his birth was 
virtually that of the birth of Osiris, if you go back 120 years 
from B. C. 1230^ the date of the historical Dionysos, you 
come to B. C. 1350, the actual date of the birth of Osiris in 
Egypt. If you go back 120 years from B. C. 1227, three 
years after the first rise and appearance of the historical 
Dionysos, and the date of his recognition, as we have seen 
reason to conclude, in other quarters of Greece distinct Arom 
Argos, you come to B. C. 1347 — but as the date of what ? 
and in what relation to the supposed birth of the Theban 
Dionysos as the same with that of the Egyptian Osiris also? 

We can answer this question only conjecturally, yet not 
without great probability; viz. that as B.C. 1350 was the 
actual date of the birth of Osiris in Egypt, so B.G. 1347, just 
three years later, was the actual date of the coming of Cad- 
mus from Egypt to Thebes, bringing Osiris with him, as it 
might be supposed, in the form and under the name of the 
Dionysos of Thebes : that these suppositions were critically 
accommodated to each other, — ^that it was known to the au- 
thor of the fable that the historical date of the Dionysia of 
Melampus was B. G. 1230, the virtual or true date was B. C. 
1350, and the date of his first introduction into Greece, if be 
«ame with Cadmus, was the date of the coming of Cadmue, 
three years later— and that the circumstances of the fable 
were adapted accordingly ; the invasion of India by the The- 
ban Dionysos, as soon as bora, to B. C. 1350 ; the return in 
trkunph, and the reoognitioQ of his divinity, just three years 
later, to the actual date of the coming of Cadmus, and the 
foundation of Thebes, B. 0. 1347. 



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CH. 3. «. a. Tke Thebmn Dionysos, Cadmus, and Thebes. 123 

And from sach coinddenoes as these, which are too re- 
markable to have been aecidental, we may justly infer that 
whosoever was the author of this fable, he was probably a 
Theban, whose principal motive in the invention of it was to 
vindicate to his native city, and to the family of its founder, 
instead of Argos and Melampus, the honour of having given 
birth to Dionysos. And we may also infer that he must have 
invented the fable before the actual truth on these points 
had yet beoi forgotten. So much therefore for the pre- 
sumption, established by such coincidences as these, that the 
true date of the coming of Cadmus into Greece will turn out 
to be B.C. 1347. We must now proceed to confirm that 
presumption by other proofs. 

Section II. — On the time of Cadmus, and of his coming 
into Greece, 

The first clue to the probable discovery of the truth on 
these two points is the date of the first expedition against 
Thebes. It is agreed that there were five generations be- 
tween Cadmus and this expedition ; in which Eteocles and 
Polynices, both standing fifth in the line of descent from 
Cadmus, were concerned alike. 

Now it has been already shewn ', that the date of the se- 
cond expedition (that of the Epigoni) must have been B. C. 
12Q2, and that of the first, twenty years before, B. C. 1222 ; 
and eadi of these dates, we hope, will be further confirmed 
liereafker. And forasmuch as, to judge from the circum- 
stances preliminary to the expedition, which have been left 
on record, it could not have been more than two years after 
the death of (Edipus ; if the date of the expedition was the 
spring or summer of B. C. 1222, that of the death of GSdipus 
nay be assumed to have been B. C. 1224. Let us corrobo- 
rate this conclusion, before we proceed any farther, by the 
testinony of Hesiod and Homer. 

L It may be inferred from Hesiod's account of the repre- 
sentatives of his Fourth Age, (the Heroic age in general.) 
thst the heroes of Troy and their contemporaries, (all of whom 
he inelodes among them,) were none of them too young to 

' Supra, pag. 7a. 



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124 Dionysian Correction q/'Melampos. diss. vi. 

have taken a part ia the first expedition against Thebes, 
though they also fought against Troy. 

'HfiiBtoi irporffp37 y€V€J hot awtipova yauof, 
Kcu Tovt flip woXfitSs re KaK6s mi f^vkfrnis ahni 
Toits /xip c0' inranvkip Oti^jj Kad/ti/iftt yaiff 
&\ta€, fiappofitpovs fi,rf\»p €V€k Oldiir6dao, 
Tovf dc Koi €P p^faaip xmip yiiya Xair/uui Biikdatnii 
is Tpoiffp dyaymp 'EXcin;r e»f «c* ^xdfiOio ■ — 

And this must imply that between the death of (Edipus and 
the war of Troy there could not have been much more than 
an interval of 30 years ; and that would strictly be the case, 
if the death of (Edipus is dated B. C. 1224, and the sailing of 
the Trojan expedition, B. C. 1190. 

ii. It is observable that, according to Homer's account of 
the funeral games of Patroclus, one of the combatants in the 
contest of the caestus, Euryalus, is spoken of as having en- 
tered the lists, for the same kind of prize, at the funeral 
games of (Edipus. 

"Evfivakos dc ol olos iviararo IvoBtos ^^9 
MfjKiareos vi6s Takaiopidao Spaxrot, 
6s irorc Q^Patri* rji\$€ dcdovfrc^ror Ol6iv6dao 
€s rdiffop' lp6a dc irearras (pUa KaifjL^U^pas ^. 

The date of these games of Patroclus was B. C. 1181. 
Those of (Edipus must have been B.C. 1224, 43 years before. 
And yet it is evident that if Euryalus was not more than 20, 
when he contended at the latter, he would not be too old to 
be contending also at the former. Nor would his probable 
age at this time, sixty or sixty-three, much exceed the average 
age of all the heroes who fought at Troy; especially in the 
last year of the war, when many would be fifty or sixty who 
had not been more than forty or fifty when they set out on 
the expedition. We have seen that this was the case with 
Idomeneus in particular ▼ : and we have also seen^ that Dio- 
med and Sthenelus, the two youngest, or among the youngest, 
of these heroes, having been only just bom B. G. 1222, were 
forty at least B. C. 1181. 

In the next place, with regard to the number of genera- 
tions between Cadmus and the Epigoni ; Cadmus, according 
to Hesiod, had five children, four daughters, and one son. 

» Open et Dies, 159. t Ili»d. Y. 677. ^ Vol. iv. 390. x Supra, p. 73. 



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cR. 3. 8. 2. The neban Dionysos, Cadmus^ and Thebes. 125 



» It 'ApfMOwbf Bvyanfp XP^^^ 'A^podinyr 
'hm Koi ScficXiyy km *Ayamf¥ naXXiirapiiop, 
AuroM$7F ff, fjv yrjfiev ^Apurraios paOvxalnjs, 
y^tPOTO, Kat Tlokvdcapovy ivtrrt^dv^ ivX Orifirj f. 

And mre may take it for granted that he must have had a 
son, and that son might have borne the name of Polydorus ; 
for it is certain that the family of Cadmus did not expire with 
Cadmus, it survived him for five generations at least : and if 
ao, he must have left a son — through whom the line of de- 
scent from himself was carried on. But with respect to his 
daughters ; there is great reason^ in our opinion^ to be scep- 
tical, if not about their actual existence^ yet about what is 
known of it from history or tradition, and the use which they 
are made to serve as real persons^ and in the relation of 
daughters to Cadmus, in their proper order of time. There 
is none of the four at least with whose personal history 
and in that relation something purely fabulous^ and conse- 
quently incredible, is not inseparably connected ; for the sake 
of which even her personal existence might have been ima- 
gined : the fable of Actseon with that of Autonoe, the fable 
of Pentheus with that of Agave, the fable of Melikertes with 
that of Ino, and the fable of Dionysos with that of Semele. 
And with respect to the order of the birth of this one son 
and these four daughters respectively ; Nonnus indeed makes 
Polydorus the youngest of the children of Cadmus, bom after 
the youngest of the daughters, Semele. 

''Apcrcva d* o^trcXfvroy 6fi6Cuya $^\ti <f>vrKu 
'Apfiovitj veop vlh yeyrj$6Ti ytivaro Kadptp, 
*Aopifis Hokvdiopop 4«Mjxf>6pov d<rr€pa frarpirjg, 
&irX&rtptnf ZcficXi;^ podtMtdtos, hp naph Brfiait 
tndfwrpa Xafii^p aBt/Aums &m$ atrtpda^fHO't Ilci^m '. 

But this is a supposition which we need not hesitate to reject, 
as being contrary to the traditionary explanation of the name 
of tius Polydoms itself; viz. that he was so called because of 
the many ^ifU which the gods, who had graced the marriage- 
feast of Cadmus and Harmonia with their presence, made 
them on that occasion : WokSttiipov* %v ma n^/axa ivwi icoAov- 
4rtr. c^iTnu Vk noAl$5opo9 fri iv r^ yifit^ rod Kibfuv koI Trjs 
'Apfiopias ol S€ol b^pths hopUrcun-oK If so, he must have 

7 ntogcaa^ 975. cf. 937 : Diodor. Stic nr. 1. ■ ▼. «o6. cf. 19a 

a SchoL ad iiMiod. Theogon. 975. 



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126 Diofii^Miiii Correction o^Melarapni. diss. ti. 

been their first child, the irpdwdroims of the family ; the first 
fruit of the marriage itself. 

We will assume then that Polydorus was really the oldest 
of the children of Cadmus, and as much an historical cha- 
racter in his proper order of time, and as necessary to the 
continuance of the family of Cadmus in the male line, down 
to the time of the Epigoni, as Cadmus himself. The number 
of generations from Cadmus to the Epigoni is invariably re- 
presented as five : Polydorus, Labdacus, Laius, (Edipus, Eteo- 
cles or Polynices. 

*Os muda yfifiag Kinrptlht 'Apfiotntof irorr 
llo\vlk»po9 f £c^v(Tf , rov dc Ao^doiroy, 
<l>vvai 'ktyovtrtp, mk dc rovbt Aaiop^ — 



Tov wp6ad€ Kadiiov rov naXai r *AyffPopog ' 



2ic({ir€i bi^. avh ^lovs''Eira4>osr oS At)9t$i7, Ijs BrjkoSf ot ^oivi( 
Kot ^Ayi^v^p, oi Kdibfios, oi Tlokib(apoSy ot A6fiiaKos, oi AJXo^y ct 
Olbtvovsj oS ^EreoKkfis icat noXwtCKris — KiZfxov yap riokifUipos* 
TOV bi Ai^boKos' TOV bi AdXos' tov bi Olbivov^' €tTa 'EreofcAj};* 

TOV bi IloXt/ftwpOS* TOV bi AtfJMV K, T. X.« 

With respect to some of these names, Apollodorus ^ tells us 
that Labdacus, the father of Laius, died when the latter was 
one year old ; and that seems to have been an authentic cir- 
cumstance of his personal history, handed down by tradition: 
and if so, it authorises the inference that Labdacus died early 
in life. He mentions also ^ that Lycus, the son of Penthens, 
usurped and held the kingdom between Labdacus and Laius^ 
20 years; which also may have been true, understood at 
least to mean that he 80(»eeded to the government during 
tiie minority of Laius, and that Luus himself began to reign 
at 19 or 20 yean of age. From what he mentions too^ of 
Laius, aad Chrysippns the son of Pelopsi, confirmed by tlie 
ancient Scholiaste^ we may infer that the acme of LaSiis in 
particukur nuMt have oome between that of Pelops, and Ae 

^BDripidML,Ph€eiiiM«,7.DeCa(dmo. <^llodonas Biblioth. iiL i. $ i : tr. 

c (Edipos Tjrr. 167. § ii ^ : ▼• $ 5* 7 : vi* $ i-4« 

< SdM&i in Phoen. J47. Kou^r ttfuu ' iii. ▼. 5. 

cf. ad 491. A tfvyycrcm : and ad 1008. 9 Cf. Thucydidei, L o : Euripidas, 

« SohoL in Pindar. Olymp. if. 16. Fragm. QuTiippvi: J±jpMa% Fabb. 

Up6p tffxw dUciiiJM, cf. ad So. 83 : also Ixxzr. 



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Of. 3. 8. 3. Tke Theban DionjTBOB, Cadmus, and Thebes. 127 

earijr life of Obrysippus ; i. e. he must haye been a good deal 
joimger than Pelops, yet not much older than Ghiysippus. 
And therefore, if Pelops (as there is reason to conclude) was 
bom abont B. C* 1310, Lalus was probably bom 20 or 30 
years later. 

From the facts too of the personal history of (Edipus^ 
which have been left on record, we may assnme that he 
most have been a young man at the time of his marriage to 
Joeaata, and comparatively yonng still at the time of his 
death. Having therefore probably collected the date of his 
death, B. G. 1224, from that of the first expedition against 
Thebee, B. C. 1222, whichever of his two sons, Eteocles and 
Pcdynices, may be supposed to have been the oldest, (and 
thoogh testimony on this point is not uniform, it seems to 
have been Eteocles b^) we may assume that he was bom 
twenty years before the death of OBdipus^and thatCEdipus him'- 
seif was not more than twenty or twenty-one at the same time 
also: and we may arrange these different generations, from 
Eteocles upwards to Folydorus, as follows. 

Birth of Eteocles, B. C. 1344 

Birth of OBdipas, — 1365 

Birth of Lttofi, — 1386 

Birth of Liabdacat, — 1316 

Birth of Polydorus, — 1346. 

And thn will give the marriage of Cadmus, and his coming 
into Oieeoe, and the foundation of Thebes, agreeably to the 
pfcawaapiian to that effect, the ground of which we explained 
ia the preceding section, B. C. 1347. 

SacTiON IIIv— -On the quarter from which Cadmus came into 

Greece. 
With respeet to this question, since it is agreed that 
€2adf»ns came into Greece from abroad^ but that he did not 
come alone — he was the leader fd a colony which settled in 
Qi eee c , and the founder of a diy which esrer afterwards had 
an hislorieal esciatence in Ghreece — the question which we 
have to consider is that of the quarter^ from which the colony 
under Cadmus may most probably be supposed to have come. 

h Cf. SchoLin Phoen. 55. 71, 74: Schol. in CEdip. Colon. 375: Piodonw, 
hr.65. 



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128 Dionynan Correction <>/'Melampa8. diss. yi. 

And to such a question^ the analogy of what appears to have 
been going on in Egypt, in particular, at the very point of 
time, to which we have just seen reason to reduce the acme of 
Cadmus^ is very important, and sufficient per se to supply the 
answer. 

For it appears, as we have repeatedly had occasion to ob- 
serve, that beginning almost this very year, B. G. 1347, a 
great and general movement must have gone on in Egypt, 
and continued for several years, in the shape of the migration 
of colonies from that country to various quarters, and parti- 
cularly to Greece ; the fact of which is attested not only by 
the local and gentile traditions of the countries where those 
colonies settled, but by the testimony of time, (the laws of 
equable time at least,) in Corrections of the primitive calendar, 
and by that of some of the most remarkable institutions of 
the same communities — made at the same time, marking and 
signalising at first the epochs of such migrations, and the 
arrival of these different colonies in their new abode, and 
serving as a memorial of them ever after. 

Argive tradition among the Greeks testified to a colony 
from Egypt of this kind, which settled at Argos ; and was 
accompanied there, and attested ever after, by the institution 
of the Egyptian Isia, under the name of the Thesmophoria. 
Attic tradition bore witness to another, which settled in 
Attica, and was attested ever after, not only by the founda^ 
tion of the city of Athens, but by the introduction of the 
name and worship of the Attic Athena, and by the national 
solemnity of the Athensea, and by the Atheniuc correction 
of the primitive calendar, simultaneously with it Ancient 
Italic tradition testified to the settlement of a colony from 
Egypt in Italy, which became the nation of the Umbrians 
there, the first and oldest of its national divisions themselves; 
and was attested and commemorated too by the first correc- 
tion of the primitive calendar, on the Nundinal principle. 

It adds not a little to the observableness of this pheno- 
menon, and to the probability of the inference, that so many 
migrations, and in such different directions, all from one 
quarter, (the ancient Egypt,) must have been the effect of 
some cause or other peculiar to Egypt in particular, that 
the times of these migrations, determined by the tests and 



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<^-3- *-3- ^^ TT^eban Diouysos, Cadmus, and Thebes. 129 

eriteiia in question, and especially by the corrections of the 
calendar, which accompanied them, are seen to have fallen 
out so nearly simultaneously; the migration to Argos and 
the institution of the Thesmophoria, B. C. 1346^ the migra- 
tion to Attica and the institution of the Athensea, and the 
Atheninc correction of Erechtheus^ B. G. 1342, the migration 
to Italy and the first Nundinal correction of the primitive 
calendar^ 6. G. 1340. It is self-evident that^ if each of these 
migrations was an actual matter of fact in its proper order 
of time, all must have been the consequence of something 
peculiar to Egypt, and affecting Egypt^ and producing an 
effect like this in Egypt, between these limits of B. G. 1346, 
and B. C. 1340, at least. 

And that being the case, the only rational and consistent 
eiplanation of a phenomenon which, under the almost total 
dearth of information at present respecting the history of the 
world at this period, anywhere but in Judaea, would other- 
wise be Tery inexplicable, is supplied by the fact, the evi- 
dence of which we had occasion to consider in our Fasti 
CathoUci^; viz. that about B. C. 1350, and probably that very 
year itself, (which was memorable in Egypt above all others 
as that of the introduction of their great national Fable of 
Odris and Isis, and that of the institution of their national 
acdemnity of the Isia, and that of the beginning of the first 
Sotbiacal period,) and probably in the first year of the reign 
of the ancient Egyptian king, called Moeris, which seems to 
hare fidlen out coincidently with it, (in some year at least 
not long after the beginning of his reign,) the Egyptians 
ai^ear to have begun one of their national works, the greatest 
wfaidi they ever undertook, not excepting the pyramids, or 
Ae labyrinth, or any other of those colossal and stupendous 
buildings, which have made ancient Egypt the wonder and 
admiration of all subsequent ages — the excavation of the lake 
or reservoir of Mceris, in the upper region of the Delta, in 
that part of modem Egypt, which is still called the Fa-youm, 
from its ancient name of Pi-youm, or the Sea, derived from 
this lake itself I'. 

The magnitude of this undertaking, which proposed the 

* iii. 19s 1^. k Cf. the Baron BaiiBen's Egypt, torn. ii. 328 sqq. 

kaIm hbll. vol. y. k 



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130 Dianysian Correction of Melampus. diss. vi. 

excavation of a basin, 360 miles in circnmferenee, 120 in 
diameter, and 120 yards deep in the centre, and not only 
proposed it, but sometime or other accomplished it, can leave 
no doubt of the toil and labour, the expense of money, and 
the length of time, which must have been necessary for that 
purpose. And as there is no reason to suppose it was not 
executed by the Egyptians both for and by themselves, we 
may presume it must have been effected by a division and 
distribution of the task, in some manner or other, among the 
whole of the population ; which, without pressing unequally 
on any part, woufd nevertheless press heavily and unceasingly 
for a time upon all. 

It is therefore the most probable explanation of the simul- 
taneous migratory movement which begins to appear in 
Sgypt) within four years after the commencement of this 
undertaking, to suppose it was due to it; that numbers of 
native Egyptians, wearied out with years of toil already spent 
upon it, and with the prospect of more before them, determined 
to leave their country, and to go in search of relief and rest 
elsewhere. And it would no doubt be an additional stimu- 
lus to the adoption of these very obvious means of escape 
from any further share in a burden which was beginning to 
be intolerable ; that nothing at this period of the history of 
the world was easier than for those, who could no longev 
live in peace and comfort in their own country, to find an- 
other home elsewhere. The world at this period of its his- 
tory, notwithstanding what many of the learned have ima- 
gined to the contrary, was still very imperfectly peopled ; as 
it could scarcely fail to be within a thousand years only of 
the Deluge, and nine hundred years only of the Dispersion, 
when three families, with their respective divisions and sub- 
divisions, were all that went forth in different directions to 
replenish the wastes and solitudes left by the Deluge. The 
most populous country at this time, for various reasons, was 
probably Egypt itself. The Egyptians in particular, with the 
peculiar facilities for multiplication which they derived from 
their climate, might well have grown up into a nation, even 
in a thousand years after the Flood : and the fact itself, into 
the causes of which we are inquiring, that so many colonies 
appear to have left Egypt about the same time, yet in the 



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rn. 3. 8. 3. The Theban Dion} sos, Cadmus, and Thebea. 131 

midst of one of the greatest, aad longest, and most laborious 
of their national undertakings, is quite in harmony with that 
•opposition, proving demonstratively that ancient Egypt had 
population enough at this very time not only for the services 
required from it at home, but for these draughts upon it to 
other quarters. 

But with respect to the rest of the world, at the same 
point of time in general, if we may confine ourselves at pre- 
sent to the particular case of the ancient Hellas, there is 
every reason to believe that before the coming of Danaus, 
and the foundation of the city of Argos, the Peloponnese, as 
it was afterwards called, was very imperfectly peopled. Even 
Homer, so much later than Danaus, knew of the people of 
that part of Greece by no other name than that of the 
Ar^ves from Argos, aud that of the Danai from Danaus ; 
nor do the traditions of the Greeks themselves recognise any 
proper inhabitants of the country, of the same or an earlier 
era, but the fabulous race of the Pelasgi, the men of the sea, 
tiie antediluvian possessors of the same country, (if it had 
any possessors before the flood,) which was peopled princi- 
pally by the followers of Danaus after the Deluge. Attica 
in like manner had few inhabitants of its own, before the 
eoming of Erechtheus, and the colony from Sai's which set* 
tied with him at Athens ; nor did Attic tradition itself re- 
cognise any earlier possessors of the country than the fabu- 
lous contemporaries of the equally fabulous Atlantii ; the 
former^ the supposed representatives of the antediluvian 
poaseasora of Attica, and the latter those of the rest of 
Hut world. Arcadia, in like manner, must still have been 
destitnte of inhabitants, when the colony from Area, in 
Palestine, settled there^ and laid the foundation of the name 
and nation of the Arcadians of later times : and after both 
the coming of Danaus, and the coming of these Phoenicians, 
there was still room enough in the Peloponnese for a large 
immigration from the ancient Lydia, or Moeonia, in the per- 
sons of Pelops and his followers, sixty or seventy years 
beer. 

And as to the islands of the ^gean sea, in contradistinc- 
tion to the mainland of Greece or Asia, they must have been 
still more imperfectly settled; for they would naturally be 



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132 Dionysian Correction o/'Melampus. diss. vi. 

the last to be occupied. And the settlers^ who found their 
way into them first, appear to have been either the Carians^ 
from the nearest quarter on the opposite continent of Asia, 
or the Phcenicians, the first of the nations of antiquity who 
frequented the sea, and made distant voyages from their 
own home. But in no instance, or in none of which any 
proof is in existence at present, do the first and earliest of 
these settlers on the islands of their own sea appear to have 
been native Greeks. Where, for example, was the Greek 
population of Crete, before the time of Minos ? or what were 
the *Et€6kpi)T€9, or aboriginal inhabitants of Crete, which 
Homer distinguishes from the Greek population of the 
island in his own time ? Where was the Greek population 
of Rhodes, before the time of Tlepolemus? or what Greek 
cities had Rhodes older than the three which were founded by 
him? Where was the Greek population of Cyprus, before 
the time of Kinyras ? And so, no doubt, in various other 
instances, of which the same question might be asked. 

With regard indeed to the name and nation of the Greeks 
as such ; from the facts which have come to our knowledge 
in early Hellenic antiquity, and especially from the light 
thrown upon it by the revelations of the primitive calendar, 
we can draw only one conclusion ; that if they can be said to 
have had a beginning in history at all, it is from the date of 
the arrival of these different colonies, all more or less con- 
temporaneous. And the inference from this coincidence 
must be this. That these colonies in some manner or other 
laid the foundation of the Greek name and nation ; con- 
tributed materially at least to its development and formation 
by the course of subsequent events : for that the Greek 
nation as such, and under that name, grew up every where 
in the ancient Hellas out of such colonies and settlements 
from abroad, in every instance, is more than we would ven- 
ture to affirm. 

The first answer then to the q^uestion. From what quarter 
Cadmus probably came into Greece, is supplied by the 
knowledge of this fact, of what was going on in Egypt just 
at the time when he must have come into Greece. The iiext 
is supplied by another fact in his personal history, the best 
attested of all ; that he founded a city in Greece, the name 



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CH. 3. 8. 3. The Theban Dionysos, Cadmus, and Thebes. 133 

of which was Thebes. This fact is perhaps more important 
and more decisive npon the question of the quarter from 
which he came, before he founded this city, than the other ; 
on one supposition at least, the reasonableness of which 
a priori every one must allow : viz. that if he came himself 
from a city called Thebes, he might, and very probably 
would, call the city which he founded in Greece by the name 
of that from which he came. 

For with respect to the quarter, from which he came to 
Greece, there have never been more than two opinions con- 
cerning it ; One, that it was Phoenicia, the other, that it 
was Egypt. Now though the ancients enumerate nine or 
ten cities, in different places, of the name of Thebes, they 
mention none in Phoenicia ; and we may take it for granted 
that there was no city so called in Phoenicia in particular, 
either in^ or after, the time of Cadmus, of which anything is 
known either to history or to geography, ft is clear then 
that if Cadmus gave the name of his native city, or of any 
city in his native country, to Boeotian Thebes, he could not 
have come from Phoenicia. But with respect to any city so 
caHed in Egypt, few cities could boast of a greater antiquity, 
none was more famous and known of out of its own country, 
none is earlier mentioned in ancient profane history, or 
earlier alluded to in the Bible, as the greatest city of its 
time, than Egyptian Thebes. Nothing then could be more 
possible a priori than that the name of Boeotian Thebes might 
have been taken from that of Egyptian Thebes ; nothing 
would be more probable than that it would be, if the founder 
of Boeotian Thebes himself came from Egyptian Thebes, in 
his time the metropolis of Egypt, and for population, and 
sise, and wealth, and splendour, the Paragon of cities not 
only in Egypt, but anywhere else in the ancient world. 
What but simply the feeling of patriotism, the natural pride 
of a native Egyptian, especially of one born and bred up in 
such a city, would be necessary to account for the fact that 
a native of Egyptian Thebes, whom circumstances had com- 
pelled to become an exile from home, should have given its 
name to the new abode which he was founding at a distance 
from it ? 

This consideration alone, that there was no Thebes in 



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134 Dionysian Correction of Melampus. diss. vi. 

Phoenicia, with which Cadmus could have had any connec- 
tion, but there was a Thebes in Egypt, which no native 
Egyptian, much less one bom in that city itself, could ever 
forget, ought to be decisive of the question whether Cadmus 
came from Phoenicia or from Egypt. And though it cannot 
be necessarily inferred even from this very coincidence that 
the founder of the Boeotian Thebes must have come from 
Egyptian Thebes, and not simply from Egypt in general, the 
testimony of the fable relating to the Dionysos of Boeotian 
Thebes comes in here. The author of this fable must have 
taken it for granted that Egyptian Thebes was the birthplace 
of the Dionysos of Cadmus as much as of the Dionysos of 
Melampus; and if so, that Cadmus himself must have come 
from Egyptian Thebes. And though the author of that fable 
is not known at present, the internal evidence of the fable 
itself is demonstrative of its antiquity, and of its coming so 
near to the time of Cadmus, that the opinions or belief of its 
author, on any particular fact in the history of Cadmus, must 
be considered a strong argument a priori 6f its truth. Be- 
sides which, we have already shewn in our Fasti Catholici 
that Egyptian Thebes derived its name from the deluge and 
the ark ^ ; and that Boeotian Thebes derived its name from 
the deluge too — was understood at least from the first to have 
been closely connected with that event, and to have derived 
its most appropriate style and title of Ogygian Thebes from 
that connection *. And this also is another strong ground 

* ArooDf^ the different etymons of the name of Orfiri, or Brjfiai, which 
are to be met with, one is Orj^rj, the supposed name of the wife of Zethus : 
Tafiti dc Zifdot flip Orffirfp, d<f> ^s rf 7r6\Ls eij^ 1 : another is Offia, 8up« 
posed to have been the Syriac for Povf : Bij/Sa yitp Ivpiarl Xiy^rat If fiovs ^ — 
8i7/3a3* 2vpiaTi Xcycrai 17 fioys, oB^v €Kkri$rf(rap al B^/Sai vvh rov Kddfiov «ert- 
aBfia'ai — AAXoi dc cmh rr^s o^oytcr^cicn^ff vnh rov Kad/iov fio6s <f>ain Bi^/Siyv 
T^v tTrrajTvXov KXrjBfjvai. Q^&rj yap ^ $ov£ Karii 2vpovf^, This etymOQ was 
evidently founded on the tradition relating to the cow, which was supposed 
to have guided Cadmus to the site of Thebes ; and therefore had just as 
much foundation in point of fisict as that, and no more. No such word as 
Bnffff occurs in the Sjrriac at present, (nor, as we are informed, ever did,) 
in the sense of a cow ; and in the Phoenician, (which must have been com- 

1 iv. 342-350. 

1 Apollodonu, Biblioth. iii. v. 6. 3 £tym. M. 

2 Scholia ad Phoen. 638. 4 Tisetzea, ad i<ycoph. 1 206. 



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cB. 3* s-S- T%e Theban jyionj909,C9kAmus, and Thehes. 185 

of presQinption that it was purposely so called after Egyptian 
Thebes. 

monly supposed the laoguage of Cadmus himself,) the word for a cow, 
according to Platarch ^ was 6«p, not Brfirj *. 

As to &ffiii9 the wife of Zethua, we may reasonably doubt whether such 
a peison ever eziBted. Thebes itself however had been founded before 
the time of Zethua and Amphion^ to whom, not the building of the city in 
generalt but the building of the walls of the city in particular, was attri- 
bated : Avo *Awn6trM wyivowro' 9 ^9 Nvmrc^r 17 dc ^Kawirov (ir€p\ ^s pv9 
'AwoXXtfPioc), f f jcal Aior ^KfUf^imv cal Zrfiot^ oL ksu rat Sifias civ i;(icray, »ff 

Ot wp&rot Offitff €ios ttfTiaav hrrcarvKow, 

^ptKv^s dc jcal r^v alriav jrtipal^il^oMri TrJ£ oiKoi6fifig, du$rA ^Xfyvas iroXc- 
luovt twras cvXo/Sovvro ^q^CK€vovti "VLabfi^ ^. 

The truth is, it derived its name from the Egyptian Thebes, as that did 
from the name of the ark in Hebrew®: Bt]^' irAtr BotwnW koL xc/S^- 
nor' — ^Kfutvow d* ffyovfiaL r^y Ki^rhv €K rot) 'EfipaiKov ovofutros OfjficiBa 
taXovfutnfw SXXo ri arifiaiptiv '^. The ancients enumerate nine cities at least 
of the name of Thebes 11, but none older than Egyptian Thebes: Toifs 
Alytmriovs waXatordrovs ctwii . . . (JMo-i' Koi cV Alyvirrta irp&rrfp KTtaBrjvai 
w6ktw Oifias '2 — Tptis ela-t OrjPai' al iirrdirvKoi vph T^ff ncXcwrow^croi;, ht 
JLad/iot Zktww^ <d iKarorrairvKoi cV A/yvirr^ f £ ttv Koi "Ofiripos, Koi al 'Yfro- 
irXoMM^ i ion rh ^Arpafiiriov, fj km O^^i; iviK&s Xtytrai ^^, 

VTnh respect to the epithet of the Ogygian, it is regularly applied to both 
Egyptian and Boeotian Thebes. 

Taff r ^yvytovc 

Tb voXoi^* Xry«i M ritt fKarorrearvKavs >* — 

*H fUw oo'Oi Orfiriw cpucvdca raurdownv, 
S^/3i;y Srfvyiiiv /jcordfurvXoy, tv6a ytyfovws 
Mff/iMMT drrtXkcfwrap ifjp daird(erai ff& >• — 



^Ow€v irt wtttrBtU *Qyvyov tnraprht \t»t '^ — 

• Yet efen O^, aoeording to Oesenhit, is not the Hebrew, but the Chaldee for 
$tm ; j«flt M IB the quotation from ClemeDs Alex, infra, e^/Svto for that of ark, 

S SoHa, zTii. 262, OM ri vav Aaycwv. 

S Odyts. A. 163. 19 Scholia in Hesiod. ad Scntam, 

7 SehoL ad ApoUon. Rhod. i. 735. 48. ct Strabo, ziii. 1. 139 a. b. Eusta- 

Xir r War *Am£nit. thins, ad Dionys. Perieg. 855 : M4<rov 

S Cf. our Fasti Catholici, It. 141 sqq. Si ^a4n}X/8o5 icol 'ArroAf /as ^firi leal 

abo sapra, vol. ir. 101. 367. Avpni^abt byuArviun rtut TpmuuSs. cf. 

9 Uesychius. Strabo, xiv. 4. 218 a. b. 

IS Clenieiia Aiexandrinas, Strom, v. 14 .fischyloB, Persae 37. 

▼i I 37. p. 27. 1. a8. W Schol. in loc. 

H Staph. Byz. in voce. cf. Eiuta- l<t Dionys. Perieg. 348. 

Udw, ad Dionys. Peri^. 348* ^^ liycophron, 1206. 

12 SdioUa ad ApoUon. Rhod. iv. 



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186 Dionysian Correction q/* Melampus. diss. vj. 

"Qyvyos dpxaios fiau-iKtvs Qtfimv 1^, a^ ot jccu vyvyuu nvkai €v Q^fiois* 
cV TovTov dc jcai irav t6 apx'^'^^^ uiyvyi6v <l>a€rL, dia t6 wokv avrbv ynwtfcu 
apxaurrarou' 6 df '^fiytryor vt^f Jfp Uoo'eid&vos Koi 'AXiarpas, Avkos dc cy rf 
ir€p\ Otj^wv laropti' Mcr^ rh Kara ^evitaXtWa Z«w fuyflf *Iodafia r$ Ti^wpov 
roO *A/ii0(rpvo>vor 7cvy$ Qri^tfv, rjv dlbvuriv *i2yvy^, d<^* o$ 'I2yvyti| 17 Brffitf. . . 
xai 6 ^fiyvyof Off^&p Alytmrimv ^ |8a(riXcvff, o^cy ^ Kad/tior vnapxoHfikB^ €P 
*£XXadt rar Cfrran-vXovr ^Krurf, Koi myvyias nvXat cJtdXccrf^ mivrti troii^a'ar cir 
oyofia tS>» Aiyvnritav Sijficov-^Qyvyos, dpxalos /ScurcXcvs Otfi€U»w ^^, ^' oJS 
Kac 'O'yiyytat ttvXoa cV 0^/3a(£* icai frav ro ap;(aiov myvyiop ^<rt, dcd r6 iroXv a^ 
Toi^ y«v€v6ai dpxai&raTOv — *Qyvyui, ^ vpoaijyoprCBrj, Kfnfalv * Apurr6dfifto£f dih 
TO roi;r 7r€p\ * A/i^iovo Koi ZfjBov, Tttxi{oPTaf rof Qff^f, irapa rhv *fiyvyov rov 
3a<rtXf Q>£ rdxfiov airras rd^ai, 'Qyvyia fie ra «u raxfiia rov *Qyvyov /Sao-tXcwf — 
*Qyvytas dc rar Qrifias ^^, car6 *Qyvyov rov /9ao'iXevo-oin*or avr&y. Kdpiiva dc 
rw "Qyuyov Bouorov viop tlntp. dno tovtov df koi wyvyuu r&p Qrj^&p 
TfiXai. 

There cannot be any doubt then that this epithet was considered to be 
equally applicable to both these cities, and no doubt for the same reason at 
bottom also. And though in the preceding statements the etymon of the 
epithet is traced up to the name of a person,4f¥ho was supposed to have 
onoe existed^ yet if we proceed to inquire who or what he was, it will soon 
be evident that nothing was known historically of the subject of this proper 
name, only of something which was supposed to have happened in his 
time, whatsoever that was. Tradition among the Greeks was uniform on 
no point of the personal history of this ancient king, but one; viz. that 
the oldest event, of which it had preserved the recollection in any shape, 
the flood of Ogygus, as it was called, happened in his reign. Tradition 
indeed bad perpetuated the memory of three catastrophes of this kind, but 
of none, older or more general than this : *Ori rptU l<rropov<n ytptirOai 
ffaraxXviffiovs* irp&rop top cirl *Oyvyov, ts ijv TrJ£ ' Arruc^r |3a<r«Xm, dcvrrpor 
TOP fin A€VKaki€»posy. , ,Tpirov r^f tirl Aapdavov^: for a more particular 
description of each of which we refer the reader to Nonnus ^. If the 
Gretks then knew anything of this ancient king, it was through the first 
and oldest of these deluges. And if we proceed to inquire what this parti- 
cular catastrophe of that kind, so connected traditionally with this Ogygus, 
could have been, we soon see reason to conclude that as the first and oldest 
of all, as the most general and the longest in its duration of all, (nine 
months ^, only three months less than that of the deluge of Scripture,) if 
it had a prototype in any real event of the same description, however far 
back beyond the time of the commencement of regular history, it must 
have been the deluge of Scripture, the flood of Noah. And if the chrono- 
logers of antiquity have attempted to assign a date to this Ogygus, and to 
the catastrophe which happened in his time, that too is seen to approxi- 

18 Tzetzes, in Inc. T2 SchoL in Platon. ii. 425. In Ti- 

li' Etyin. M. in voce. msum, 12, 16. 
^0 Schol. ad Phcen. 1115. *Ciyvy ta 8' 23 Dionysiaca, iii. 180-2 19. 

els wvkAtAoff. 34 Solinns, Polybistor, xi. 18. 

21 SchoL ad Apollon. Rhod. iii. 11 77. 



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cu. 3, 8. 3. The Theban Dionysos, Oadmus, and Thebes. 187 



nearer to the Soripture data of the deluge, and to the thne of the 
I Noah, than to anything elae ^. 

And though these ooincideiioet prima fade would lead to the inference 
that the Ogygua or Ogygee of this tradition most hare been the patriarch 
Koah ; yet if we proceed to inquire into the name which appears to have 
been girea to him, and its probable derivation, we shall see more reason 
perhaps to conclude that it could never have been a proper name, strictly 
so called, at all; only the name of an abstract idea, that of the Ocean, as 
the iDatminental means of the Deluge, treated as a person. For this word 
^yvyor, in the first place, is resolvable into cSyvy and or, the latter of which 
b a mere termination, such as tSyvy itself would assume in the Greek lan- 
guage. In the next place, there is but an accidental difference between &y\jy 
and &Sy (with the ifiolic digamma,)~no such difference, at least, as to ren- 
der it improbable, much less impossible, that cSyvy might have been derived 
from Avy. Thirdly, if we refer to Gesenius, in voce, we shall see that ^ or 
^vy, in Hebrew, is the word for "anything round, anything that went round 
in a cirde, anything of a circular shape*' — so that if the primitive idea of the 
oeean was that of something which went round the earth in a circle, some- 
thing which encompassed die earth on all sides, iby or &vy would have 
been a very suitable term for this primitive idea. Now there is reason to 
believe that mek was the primitive idea of the ocean. We may collect for 
oursdves from the testimony of Scripture, that the oiKovn«vri of the ante- 
diluvian world, the Thebel of the Hebrew, in contradistinction to the 
Arete, was properly an island, however large — one mainland or continent 
at least, surrounded by the sea on all sides. And we may collect from the 
testimony of Homer ^, and that of the most ancient geographers^, that 
the same belief of the earth's being surrounded by the ocean on all sides 
was long retained, even in the postdiluvian world. 

And as there could have been but little difference between «»yi;y and &vy, 
so would there be but little between ooyvy and wyi^v. Now this word too 
oecnrs in Greek, as the name of the ocean : 'Qyrfp' &K€ap6s ^8 — *Qytpl9ai 
Moyidac' Myi^y yiip micta»6f^: and &y«pot, which differs slightly from 
•yip, occurs in Lycophron ^ : 

rpala» (vpfwov *Qytyov Tvrrfvita' 
and ^Qytjvatt it appears from Clemens Alexandrinus ^^ was as old as the 
time of Pherekydes of Syros : ^ptKvBris 6 2vpiog Xcyet* Zht votei c^o« 
^ya TV Mat JcoXoy, koi <V avr^ iroucAXXci y^i^ xai 'Qyrjpov xal rh *Qyrivov ddb- 
fUKTB. And it is far from improbable that if our own term ocean is not to 
be supposed to have been derived from the Greek &K9a»6sf through the 
Latin oeeamms, it is the original of this very word ayrfv, in the form of 
mtm or M^ itself. Such however being the probable etymon of the 
word, it may well be supposed that the &yvyos of the Greeks never could 

2S See oar Fasti CathoUd, iy. 345 'Hmcoi^s : Diodor. i. 37 : Schol. ad 

aote. ApoU. Rhod. iv. 259 : Hyginus, Poet. 

"» Iliad, E. 345. Astron. i. 8. 
S7 The anrient Egyptians, and He- 28 Hesychius. 20 Ibid. 

of MifeCus: llerodotiu, ii. 13 : •'^131. cf. Steph. Byz. in nomine. 



iv. 36 : Steph. Byz. 'nfffovtfs : llesych. •)! Strom, vi ii. $ 9. pag. 102. 22. 



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188 IHonysian (hrrectiano/MelBLmfXiB, diss.ti. 

Lastly, with regard to the statements and testimonies of 

have been any thing but this circumfluous ocean personified, and called by 
a proper name, derived fh>m itself; and that the flood of this Ogygns was 
simply the deluge, of which this ocean, encompassing the earth on all sides, 
and brought up upon the earth fh>m all sides, was made the instrument. 

We may conclude with a few words relating to the gates of Thebes ; 
one of which too was called the Ogygian gate. These gates are enumerated 
by iEschylus under the following names and in the following order: 
UptHribts^i "HktKTfHu^i NiyiTot**: *Oyjcaioft**: Bopptuu^i 'OfuiktMdts^ : 
""Efidofuu^, In the Phoenissse we have them as follows: N^irai^: IIpoi* 
riits^i 'fiyvyiot^l : *0/ioX«i^ef ^ : E^vauu^i ''HXcierpoi^: "E^do^t^ : 
from which it appears that the two which ifisohylua called 'Oymuit and 
Bop/MMu respectively, Euripides calls *fiyvyuu and Kpifmn. ApoUodorus 
calls and enumerates them as follows^: *OfAokmd€t, 'Oyvyuu, DpoiTtdfr, 
'OyjcQAdfc, 'Y^/oTai,*HXcicrpai, Kpiyyidff. Pausanias (who speaks of them 
as still in existence in his own time), as follows ^ : 'HXeicrp^f r , Upotrt^st 
fitftrat, Kpfivauii/Y'fftiaTai/Qyvyuu/Op6k»ld€s I and he gives us to under- 
stand ^ that the gate called *r^urrai, in his^st and that of ApoUodorus, 
was the same which in iEschylus' and Euripides* was called ^Efi^fMot. 
Lastly, they are recited by Statius also in the following manner : 
Ogygiis it sorte Creon ; Etheoclea mittunt 
Neitse, celsas Homolcii'das oocupat Heroon : 
Hypsea Proetides, celsuro fudere Dryanta 
Electrae, quatit Hypsistas manus Eurydamantis, 
Culmina magnanimus stipat Dircsa Menoeceus^. 
in which the name of Dircsean is substituted for that of Kprfvcuai or Kpi|W- 
^€s — ^implying that this gate took its name from the neighbouring spring 
of Dirke M. The gate of Electra is mentioned by Pindar, in his account of 
the Heraclea at Thebes *i. 

Hyginus has a statement ^^ that the walls of Thebes liaving been built, 
and the gates set up, by Arophion, these latter were called after the names 
of bis seven daughters, Thera, Cleodoxe, Astynome, Astycratia, Chias, 
Ogygia, Chloris : names which, with the exception of the last but one, 
occur nowhere else. Nonnus on the other hand supposes that, though built 
by Cadmus, they were by him dedicated to, and called after, the sun and 
the moon and the five planets M; an hypothesis, the foundation of which 
(if it had one) was probably a fact in the history of the coming of Cadmus, 
which we shall have occasion to explain by and by. 

83 Septem oontn Thebu, 377. 47 ix. riii. 3. cf. viL 4 : viii. zzxiii. i. 

M Ver. 423. 84 460. -M ix. xxxiv. 5. 

a» Ver. 486. a« Ver. 527. the filth. 49 Thebaia, viii. 353. 

87 Ver. 570. 60 Cf. Scholia ad Phoeniasaa, 1 123. 

88 631. cf. 789, 800 : also the Scho- 61 Isthmia. iii. 104 sqq. cf. Scholia 
lis in locos. in locum, and ad Olymp. rii. 153, 154: 

39 Ver. 1 104. 40 1109. ix. 143-148 : Nemea, it. 32 : Isthmia, 

41 Ver. 1 1 13. 421119. i. II. 

48 1 193. 44 1129. 4A 1134. 53 Fabb. Ixix. Adrastus. 

46 Bibliotheca, iii. ti. 6. pag. 103. » ▼. 67 sqq. cf. Fasti Cath. Ui* 449. 



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CH. 3. s. 3. The Thdkm Dionysos, Cadmus, and Thebes. 1S9 

antiquity itself on this question of the quarter from which 
(^Mlmus came into Greece, while we admit that, according to 
Herodotus and to many others, he must have come from 
Phoenicia — we observe also, that testimony is not wanting, 
and of good authority too, which deposes expressly to the 
fact that he came from Thebes in Egypt. And as to the 
manner in which those other testimonies are to be explained 
in order to render them consistent with this, we hope to in- 
quire into it by and by. The testimony to which we refer is 
that of Diodorus more particularly — and also that of Tzetzes, 
and of Nonnus, author of the Dionysiaca. 

L K<i5|xotr ^fc Qrifi&v ovra t&v AtyvTrrCtav ycvinjaaC (^<ri) <Fifv 
ikkois ritiPois Kci ^tfiikrfv. raiTr\v Vk i<^ Stov brjnoTe (f>Oap^l(rcaf 
lyKvop ytvia-OoL, koI t€K€Tp ivrh fxr}v&v huKBovTaav Pp4<l>os, r^v 
S^t9 ol6v ir€p ol Kar AXywsTov "Oaipii; y^yovivai voyL((ov(Tiv " — 
iL ^AAAoy Vk irdAiv IffroQuAi kiy€i m Z<^ ©iJiSj? inyAs Alyvwrov 
ycFpf, ip 0vy6,rrip Kdpxri, iuf>* &tf fj T€ 1^9 AlySTrrov 116X19 Qrifiri 
ixkriOri, koI ^ Kap\rfi^v injeros. kcU 6 "Clyvyos &t)P&v AlyvTsrUav 
j|f /icuriXcirs, Mei; 6 K<tdfi09 xm&pyonv ikBtiv iv 'EWijbi rhs ivTa- 
m^ikovs cfcrure, koX '^SlyvyCovs irika^ ^icdXco-e, irivra irot'/faas its 
ivopia rmv AlywrCtav €hiPiiv ^. 

m. HXtfc ml €19 Atyvirrov €phv p6ov, tv frokirjrai 

NfiXop €<l»ffu(atn'o i^p»¥vp€» k, r. X.^ 
Ii^ ''E9raKl>op Alt ruertv, diajpaai»v Srt K^Kfrmp 
*Imix^^ dflyidXijff ivaiif>rf<raTO $tios OKolrifs 
jl^f/xrcv ipiopjcaftfiru'V 6€ijy«v€os dc roiajot 
t( 'Eird^ov Aifivri' Atfivrjs d* cirl w(un'6v 6dtvn9 
Mtftufniios dxpis iicoyf no<rtM»p furavdtmfs, 
w ap $§ p o w ix9€vw» ^^/nofftmitbar jcal r6r€ Kovpti 
t€(afuv9f vatrifpa fivBov x^povSoP 6lUniv 
Zijwa Alfiwf T€Kt B^Xov, €p,TJs dporjfpa ymffkiig, 
Kol A«^f *A(r/3v<rrao vhiv aprippovov oft^^y 
Xaopiff /3o<$«o-i iTfXciadi dt^dts ^pptn 

pjovrtw^k^* iripttrtf (leg. niptrr^v) dc narrip lv6ptrpo¥ dpi6ft6p 
Bijjkof iiravamprfp ywptr^ tnrtppffparo iraidwp 
•cmM JKoi ^otpuM \nr6vroktp, ols 6pa &dKkttp 
oarif dfiOt ff a i tiP itoXmov irc/M^oiror 'Ayi}M»p 
aaroBw 0i<$roio, irar^p 4^<» *lx* iroptuip 
Cf Brfdtip p/srh Mc/i^y, is *AaavpuiP ptrii ^^^p '• 

B i. «3. c£ EuelniiBy Pnep. Bvaiig. primnm de lo, ad HarmonMm loqui- 

fi. I. 104. L 34. tnr. 

• TWat^ ad iQfooph. laod P Cf. SdioL ad Xurip. Phoen. 147. 

« Nonniit, Dionynaca, iii. 375. Ubi Koir^r af/«a x and iEachyliu, SapplicM, 

Cadaos de ae d parentibns aoia, et 317. Tip* o^ fr* i(AAor. 



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140 Dionynan Correction of Melampus. diss. vx. 



*AXX^ jtoBov Tvpioio nov y€V€Trjpos tdtras 

fiiftvt irap* aXXodcnroio-i, Koi Alyvirriijff c/o Grffitfs 

narpidot Sfrrv iri$Xc<rcroy evt^wfiov, ^xt irecrovo-a 



Touw tdos iroifia'€, km Upov acnv noKiaa-as 

Section IV. — On the probable origin of the opinion thai 
Cadmus came from Phcenicia. 

The coming of Cadmus into Oreece, according to the 
popular tradition^ was connected with the Baptus of Europe ; 
and Europe, according to the fable of the Raptus, was the 
daughter of Agenor, king of Tyre, and sister of Cadmus : 
and Cadmus, according to the fable, was sent into Greece by 
Agenor in search of Europe. It cannot be necessary for our 
purpose to treat such a fable as if it could have had any 
foundation in fact ; as if Cadmus and Europe^ the brother 
and sister of this Fable, could have been contemporaries in 
any sense, if Cadmus was as old as B. C. 1347, and Europe, 
as the mother of Minos by Zeus, could not have been older 
than B. C. 1260. 

But though no reasonable person could doubt that it would 
be subversive of all the chronology of these ancient times to 
make Minos, (who was really contemporary with Lsuus, or 
even with (Edipus,) the contemporary of Cadmus, and 87 
years older than his own Zeus ; still we shall not perhaps be 
considered to have made good our proposition, that Cadmus 
actually came from Egypt, unless we can shew in what manner 
it might have, and probably did, come to pass that so many 
of the ancients, from Herodotus downwards, fell into the 
mistake of supposing him to have come from Phoenicia. And 
it appears to us that, having already, on good grounds, de- 
termined the time of his coming to B. C. 1347, we possess in 
that fact, and in another, inseparably connected with the 
same date, a clue to the whole of the mystery which has so 
long prevailed on this point. B. C. 1347 was the date of the 

q Nonnos, iv. 265. r jv. 503. » ▼. 85. 



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CH.3. 8.4- The Theban Dionysos, Cadmus, and Thebes. 141 

second Phcenix cycle, and of the first revision of the sphere, 
among the Egyptians ; and if Cadmus came into Greece 
from Egypt in this very year^ we have only to suppose that 
he brought with him the Phcenix period, and we shall pro- 
bably assign in that coincidence all the foundation, for the 
popukur belief of later times that he was a Phoenician, which 
can be required. 

For it is to be observed that Cadmus is quite as often 
spoken of, according to this belief, as simply the Phoeni- 
cian, or the son of Phoenix, as the son of Agenor : and 
that even Europe, his sister, is sometimes spoken of as the 
daughter of Phoenix, or the Phoenician too ^. Now this word 
Phoenix, or Phoenician, ^olvi^ in Greek, was ambiguous. 
It might denote the Phoenician; but it might also denote 
the Phoenix. It might be an appellative, and it might be a 
proper name. Let it only be supposed that Cadmus and the 
Phoenix period came into Greece together, B. C. 1347 ; and 
every one must allow it to have been possible that, by virtue 
of that coincidence merely, Cadmus might pass, if not with 
his own contemporaries, yet with posterity and long before 
the beginning of regular history, for Cadmus the son of Phoe- 
nix, or Cadmus the son of the Phoenician ; and that it might 
soon be added by those who took him for a Phoenician, that 
his father was the king of Phoenicia. 

The coming of Cadmus into Greece, B.C. 1347, approached 
so nearly also to the date of the introduction of the worship 
of Isis into Egypt, only three years before, that it may weU 
be supposed he would bring with him, not only the know- 
ledge of the Phoenix period, but the knowledge of Isis also : 
and that he did actually bring with him the knowledge and 
worship of some goddess, who agreed both in name and in 
nature with the Attic Athena, and was as old at Thebes as 
the foandation of that city itself, will be seen we hope by and 
by. At present we would direct the attention of the reader 
to the following passage from Pherekydes, the oldest au- 
thority on the subject of the Heroic Genealogies, next to 
Homer, known to the ancients, and we may add, the greatest 
too^: Ol ijiv ^Ayiivopos AeyoiKrt rbv KibiMP, ol ii ^(piko, <I>€- 

t See sapra, DisBert. iii. vol. iv. 558 n. 
▼ ScholiA ad ApoUon. Rhod. iii. 1185. 



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142 Dionytian Correction of Melampus. dim. vi. 

pff M^f M iv d' oCt^ il>r}oCv' ^kyfiviAp Hk 6 Tlofr^ib^vot yoftci ^ofuij* 
r^ip Bi{Xov. T&v h\ ylvovrai ^om(, kcH, ^{(rahf fjv fcx** Mywrot, 
KoL McA(a ffv irxjfi Aavaos. circira €vl<rx€i 'Ay^i;a>p ^Apyi&miv 
rtiv Nc^ov Tov voTojAov, Tov h^ ylvirai K&byuos. In this pedi- 
gree Cadmus is the son of Agenor^ but neyertheless an 
Egyptian, and the brother of Phoenix and Isaia. Now what 
could this <l>oix^t^ and this ^Icra^y be? Could 4>oii'(f be any 
thing but the name of the Phoenix, the bird so called, simply 
treated as a person ? or 'Iira^i; any thing but a slightly cor- 
rupted form of ^I<ri9? If so, on what could the genealogical 
fact, that this ^oii;i( and this ''loaifi were the brother and 
sister of Cadmus, the founder of Thebes, have been founded, 
except the historical fact that Cadmus, the founder of 
Thebes, when he came into Greece, brought with him the 
Phoenix Period and the Egyptian Isis ? 

We were told by the Scholiast on Hesiod^^that Polydorus, 
the son of Cadmus, had another name also, that of U(»ai ; 
and the same statement occurs in the Scholia on the Phos- 
nissse 7, with the additional information that it was a name 
given him by the poets, and therefore no doubt long after 
his birth and his true time^ and a« one among the other cir- 
cumstances of the fabulous history of Cadmus and his family: 
To{h-ov ot iroti^rol lllvaKOv ffaXo€<r(, VioK{^pov Vk IQi rh mXXa 
t&pa dKrif^vai i^v fxrir4pa airrod hni r^ ycyin^crci oArcv, What 
then could have been the meaning of this name of UCifa$, 
especially as the proper name of a son of Cadmns who him- 
self was a real historical character? 

The proper sense of UCvaf in Greek is that of a flat and 
smooth piece of wood of any kind, a board, or plank. It has 
likewise yery commonly the sense of a writing-board, or tablet, 
called also AiXros, from its resembling in shape the letter A, 
or Delta. Hesychins explains it both by Curypa<^la^ (a painting, 
in which sense it often occurs,) and by Urropla, (another com- 
moQ sense of the word, though entirely a secondary one,) 
and by i^aypa^ and v^pwxv ) in which latter senses it would 
denote anything of a comprehensive nature, like a period or 
^de^ a certain comprehension of time and numbers. 

And this kads as to observe that, as one of the senses of 
this word, and as the most important of all to the question 

i Supra, p. 125. r M mn. S. 



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CH. 3. a. 4. The Theban Dionyaos, Cadmus, and Thebes. 143 

of the reason of its application as a proper name to the son 
of Cadmus in particular, it was used also by the astronomers 
of old^ or as they were then called the astrologers, in a sense 
pecnUar to their own art, or science ; that of a scheme or 
delineation of the sun^ the moon, and the five planets known 
to the ancients, with their different aspects and positions, in 
themselTes and relatively to one another^ for the purpose of 
easting nativities, or solving astronomical problems in ge- 
neral. And in this sense it is used by Plutarch, in his Life 
of Bomulus, speaking of Tarrutius, the contemporary and 
friend of Varro ; who calculated for him the nativity both of 
Somnlns and of the city of Bome: *Aiiri(fiei^$ h\ koI r^; ire/>t 
TDF TiipoKa \u6ibov '. 

It is self-evident that a chronological cycle of any kind, 
and especially one which was as much astronomical as chro- 
nological, would come under this description ; such, for in- 
stance, as the representation of the sphere of Maszaroth, or 
the scheme of the Phosnix period, in which three different 
kinds of time, mean Julian, mean tropical, and mean lunar, 
were combined perpetually in a certain recurring cycle, of 
which we have given an account in our Fasti Catholici*. 
And it is evident also that to such a representation as this, 
Hesycbius" gloss on Viivai of itvaypc4ii, or ireptox^, would be 
strictly applicable. It is therefore a probable explanation of 
the application of this name to the son of Cadmus, that, when 
Cadmus came into Greece, he brought with him both the 
sphere of Mazzaroth, and the Phoenix cycle ; each of which 
would require to be delineated in a Utvai of this kind. Nor 
would it be more extraordinary that from this coincidence his 
son ahonld have been called lilvai, than that he himself, from 
die very same coincidence, should have been called <f»oiirif ; 
especially, if it so happened, (as it might have demo, and as it 
seema aetoally to have done,) that the birth of his son itself, 
and tins introduction of the sphere and the Phcenix cycle into 
Greece by him, fell out together. 

M<M«over, as the common opinion in modern times, that 
Cadmus originally came from Phcenida, is founded at bot- 
tom OQ Ae common opinion also, implicitly received by the 

s 8m mir OrigiiiM KalendimB It^icM, liL 179. 
ft ill. 499 iqq. rf. 305. 



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144 Dionysian Correction c/ Melampus. oias. ?i. 

learned from time immemorial, that Cadmus was the first 
person who brought the alphabet into Greece^ and that the 
alphabet which Cadmus brought was the Phcenician ; the 
account, whidi we have just given of the probable reason of 
the application of this name of nCva( to bis son^ enables us 
to dispose of this prejudice too. The oldest authority for this 
statement is Herodotus^ : and yet Herodotus says no more 
than that Cadmus brought into Greece ra fpoivucr^ta ypc^xara^; 
though we are ready to admit that by these ^oiPiKrfta ypaiJir 
lAora he himself meant the Phoenician alphabet. But if Cad- 
mus really brought the Phoenix cycle and the Phoenix period 
when he first came into Greece, he brought the Phoenix tar- 
bles ^ ; and what could the Phoenix tables have been called in 
Greek but the ^PoivUtia ypifxtmra? and how easily that might 
have been confounded with the Phoenician letters, in the 
sense of the alphabet, long before the time of Herodotus, 
when all that might once have been known among the Greeks 
of the sphere of Cadmus, and of the Phoenix cycle of Cadmus, 
might have been forgotten, and nothing remembered in con- 
nection with them except the simple fact that he brought the 
<t>oii;(ic€a ypimiara with him, we need not stop to shew. This 
is in all probability the true explanation of the mistake of 
Herodotus on this point, and therefore of the foundation of 
all the prejudice which has so long existed in modem times; 
to which nothing has been so instrumental as this testimony 
of Herodotus. 

Section V. — On the Fable of the Dragon of Cadmus; of the 
teeth of the Dragon; and of the Sparti or sown men. Tes- 
timonies. 

Among the fables of antiquity none was ever more famous 
than this of the Dragon, and the teeth of the Dragon, and of 
the Sparti or sown men, which tradition connected with the 
coming of Cadmus to Boeotia, and the foundation of the dty 
of Thebes ; except perhaps the cerate fable of the Dragon of 
^etes, the Argonautio Expedition, and the Golden Fleece : 
and none at first sight might seem to be more incapable of 
any rational and consistent explanation. Bat we have learnt 

^ T. 5S. cf. Heqrcfaiiit, ^ovut^ ypifAfuera, et Snidat, rpdfkfuna : ^ufutij^ 
ypdfAfAmrm. ^ See ovr Fasti Cathotid, iit 499-551* 



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CH. 3. 8. 5. The Theban Dionysos, Cadmos, and Thebes. 145 

fifoa experience to diatrast the impressions prodaced by the 
fnma fade view of these ancient fables ; or rather, the more 
extravagant and absurd they appear externally, the more per- 
taaded we are that they were founded on somethings which 
though curious, recondite, and purposely concealed, was 
nerertheless very possible and very true. Let us therefore 
hepji with collecting some of the testimonies of classical 
antiquity to this fable in particular; and then proceed to 
examine and explain them. 

1* YMfioi Zfjbokt rMt yaw 

Tvputs, f rtTpatrxfXijs 
l$6a'x^ Mtfiamfw ir*<niiia 
ducM, nXta4>6pw dsdowra 
XpiiVI^ cS KaTouuir<u 

Xpijcrc wvpotfi6p 'Aowav, 
maWiir&rafiof vSaro^ tpa rt 
9or\f MpxfTot yvas 

KM fia$va7r&povs. 



Ma <l>6ptos ^v dpoKuv, 
Ap€OS a>fi6(f>p»v <f>vXa(, 
wofurr* trvdpa Ka\ p€t6pa 
)(ko9ph ^pyftarw ic6paia% 
tnkvirkipoig maKon&v* 

KadfjLos «SXc<r€ fiapfidp<jf, 
Kpara ^>6ivi09 SXtaiOrfpog 
£k€9af dtKw poktug, 

dias dfioropog 

UaKXdHhs <l>padais 
ya^mU duc^y od^^rag 
ig fia$vaTr6povg yvag' 
€v$€y €(avrfK€ ya 
vAmmKop !^tv vnip ixprnw 
^pfl»rx^ov6f* a'ttap6^pu» 
94 ptp ^t6wog mSXcy (vtnfitt y^ 4^i\^, 
atpmot y Idtverc ydiap, H wuf mi' 
XoHTi df i£<y aiBipog mnaig ^. 

ii. Kfttfiot Si,*..^k$€P tls AeX^ov9 ircpl rijs Eipdvrii wvBavS- 

d Phoeaisss, 638. cf. ad io6a 
KAL. aSLL. VOL. V. L 



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l46 Diongsian Owreetion o/i/Lekunpxm. diss. n. 

ToiouTOP kd/Bitv xprfayJbv hA ^unKimv ivopeiero* clira fioi (rvvrv- 
X^P iv roi9 Il€\iyovTos fiovKok(ot9^ Ta6r(f ijl€t6vut$€p cbrcTo. ^ M 
hi€(iov<ra BomtCop iKk($ti ntihis tvBa vvv klaX 07)/8ai. fiwkdiuvo^ 
tt ^AOfiv^ KaraBvacA r^i; )9ovv Tt4pm€i rwh r&v iJitff iaurm) kii^6- 
luvov dird r$9 'Ap^la^ Kpffvris Hbotp' if>povpwf Vk ri^ Kpa/fPffP bpAxwp, 
hp i( "Apios ilTT6p TiP€s y^yopipai^ rois vkttopos rmp m^pu^Qiwrmp 
hU<t^€ip€v. iyaiHUcn^a^ hi K(id^(^ier€iV<t rov bpinoPTCL, Koi r^f 
^A&tfpas vno0^fi4pri^ rovs dbopras avrov aiMlptu ro^wf bi <rnap4p^ 
Tfi^Py ipiretXap ^k yvj^ iphp€s Ipo-nkoi, oOs iKAk€irap ^vaproAs. 
oSroi bi iL7riKT€ivap d\X^Aot/9....4>€p€#ct;di7$ bi ff^ffinp 2ri K6bpj09, 
Ibitp ix yrjs ipa<l>vopUp€m9 ivbpas ip6TtkwSf iir airohs ffkLk€ Xtfovr 
ol bi M ikkrjkoip popXCoPTis fi6kk€<r6ai cfe /uuixiyv Koxiarrfrap, 
v^pi€(T(i$rj(rap bk vivT€y *E\C(OPj Ovbaw, X66pio9, *Tir«pijiw^ FI^- 
Aa)/>. Kibfws b€, ivff &p itcT€iv€P, atUop ipuxurbp idrjfnwr€P "Ap^i. 
^p b\ 6 iviavrhs T&r€ ittria Iriy «. 

iii. 0& it€pik€i<t>Oipr€s t&p ^vapT&p &^ AUryvkos ^iftrtp ^av 
X66ptos Ovbalos nikaapos *T?r€pi}rttp kcu ''E^C^p^ tiiytffitp '^Ayca^p 
rriP KibpLOv OvyaripcL, i( Ijs ^rotei TltpOia oS ^okKcutos, oC Mcj^cu- 
Kihs, oS Kp4f»p Koi 'loicdo-n;'. 

IV. Il6p« bi trf^iv lovirw 

KpcW AXrunif X"^*^^^ '^ lLt0kov 6S6vTas 

'Aoy/oco bpoKoyros, bw wyiryiff cVi Orfiff 

Kabpos, OT Etfp^aitniv biCqfuvos €hra4>Uai^, 

irc^vcy 'Apf7rtddj7 Kpfivji tiriovpov iovra. 

ZvBa jcac iwdaOri nopir§ fio6s, fjv ol *A7r($XXtty 

&7rcur€ pavToirvvfitn npofjyrfT€7pap 6boio t. 
"^flyvyCovs bi rhs 0i^a9 (<Iir€i;) iv ^Slyvyov rod fiamk^iaaPTot 
o,iTW,.,,iL'nh rotirot; Vk koL '*^yvyuu tQp &q^p wikm* v€pi 8i 
Evpdirris koI T^s Kibpov eh €h{)3a9 vapovalas AvaCpkoxoi ip rfj 
vpttrri tQp &rjPaiKQp 'ttapab6i<a9 (rvp^Ck^xt irokkiiP rifp dkrip (icai) 
bia(p<opov<rap*..,Kat 'EkkipiKo^ ip a ^p<ApCbos' l<rrop&p &n koL 
Toifs 6b6pTas laireipe rov bpiKOPTos Kara "Apeos poikria'ur Koi 
iyipopTo it4pT€ ipbp€s fpovkot, Oifbalos XOopios lUkfAp 'Tire^rcip 
*ExC(op^.,,.ip bi r<p rpiri^ r^s MovtraUiv Tiropoypeupias kiy^rai 
&s Kdbpos iK Tov AekijyiKOv ivoptiero irpoKadrjyovpipfjs avr^ rrji 

* Fonan 6 A^os, see supra, 126 note f, though ''OKAmros might be deriTsble 

fimn the ikkawts of the oov of Cadmu* 

• AipdloAorai, iiL iv. i. tL SohoL t A|MUotthM Rhod. ii. 1175. 
in Iliad. B. 494. b CC ad Ten. 1 185. 

f SchoL in Phoenisias, 943. Aovrhs i SchoL in loc ct Photii Biblio- 

«l Sn^rfir y4r9us. cf. ad 934 and theca, Codex 186. Conon^ Aar^twr 
1008: also, in Pindar. Isthm. i. 41. \C' 



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cs. 3. 8. 6. The Theban Dionyaos, Cadnms; md Tbebes. 147 

Section VI. — Explanation of the Fable. 

i The idea of the Dragon or that of the Serpent, (between 
which there is only a specific difference^) appears to have been 
eoneeiyed by the ancient Egyptians in a figurative or symbolical 
Muse, first as the type of time^ in contradistinction to dura- 
tkm ; i. e. of duratioo, which some time or other had a begin- 
ning, though it might not have an end K Secondly^ as the 
type of a cyde^ or duration in the sense of time broken into 
segments; always ending and always beginning again accord- 
ing to some uniform hw K Thirdly, as the type of the sphere "», 
or a cycle of a certain kind too ; the cycle of the ecliptic, the 
round of the sun in the heavens^ measured either by the tro- 
pical or by the sidereal year. It is sufficient therefore to 
eiplain the first conception of this idea of the Dragon of 
Cadmoa also to know that Cadmus brought a sphere of a 
certain kind into Greece. The Dragon of Cadmus was this 
sphere of Cadmus ; and if the sphere of Cadmus was the 
Manaroth sphere of the Egyptians, the Dragon of Cadmus 
was this Maasaroth sphere of Cadmus. 

iL The Dragon of Cadmus was sacred to Mars : and from 
the time of the introduction of the doctrine of the Decani of 
the sphere and of the planetary houses ^, the sphere of Maz- 
saroth also was sacred to the planet Mars. The principal 
sign of the sphere of Mazzaroth was the Krion of Mazzaroth; 
and the principal Decan in the sign of Krion was the planet 
Mars, and the first house in that sign was the house of 
Mars'*. 

iiL The death of the Dragon of the fable was only prelimi- 
nary to the effect, supposed to have followed upon it ; and 
therefore merely fcat" olKovo\dav. The Dragon is killed in 
order that the teeth of the dragon may be sown ; the teeth 
are sown in order that they may spring up in the form of 
armed men ; these armed men spring up in order to contend 
together ; they contend together in order that a certain 
number of them may be killed, and so perish for ever, and a 
oertain namber may survive, for any use. and purpose which 
was afterwards to be made of them. The Dragon of Cadmus 

^ 8teMrFMtiCaUiolici,iii. 177, note. 1 Ibid. » Ibid. iu. 409. 

• Gt ov FMl Cmbottd, ir. 483-49^ « See Ibid. 487, 496. 

L % 



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148 Dumysian Cotrectum o/Melanipus. diss. yi. 

therefore denoting the sphere of Cadmus, and the sphere of 
Cadmus denoting the Mazzaroth sphere of the Egyptians^ 
the teeth of this Dragon must have been some part or other 
of this sphere. The only question will* be, What part i 

IT. The idea of the sphere of Mazzaroth was conceiTed by 
the Egyptians along with that of the tropical sphere ; but so 
that the latter was subordinated to the former, the sphere of 
M azzaroth was intended to serve as the standard of reference 
of the tropical. And the sphere of Mazzaroth being an in- 
variable idea of its kind^ but the tropical or natural one, a 
variable one^ liable to be affected by precession, and to re- 
cede in terms of the sphere of Mazzaroth, perpetually ; tliere 
were necessarily in the course of time three Types of these 
two spheres^ adapted to three different states of their rela- 
tions one to the other, i. The Type of the epoch, in which 
the tropical sphere was laid down in the fifteenth degrees of 
the sphere of Mazzaroth, in each of the signs ; ii. the Type 
of the first revision, at the end of the first Pho&nix Period, in 
which it was laid down in the twelfth degrees ; iii. the Type 
of the second revision, at the end of the second Period, in 
which it was laid down in the eighth degrees P. 

V. These distinctions then, and the reasons on which they 
were founded, being understood, the inference from them is 
obvious; viz. That the Dragon of Cadmus denoting the 
sphere of Cadmus^ and the sphere of Cadmus the sphere of 
Mazzaroth, the teeth of the Dragon must have been the de- 
grees of the sphere of Mazzaroth ; that part of the sphere 
of Mazzaroth by which it was connected with the tropical 
sphere perpetually. To adopt the symbolical language of 
tlie fable, and to apply it to each of the above distinctiona ; 
the idea denoted by the Dragon in every case remaining the 
same, and in every case that of the sphere of Mazzaroth in 
general in a certain relation to the sphere of nature in par- 
ticular, the sphere of the first Type was a Dragon of fifteen 
teeth, the sphere of the second was a Dragon of twelve teeth, 
and the sphere of the third was a Dragon of eight teeth. 
Under one or other of these categories consequently moat 
the sphere of Cadmus also have come ; for that too was a 

P See oar Fasti Catholici, iii. a8o sqq. : 349 sqq. : 430 sqq. : and our Origines 
Kalendariie Italice, vr. 56 » sqq. 



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CR. 3. s. 6. The Theban Dionysos, Cadmus, and Thebes. 149 

Dragon with a certain number of teeth : and if we knew the 
namber of the teeth of the Dragon of Cadmus, we should 
know the Type of the sphere of Cadmus also. 

▼i. Now though the number of the teeth of the Dragon 
eoHeetiyely, including those which perished and those winch 
•nrriTed alike, is not mentioned in any of the accounts as 
yet quoted, there is one more allusion to the same story 
which we have not yet produced, in which this omission is 
virtually supplied^ : ^£jc t&v 6MvTa>v Ifcjci^aei; ^ yi} o'n-Ao^povs 
^urdpas* flat ^ otroi (ot) i( avrci>j; iiroK€ut>6ivT€s^ FI^Aiap, ^ExUi^Vy 
OidoMSy XBopios, 'TvtfviPfAp, Karh b^ TCfiayopav Koi Kp4^v ... j 
fikp InfaCxppos ip EvptAVflq. rriv *A6rivav iairapKevai tovs dbovras 
^itf^ixr 6 hk ^Avbporifop crtrofiTov; airroitis 4>riat bia ri dicoXov^- 
m^as cArohs iK ^oivUris Ki^fn^ ffiropibrjv oUrjaat' '^AfxtpiKoxos 
Ik dta TO iir€<rvipdai rot; oIkovitiv iv 0^/3a(s' Aix)piiiTios ik t$Kos 
Bountas airrais ffiriatv. fvioi hi Tialbas KibfMv avrovs <l>cunVf in 
hiox^dpmf yvvoiK&Pf ly riv ipiBptdp. This last statement, that 
these Sparti, according to some, (and doubtless the best in- 
formed of all these authorities,) were so many chUdren of 
Cadmus by different wives, and thirteen in number, is of 
gieat importance to this question of the number of the teeth 
of the Dragon in all. It is a necessary inference from it that 
as the children of these wives of Cadmus, so the Sparti them- 
aelves, were thirteen in number; and if so, the number 
o£ the teeth of the Dragon must have been thirteen too. It 
firilows that the Dragon of Cadmus was a Dragon of thirteen 
teeth ; and consequently the sphere of Cadmus was a com- 
bination of the tropical sphere with the sphere of Mazzaroth 
in the thirteenth degrees ; or if we will, the tropical sphere 
laid down in the sphere of Mazzaroth in the thirteenth 
degrees* 

▼iL It is manifest therefore that there was little difference 
between the sphere of Cadmus and the Mazzaroth sphere of 
the second Type ; not more than one degree : the latter 
being combined with the tropical sphere in the twelfth de- 
grees* the farmer in the thirteenth. And yet even this is a 
greater d^;ree of difference than under the circumstances of 
the case would be admissible — ^if the Mazzaroth sphere of the 

« SchoL ad Phoen. 670. "EtfB^p i^at^K* 70. 



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150 Dianysian Correction (i/*MelaiDpii8. dibs. vt. 

second Type at least must have been that which Oadmns 
himself brought into Greeoe. We must therefore endeavour 
to explain it ; and shew, if possible, in what manner it might 
have come to pass that, though the true sphere of Gadmus 
must have been laid down in the twelfth degrees, it might 
have been assumed by the author of this fable as laid down 
one degree higher. 

viii. We observe then that fifty years after the second re- 
vision of the sphere, which left the tropical laid down, as the 
nature of the case at the time, and the proper rule of the ad- 
ministration of the two spheres in conjunction until then, 
required, in the 8th degrees of the sphere of Mazsaroth ; the 
doctrine of the recession of the cardinal points eight degrees 
in antecedentia, and that of the precession eight degrees in 
conaequentia, alternately, was introduced into Egypt, and ap- 
parently from Ghaldsea ^ : and the rate both of this recession 
and of this precession being assumed at one degree in eighty 
years, the Period was naturally assumed at 80x8 or 640 
years. Six hundred and forty years, according to this theory, 
was the natural length of time during which the motion in 
antecedentiay contrary to the order of the signs, and contrary 
to the apparent motion of the fixed stars, firom the eighth 
degree to the first, would attain to its maximum in that 
direction ; and the natural length of time in which the 
motion in consequentia, by which it was to be followed, 
agreeably to the order of the signs and to the apparent 
motion of the fixed stars, firom the first degree to the eighth, 
would reach its maximum in that direction. 

ix. It is manifest that wheresoever this doctrine was re* 
ceived, the motion in either direction must have been con- 
sidered limited to eight degrees; and such a theory and 
doctrine as that being applied to a combination of the tropi- 
cal sphere with the sphere of Masearoth, so made that the 
former was laid down in the thirteenth degrees of the latter, 
the practical efiect of the theory, under such circumstances, 
would be, that the first point of the tropical sphere would be 
liable to recede from the thirteenth to the fifth degree in 

r See our Fasti CathoHci, iii. 439 ; Bnd our Origines KalendariK ItalicK, 
iv. 56 n. sqqi. : 1 65 n. sqq. 



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CH.3* s« 6. The Theian Dionjsoe, CAdmas, and Thebes. 161 

the sphere of Maozaroth, bat bo farther : that coosequently, 
the firat eight degrees in such a sphere, from the thirteenth 
to the fifth, would be liable to be absorbed in the recession 
m amtecedentiOj A^d lost ; but not the remaining five, from 
the end of the sixth to the end of the first. These five de- 
grees, on the principles of the theory, could never be afl^ected 
by the recession. The first point of the tropical sphere could 
never approach nearer to the first point of the sphere of 
Maiaaroth than these five degrees. These five degrees must 
always remain a part of the sphere of Maszaroth ; and could 
never be swallowed up or lost in the tropical. 

X. Now the total number of the teeth of the Dragon being 
supposed to have been tkirteeny and the number of those, 
which survived the contest among themselves, according to 
all our authorities having been five; the namber which 
perished must have been Uie difierence of thirteen and five, 
L e. eight. It is manifest therefore that the teeth of the 
Dragon, thirteen in all, must have been supposed in the fable 
to have been made up of two parts, eight and five, respect- 
ively ; the distinction between which must have been as- 
sumed to be ihis^ That though they had both a common 
origin, and were each of them teeth of the Dragon alike, the 
part made op of the eight was liable to perish and be lost, 
the part made up of the five was not. 

zL It follows that the fable, in its first conception, and 
aeoording to the views and assumptions of its author, whoso- 
ever he was, could have been nothing more nor less than the 
doctrine of the recession and the precession, which we have 
just explained, applied to a sphere, which was either that of 
Cadmus, or assumed by this author to have been so ; a 
sphere, laid down originally in the thirteenth degrees, but by 
virtue of the alternation in question liable to be reduced to 
the fifUi dqsrees, but no further. The symbolical language of 
the fable on this principle is easily understood. The Dragon 
erf the fable, at first, with his 13 teeth, was the sphere of nature 
laid down in the thirteenth degrees of the sphere of Mazza- 
zoth^ but subject to this law of the recession. The same 
Dragon, at last, with his five teeth, was the same sphere, 
affiMSted by the recesaion to the extent prescribed by its own 
law, but no further. And on this principle too, the very cir- 



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152 Dimtysimn Correction o/Mdampus. diss. ti. 

eamstances and sappositions of the fable serve as a clae to 
the time when it must have been invented^ and consequently 
to the age of its author. 

xii. For, as it supposes eight of the teeth of the Dragon to 
hare been lost to the Dragon, and five only to remain to it, 
it must have been adapted to the hypothesis that at the time 
when it was invented the recession had reached the maximum 
of eight degrees, and therefore that the sphere in question, 
which was the proper subject of this affection, was 640 years 
old, when this fable was invented. And this conclusion ap* 
plied to the true time of Cadmus, B. C. 1347, would give the 
time of the author of this fable, B.C. 1847-640, or B.C. 
707, at which time the doctrine of the recession and preces- 
sion in question, which was first broached in Egypt B. C. 
798. might have been very generally known of elsewhere. 
But the true sphere of Cadmus, as the sphere of the epoch of 
B.C. 1347, must have been laid down in the twelfth degrees; 
and eight degrees of a sphere of that kind being supposed to 
be liable to perish^ four only could be supposed to be always 
in reserve and remaining. It is manifest therefore that the 
sphere of this fable could not have been the true sphere of 
Cadmus, however nearly it might have approached to an 
identity with it ; but a sphere laid down one degree higher 
in terms of the sphere of Mazzaroth, in the 13th degrees in- 
stead of the 12th. And a difference of one degree in the 
graduation of the sphere, on the principles of the doctrine in 
question, making a difference of 80 years in the epoch of the 
sphere, the epoch of this sphere of Cadmus, and consequently 
the age of Cadmus, must have been assumed by the author 
of the fable just 80 years earlier than B. C. 1347, i.e. B. C. 
1427 ; and this being 640 years before his own time, it will 
give his own time B. C. 787, instead of B. 0. 707. 

xiii. Now the first confirmation of this conclusion is the 
, fact that even this date, B. C. 787, was eleven years later 
than B. C. 798, when the doctrine of the recession and pre- 
cession in question, and that of the planetary houses, and 
that of the decans of the sphere, (all which appear to have 
been known to the author of the fable,) were first introduced 
into Egypt \ The next is, that it comes very near the date 

» See our Fasti Catholici, iii. 439 sqq. 



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CH.3* 8.6. The Theban Dionysos^ Cadmus, and Thebes. 153 

which is assigned by Eusebias to Eumelus, of Corinth*, the 
oldest of the poets whose names have been handed down as 
those of the authors of an EvpcDTrcfa, (or EifHiniria,) a poem on 
tlie Rape of Europe, and the fables connected with that sub- 
ject^ of which number the adventures of Cadmus and the 
Ibandation of Thebes made part. The third is that the date^ 
which the author must thus have assumed for the time of 
Cadmus, is very nearly the same which the chronologers of 
antiquity assigned it. For though the Parian Chronicle dates 
his coming into Greece under the viith epochs B.C. 1519, 
(almost two hundred years too high,) Eusebius* and Jerome^ 
date the beginning of his reign at Thebes itself ad ann. 587, 
i. c. 653 years before the first Olympiad, B. C. 1429, only 
two years earlier than this author's date, B. C. 1427 1- 

* Euaebioe, Ghron. Arm. Lat. ad ann. 137a. Olytnp. ix. i : Eumelus 
Coriathius venifirator florebat. cf. Theaatmis Temp. 01. x. i. ad Ann. 
1278, and 01. iii. 3. ad Ann. 1250 : Eumelus Poeta, qui ^ugoniam et Eu- 
ropiam. . .coropoeuit, &c. That Eumelus was the author of an Europia, 
see the Schol. ad Iliad. Z. 131 : Pausanias, ix. v. 4. Clemens Alexan- 
drinns (Strom. 1. xxi. % 131. p. 89. 1. 3.) makes him contemporary with 
Archias, the founder of Syracuse^ (i. e. B. C. 734. cf. Mr. Clinton's Fasti 
Uellenki in anno) : cf. vi. ii. § 11. 103. 17 : § 26. 113. 30. 

Paoaanias speaks of an Eumelus (v. xix. 3.) as the author of the 'Em* 
ypil^iaraf or Inscriptions, on the chest of Kypselus, at Elis, (v. xvii. 2- 
xix. I.) which would be too late for the time of the above Eumelus. But 
elsewhere he recognises nothing of Eumelus' as genuine, except an cur/ia 
wpo<Miop, (irpoaxfliiotf, cf. y. xix. 3.) as he terms it, written by him for the 
Messenians, when they sent a x^P^ ap^p&v for the first time, in the time 
of Phintias, son of Sybotus, seventh in descent from Cresphontes, to Delos: 
hr. IT. I. cf. iii. 4-6 : xxiii. 3 : v. xix. i. also ii. i. i. 

Cf. Mr. Clinton's Fasti Hellenici, ad ann. 761. 744. Also, Mure, 
History d Greek Literature, ii. 363, 364. 448. 

t With respect to the opinion of Herodotus on this point, it is well 
known that he dates the time of Dionysos, the son of Semele, about 1600 
yean before his own (ii. 145): Kara i(rfK6aia tlrta koi x^^^ nakurra: 
as he does that of Hercules 900 years, and that of the war of Troy, 800 
before his own time respectively. Now as the birth of Dionysos could not 
have been many years later than the coming of Cadmus into Greece, this 
woold make Cadnras 700 years (31 generations, of. ii. 143.) older than 
Hercules, and 800 years, or 34 generations, older than the war of Troy; 
which is so great an anachronism, that the learned are more inclined to 

• In Chronioo Ann. Lat. ii. 113. ▼ Thesaurus Temporum. 



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154 Dionysian CarrecitM of Mdampus. dus. vi. 

Section Yll.— On the Oracle given to CadmuB^ and on the 
Cow qfCaJmue. 

Of the eireumstaiicet which were sappoied to hnre pre* 
eeded the foundation q£ Thebea, and handed down by tradition 
accordingly, the moBt remarkable were three— the oorade, 
said to have been given to Cadmus ; the cow, which was aaid 
to have conducted him to the aite of the future city ; and the 
part ascribed to the tutelary genius of Cadmus himself, which 
tradition delivered under the name of ""Oyxa, or 'OyKoia, yet 
as the same in other respects with the Athena of the rest of 
the Oreeks. 

suspect some error of reading in the text of Herodotus at present, than to 
suppose be himself could have fallen into it : see Wesseling, in loo. And 
though they propose to correct the text by reading Karii i^Kovra crca kcX 
X^^9 instead of Kara i(aK6frta tr^a Koi x^^y i^ ^b more probable perhaps 
that the true reading was simply Korh x^Xmi ^ea, and that X, the first 
letter of the x Am» having been mistaken for the numeral 600, the pr»> 
aent reading grew out of that mistake. Supposing Herodotus' own time 
to have been B. C. 456* (cf. our Fasti Catholici, iii. 196.) a thousand years 
before that would give the time of Dionysos, and consequently of Cadmus, 
B.C. 1456, sufficiently close to the date of the author of the fable, 
B. C. 1437. 

It is observable however that the calculations of some of the cfaronolo- 
gers of antiquity, on such points as these of the oiro^Mcriff, or recognition 
of the divinity, of Dionysos, &c. the determination of which includes the 
time of Cadmus also, came remarkably near the truth. Clemens Alexan- 
drinuB (Strom, i. zzi. 105. pag. 74) gives us a calculation of this kind from 
Apollodorus, of which the following is an abstract, (cf. 137. p. 93.) 

From the apotheosis of Dionysos to the Argonautic 
expedition 63 years. 

From the Argonautic expedition to the apotheosis 
of Hercules .. .. 38 

From the apotheosis of Hercules to the capture of 
Troy 53 

154 
Capture of Troy, according to Apollodorus B. C. 1 184 

Apotheosis of Dionysos, and consequentiy time of 
Cadmus B.C. 1338 

which is only nine years later than the coming of Cadmus mto Greece, 
and the recognition of the divinity of Dionysos, according to the fable con- 
sidered supra, B. C. 1347. 



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<nL3* *«7* ^^ Tieban DionyBOs, Gadmus^ and Thebes. 155 

Now with jreipird to the oracle, it was supposed to have 
baen received firom the Pythian Apollo at Delphi; and neither 
of these having yet come into existence in the time of Cad- 
it is impossible that any such circumstance could have 
i part of the first and most authentic tradition on this 
aafajcet. It must have been the invention of a time when 
tlie i^faian Apollo and the Delphian oracle were not only in 
being, but already possessed of so much credit and authority, 
that no business of any importance, like the planting of a 
ookmy, or the foundation of a city^ could be supposed under- 
taken anywhere among the Oreeks without first consulting 
them. 

With regard to the cow ; this circumstance of the tra- 
ditionary account of tike foundation^ in the form in which it 
has come down to us, is inseparably connected with the last. 
It was part of the oracle, that Cadmus was to discover this 
cow in a particular quarter, and to make use of the discovery 
tor the foundation of the city in a particular manner ; both 
specified by the oracle. Now these two things were not 
necessarily connected. There might have been a tradition 
relating to the cow, before there was one relating to the 
oracle ; and it is very conceivable that the latter might even 
have grown up out of the former. We may be sure at least 
that so material a circumstance in the history of the founda« 
tion of Thebes, as that of the mode in which its actual site 
was made known to its founder, would not be omitted in the 
first and earliest accounts thereof. 

This tradition, concerning the cow, appears in most of the 
testimonies produced supra ^ beginning with that of Euripi- 
des ; and it may be inferred from all of them together that 
Cadmus was supposed to have heard of this cow first at 
Delphi, but to have found it first somewhere else on the road 
fimn Delphi to Thebes*; that this cow was supposed to 

* Hie onda, as it will appear by and by^ is supposed to have com- 
manded Cadmus to begin his journey from Delphi in search of the oow, 
ia the moming, and then having found it, to continue his route to Thebes, 
praosdcd by it. Now Delphi was fifty-seven Roman miles distant from 
Thebes^ even in a straight line, and that would require two or three dajrs' 
joomey at kaat. Plutarch (Sulla, xvii.) mentions a local tradition of 

X Page 145. 



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166 Dumygian Correction of Melampas. diss. vi. 

have preceded him, without stopping, as far as Thebes, and 
to have halted there first, and to have laid itself down on a 
certain spot, which was either the site of Thebes, or compre- 
hended within it. The conjunction therefore of the two tra- 
ditions, that of the oracle and that of the cow, must have been 
made long before the oldest of the allusions to them which 
are any where on record at present. I^et us then produce 
the oracle itself; which has been preserved in the Sdiolia on 
the same testimony of Euripides in the Phoenissse y — 

K<i5jM)$ (yftOiV 7771; hJtiO<^v Evpiiinjp fiavT€iov JAa/Sc, V€fi ait- 
TTJs ovbkv airr^ oTfixaivoVy dAA* cSorc avrbv i(€k64vTa iv€(r$ai /9o)^ 
Koi off d* hv avrdfiaTos irioTi kt(C(w iriKiv. i^ti H 6 yjnia-yi^ roS 
UvdCov ovrc*9* 

^pdC*o ^ /ioi fivBop 'Ayfivopog ^xyovc Kadfu, 
^ovs typofitvos frpoXtfrc^v iBi llv$& diov, 
^^ad* €)(iov (aOfjra koi alyavttjv iirra x'fptAf 
rriv dux r€ ^Xcyvcov kcu ^aKidos, /v r* &9 iicrjai 
fiovKcikov ffbt P6af KrfpiTp€<l}€os UtXayovTos' 
Mabt irpoairtXaauf $vXXdp$avt /SoOv iplpvKov, 
n7y ^ K€v vmroia-ip or dpfl>oT€poia-tp ^XO^^ 
\€vk6v aijft €KaT€p3€ TTtpirpoxov, tfvTt firprtft' 
rrfv bf av y rjyfp4»a <rxi vtpiTpiirroio KtXwvBov* 
oijfjui dc rot €p€<a fuzX' apKJipabh, ovbi at X^aci' 
IfvOa K€ rot irpoyriara ^o6t Kepat aypavXoto 
iCfTat, KXlvfj re YTcd^ yow frot^cvrt, 
Koi TOTS T^v fup hrtira fAwkaftffniKkt^ x^*'^ p€(ttw, 
ayviis Koi Ka$apSi£' yaiji d* iroof Uph peiffs 
^X^ ^* OKpOTOT^ KTiCfUf frdXtv €vpvayvuuff 
drtvov '£ia;aX(ov ire floras (^vXcuc* "Atdos eta-^t, 
Koi av y iit dvBpayrrois ovofiaickvTos tfaaeat avBig, 
dBavartap \ex€o>v dvrfjaas, oX/3tc Kadftc *. 

Chseronea, that Cadmus found his cow there ; aud Chsronea being half- 
way from Delphi to Thebes, this might have been purposely imagined, m 
order that Cadmus and the cow might get to Thebes in one day after the 
discovery — yet journey together continuously no longer than from the 
morning to the evening of this one day. That they must have been 
supposed to have arrived at their journey's end towards the evening at 
least, appears from the fact, that Cadmus sends or goes to the spring 
' Dirke, for water, as soon as he arrives ; which leads to his encounter with 
the dragon there : and to fetch water for any purpose was usually the 
work of the morning or the evening of a given day. See our Dissertations 
on the Principles and Arrangement of an Harmony of the Gospels, 
Vol. ii. 217. 

y Vers. 638. KdS/AOf I/aoAc rcb^c yw, > Cf. Nonnus, Dionys. if. 30) sqq. 



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CH. 3. ^.y. 7%^ Tlheban Dionysos^ Cadmus^ and Thebes. 157 

Tovra ixoAras 6 R^/tt09 iufUtuETo th rb /SovfcdAtor tov FIcAdyoim); 
TOO '^Afu^MuiMjavTo^, yap 06 ieyopixras fiovv, xai 7fy€fjMva rairnii^ r^s 

^nfiAwy h[t\ rh iviiaaBiv AlyivTios fjv 6 Kibixos' Kci fj Boictna 

The first remark which may be made on this account is 
tliat as none other is found upon record substantially dili'er- 
ent from it, and everything is contained in this oracle^ which 
appears in every other allusion to the traditionary circum- 
stances of the foundation of Thebes, we may presume that 
all the circumstances, so handed down^ having been pre* 
Tiously embodied in this oracular representation of them, 
long before the oldest of the references to them which occur 
any where else in Grecian antiquity, this oracle in reality 
was the foundation of all those subsequent allusions to these 
things. 

The next is, that not only the tradition relating to the cow, 
which was destined to serve as the guide to the site of the 
fbtore city, but the tradition relating to the Dragon also, is 
recognised in this oracle ; for it clearly appears from it that 
Oadmns, even after he had discovered the site of the city, 
oould not lay the foundation, until he had killed some 
warder of Mars ; which could have been nothing but the 
Dragon, sacred to Mars, and the guardian of the spring of 
Derke, also sacred to Mars. But there is no reference to 
the teeth of the Dragon, or to the sowing of those teeth, in 
this oracle ; and according to the common tradition on that 
subject, to sow the teeth of the Dragon, after he had killed it, 
was a direction which Cadmus received from Athena, his 
guardian genius, not from Apollo ; and the oracle was care- 
ful to observe that distinction, and not to anticipate anything 
in the name of Apollo, which was to be specially reserved for 
Athena. We may infer from these coincidences, that unless 
all these traditions, relating to the foundation of Thebes, 
(that of the cow, that of the Dragon and of the teeth of the 
Dragon, and that of the oracle,) were necessarily so connected 
with each other that they must all have come into existence 
together, this in particular, relating to the oracle, must have 
been the latest of all — and probably invented on purpose to 
comprehend them all* 



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158 Dhnfsian Oorreeikm ^ Mdampnt. diss. vi. 

Thirdly^ ifc is vefy observable that the cow, which was pvB« 
destined to act so important a part in the oeoonomy of the 
foundation of Thebes, was to be found only in a partieukr 
quarter, and to be discorered only by means of a certain 
mark. This quarter was the Bot^icoXoi;, as the oracle has it, 
the ^K6Kiovt as the scholiast explains it, in either case, the 
herds, of U^Xiymv : and this mark a certain figure on each 
of the sides of the cow. Now what could be the etymon of 
this name of U^kiymv, but vikayo^, the sea, or the expanse 
of the sea ? And what could be the meaning of a name do* 
rived from vikayos, in the form of Uckiy^p, but that of the 
" man of the sea?'' And what connection between the iiuw 
of the sea and the city of Thebesy that the cow which most 
conduct the founder of Thebes to the site of the future city 
must be found among the herds of the man of the sea, and 
nowhere else? It is impossible to imagine a probable ex* 
planation of any such connection, if it is not supplied by the 
name and nature of the city itself, to the foundation of 
which all this osconomy was merely preparatory. Thebes 
was the city of the Deluge ; and Pelagon was the Tjrpe of 
the Deluge. Thebes was the city of the ark ; and this cow 
of Pelagon was the Type of the tutekry genius of the ark, 
under whose guidance the ark had floated in safisty to ite 
resting place amongst the waters of the Deluge, and under 
whose guidance Oadmns was now to be conducted to the site 
of the city of the Deluge. 

Again, the marks of this cow, by means of which it was to 
be discovered among many more, were to be two in number, 
one on each of the sides of the cow ; from which it might 
naturaUy have been expected a priori that they would have 
been sometMng different in each instance; but instead of 
tiiat, both ware to be the same, and, in everything but its 
situation on the body of the cow, one was to be exa^ly the 
tally or counterpart of the other. 

'Eytfade frpocnrcXootK {vXXd/i/Soyff fiovp tplfiVKW, 
rij^ f Ktw vJarourtv iw* Afjti^Kfnpounp thcO^ 
Xffvac^y aijfi titdnpSf vtplifoxw, i/vn luimt^* 

That is, the mark in question was to be a drcle, on each ef 
the flanks of the cow, resembling the moon ; consequently, 
both together, these distinctive badges of the cow were to 



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cm. $. s. 7. Tke Tk§bm Diooyaoe, Cadmas, dmf Thebes. 159 

be two ftdl moons — one on each side of the oow. And that 
ti» onude, in thus describing them beforehand, was antici- 
pating nothing which was not afterwards verified by the 
event, may be inferred from what Pausanias tells us of the 
same tradition among the Boeotians eren of his own time* : 
A/ycTOi M Kci M€ vit* Aiirw Xdyos* is Airioim iK AcAf^if 
KihiJbf rilP ivl <t>«i»/«>r fiovs yivoiro ijytimv rtfs iropelar rriv H 
poSv ruArfv vaph pavKoXmp that i&v TltXiyovros ^vryriiv, iisl h\ 
imMtipas ttjs ^069 vK€vpas <Tfjfi€tov {hi) hrtipai kevKOP, tUcurfJii^ 
POP KwcX^ rrfi (rcXiymys b-n&re Ari irXi/ifnfs. S^i ^ ipa Kibfjuop koX 
rhp aip abr^ arpari^ ipravBa olKTJa-ai Korh rod Otov rifp pMvr^lap, 
ip$a 4 fiov9 fyttXKe naiumaa iKkiatiP' itroifxilpovmp oip Koi rovro 
ti x^P^^ ' i* ^' ^^® jSfioft^ of Apollo UoXibs, of which he speaks 
directly after b. 

It seems then that the characteristic mark of the cow of 
Cadmus, handed down by tradition, was the full moon ; and 
yet not one full moon, but two : and that, it must be ad- 
mitted, was something not to hare been expected. Two fall 
mootts, at one and the same time, would have been an impos- 
sibility ; and yet here we have two, in type and similitude, on 
Ae body of the same subject, and on the opposite sides of it 
also. Of what then could these two likenesses of the full 
have been intended? Of the two halves of one and the 
Kxm? but in that case one of them must have been a 
Uack eirde, and the other only a white one, whereas both 
tliese circles were white. And if not the tipo halves of one 
and tlie same moon, of what could they have been intended 
bat of iwo full moons? of the full of two diffbrent moons? 

Now here too only one rational and consistent explanation 
can be given. First, and with regard to one of these moons, 
it hat been shewn in our Fasti Oatholici<^ that the Deluge of 
Scripture itsdf began at the full of the moon ; that the equa>* 
Ue date of the Ddoge having been Phaophi 17, Mn Oyc. 
1668, and the Julian May 5, B. 0. 2848, and the actual com- 
mencement of the Deluge being assumed Phaophi 17, May 5^ 
at 6 A. M. mean time, for the meridian of Jerusalem, the 
moon was at the Ml, as nearly as possible, at the midnight 
nest enstting. And as there is no reason a priori why this 

* is. jdt. 1. ^ Cf. Nonnus, W. 316. Hyginus, Fabb. dzxyiii. Europa. 



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160 Diimyrian Correction q/'Melampoa. diss. vi. 

particular fact should not have been perpetuated (and espe* 
cially among the Egyptians) as much as that of the year and 
that of the day of the descent from the ark, and of the 
second beginning of things, (proof of which we have seen 
in the first Dissertation of this Part^,) it is manifest that 
there would be a sufficient foundation in that fieust only for 
the tradition relating to one of the full moons of this cow — 
wliich was to be found among the herds of the man of the 
sea or the Deluge, and to conduct to the destined site of the 
city of the Deluge too. 

Secondly, and with regard to the other ; it has been already 
rendered if not absolutely certain^ yet in the highest degree 
probable, that Cadmus came into Greece just at the epoch of 
the second Phoenix cycle, B« C. 1347, bringing with him both 
the sphere of that epoch, and the Phoenix cycle too. Now it 
has been shewn ® that mean lunar time was incorporated in 
this cycle along with mean tropical and mean Julian, from 
the first; and that the relation of this mean lunar time 
of the period to the mean Julian was such, that the former 
receded on the latter 7 days and 18 hours of mean solar 
time in every cycle. That is, whatsoever was the lunar cha- 
racter of the Julian epoch of the cycle, at the beginning of 
one of its proper periods, it would be 7 days 18 hours in ad- 
vance of it at the beginning of the next. And forasmuch as 
the lunar character of the epoch of the first cyde, April 8, 
B. C. 1847, de facto was the Luna septima, it could not fail 
to be the case that the lunar character of the same Julian 
term, at the beginning of the second cycle, April 8, B. 0. 
1347, would be the Luna quintadecima : and for the proof 
that it actually was so, we refer to our Fasti Catholici f. 

It is evident therefore that as the full moon of the deluge. 
May 5 or 6, B. C. 2348, is the only matter of fact which will 
explain one of these marks of the cow of Cadmus ; so this of 
the epoch of the second Phoenix cycle, April 8, B. C. 1347, 
is the only matter of fact which will account for the other. 
These two fuU moons, per se, and as equally distinctive marks 
of one and the same subject, the cow of PelagODt and the 
cow of Cadmus, would be very inexplicable; but with this 
reference of one of them to the deluge, denoted by the cow 

^ Vol. iv. page 99. * Fasti Cath. iti. 499 sqq. ^ iiL 530. 



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CB. 3. 8. 8. The Tkeban Dionysos^ Cadmus, and Thebes. 161 

of Pelagon, and that of the other to the sphere and the 
Phosnix cycle, denoted by the cow of Cadmus, and that of 
both to the foundation of the city of Thebes, (both the city 
of the ark, and the city of the sphere and the Phoenix cycle 
of Gadmas, at once,) they are very intelligible and significant. 
But this brings us to another curious question — that of 
the meridian of the sphere of Cadmus, as transferred from 
the proper quarter in Egypt to Thebes in Greece ; and to the 
part assigned, in the popular tradition of the circumstances of 
the foundation of Thebes, to the Athena of Cadmus in par- 
ticular. 

SacnoN VIII.— On the Onka of Cadmus ; and on the Athena 

of Cadmus, 
^o«cci yap ^A&riva avinrpSfai tQ Kidfifj^ Kara t&v ^itaprQv, dio 
Rill Vbpiiraro raArt)V, "OyKOP Ttpotrayopeiaa^ ttj tQv 4>ofcma>y 8ia- 
A/cry. hreyfypavTO hi r^ Up^ ToUn^' 

^OyKos wrf6s od* iartw *A^yi;r, 6v frorc Kabpos 
wan, fiow y Uptvatv &r ticrtavp Surrv t6 Orfirjs s, 

— ^Oyica ij 'A^ijw vapa €hiPa(oit hnp&ro .... 'Oyjcofa rolwv ri 
*AAjr& np&roi vaph iShj^aiois' "OyKa bi irapa 4>oCvi(iv ij '^AOrjva. 
Mcl '*OyKcuai v6XaL. ixipLvrp-ai roiriAV koX 'AmCfiaxos koX *Pt,av6s, 
^oirtf a ri yivos ivioOfv 6 Kddpio; Myxov^v {(i>v\ 6 tQv 0?;- 
fialmv otm^m^s* hA koX &; kK ^oivUoiV KaTrjypivos''OyKav '*A0rivav 
vapa 0i))9a«>i¥ TipJcuxBai enoCri<re^ — Fefroi/ay ovif iruKas rhs Trjs 
'*A0fiPas ipriiTiv 'OyKatas, i(t>* fjs Koi al irilKai airai, 'Oytcatai i\4- 
yawTo, bm$€V yhp r&v itvKQv ^KWt ^ ^ABr)va lyiypamo '. arfiicC- 
«NraA 9k Sri i( ioToptas rouxirris "OyKa ff 'ASriva irapa QrjfiaCois 
ikiy€To. The story follows^ making "OyKa an Egyptian name 
for Athena ^ — A60 Upa iv rals &riPai9 tbpvrai ttj *A$rjvq, t6 piv 
^OyKotas rh hi *l<r/u»7p£a9 k, r. X^ — •"'OyKa yap 17 'A^va, Kara <I>o^- 
vueat^ — "AydKpa yap airrris (ITaAAdfios) 6 Kibpos IbpvaaTo iv 
'Oysoir K^pjn ttjs BounrCas. *OyKa(a <Av fj ^AOrjva TipJarai " — Elal 
hik Kti ^Oyicai K^prj ^p($v, oS KAbpos ^AOrjvas iyaXpa Ibp^a-aro^ — 



t fldbolfa in FkcenMiM^ 1061. HoA- ^ Scholia in CBdip. Tyrann. ad vers. 

A^. 20. TlaXXdSos 9tir\ois Poois. 

k SclioL fn Septem contra Thebas, ™ Steph. Byz. 'Oymuau 

t4$. mdmiff i»^^ "Oyua. cC ad 149. ^ iichoL in Find, ad Oljrmp. ii. 4B. 

1 C'f. ad 149. tiAci 8« fittf HoAAitf. 

k All Ten. 471. T4ra^r9t ttAAar yti- ° Tsetses in Lyoophr. 1215. ^Oyicalov 

rmm w^Amt ^vr. $60pov. 

KAL. HJBLL. VOL. V. M 



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162 Dionysian Correction o/Melampus. diss. vi. 

AvT<$/i4xro( dc 
\aiy6s *OyKalrfs eXeXtXcTo ffafibs *A$fjvTJs, 
ov irorc KddfjLOs ^d€ifMv, ore PpadufrtiBu piirj 
fi6<rxov wvpyob6fioio <f>€p€iTTo\is cSxXao'c x'7^4 ^' 

It must be inferrible from these testimonies that there was 
a goddess at Thebes, supposed to have been introduced there 
by Cadmus^ and consequently as old as the foundation ; 
known too, as handed down traditionally, under the name of 
"OyKa or ff 'OyKaCa, and yet supposed to correspond even under 
that name at Thebes to Athena, or Pallas Athena, elsewhere. 
And that being the case, forasmuch as we now know that 
even the Athena of the rest of the Greeks came originally 
from Egypt, we cannot but infer from this coincidence that 
the 'OyKaCa of Cadmus came from Egypt too ; and that, as 
the Hellenic Athena was only another name for the Egyptian 
Isis, so was this Theban ""OyKaCa also. And this conclusion 
is confirmed first by the fact, that the Egyptian Isis was 
older in Egypt itself by three years at least than the coming 
of Cadmus into Greece^ so that he might have brought her 
with him to Greece ; and secondly, by the fact, the evidence 
of which we have seen in the testimony of Pherekydes % that 
according to Greek tradition Cadmus was more closely con- 
nected with the Egyptian Isis than with anything else, ex- 
cept the Phoenix cycle of the Egyptians. Cadmus was the 
brother of Isis, and the brother of Phoenix also : i. e. Cadmus 
and Isis, Cadmus and the Phoenix cycle, were alike associated 
in Greek tradition, one with the other, from the first. 

Now the character and relation in which the Isis or the 
Neith of the Egyptians was conceived and proposed by them 
from the first was that of the " Mother of the Universe ;*' 
and under this particular emblem of the cow — the great Cow, 
the Cow Kar ^foxV» the Cow of the heavens, the Cow which 
conceived and brought forth the universe ^ And this being 
her proper relation to every thing else, and such the sym- 
bolical mode of representing it in Egypt, her birthplace ; it 
is almost decisive per se that the cow of Cadmus, the cow 
which shewed him the way to Thebes, which had an equal 
relation to the city of the Deluge and to the city of the sphere 

P Nonnus, xHv. 38. 1 Supra, 14a. 

r See (lur Fasti Catholici, iii. 34, 35 : also Dissert, i. vol. iv. 131 gqq. supra. 



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CH. 3. 8. 8. The Theban Dionysos, Cadmus, <md Thebes. 163 

and of the PfacBDix cycle^ must have been the Egyptian Isis, 
or, as she was better known to the Greeks from the time of 
Erechtheas downwards^ the Egyptian Neith, under her most 
characteristic and appropriate similitude. 

With respect then to this word "OyKa, and why, and in what 
sense, it was applied to the Athena, in the sense of the Neith, 
of Cadmus; first of all, it may be inferred from a gloss in Hesy- 
chius, ^Oyya, ^A^pa kv ^rj^ais iorl, \iaplov iirdtwiiov fxpyaa — 
that 'Oyica was rather the name of a place, than of a person, 
at Thebes. And this distinction is confirmed by the fact that, 
according to some of the testimonies quoted supra^ ''Oyfca was 
the name of a village in Bceotia, connected with the worship 
of the Athena of Cadmus^ from his time itself — and '^Oyya, 
according to another gloss of Hesychius on the "OyKas 'AOrivas 
of iB8chylus^ was the name of a locality close to the Ogy- 
giau gate of Thebes: and by the fact that, according to 
others of the same authorities, the name of the Theban 
Athena was ''OyKaCa, rather than 'Oyjca — the latter of which 
might have been considered a proper name, but the former 
can be considered only an appellative, derived from "OyKa. 

Secondly, assuming that there was no real difference be^ 
tween the ''Oyya of Hesychius and the ''OyKa of our other 
authorities, and that ''Oyya^ to judge from the more unusual 
occurrence of the name in that form, was originally the more 
genuine one of the two, we observe in the first place that 
'Oyya in Greek, and "Ovya, would be the same word dif- 
ferently written, but not difierently pronounced j secondly, 
that according to the Baron Bunsen % even Ovya, in the an- 
cient Egyptian, must have been pronounced OvKa, because 
the ancient Egyptian alphabet was destitute of the sound G^ 
and instead of that used E or T. 

Thirdly, these observations having been premised^ and the 
original form of this word in its own language having been 
determined to ''017a, equivalent to ''Orica, then, with respect 
to the etymon and meaning of this term,''02;-Ka, it is evidently 
resolvable into ov and kg ; and ov, or On, according to the 
Baron Bnnsen's vocabulary of ancient Egyptian words 
reoovered firom the monuments, was the ancient Egyptian 

• Septen contn ThebM, 487. * Ancient Kgypt, i. 461. 

H 2 



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164 Dionysian Oorrecium q^Melampua. diss. vi. 

first and properly for light * ; and in the modem Coptic, ac- 
cording to Gesenios, it has still the sense of light. With 
respect to the other of its elements, kg, in the same vocabu- 
lary of ancient Egyptian terms ^ we find kda, in the sense of 
a fioor ; and this compounded with ov would become OvKdd, 
and in Greek "OyKa, with the last syllable long, as it is 
known to have been ; and the meaning of both so com- 
pounded would be that of the " Floor of On/* if On was here 
understood to be a proper name^ that of the city, so called in 
Egypt— or that of the " Floor of the Sun/' if it was under- 
stood in the second of the senses explained above, as the 
name of the sun — or that of the Floor of Light, if understood 
simply as an appellative, and in the first and most proper of 
the senses in question. 

The truth indeed appears to us to be that the Onka of 
Cadmus was the local meridian of the sphere of Gadmus. It 
may be collected even from the terms of the oracle, supra, 
that the city which Cadmus was to found, assisted and di- 
rected to it as he was by the cow, was to be founded on 
rising ground. 

And this is confirmed by the testimony of the Parian Chro- 
nicle <, from which it appears that what Cadmus actually 
founded was the citadel of Thebes, afterwards called the 
Kabficla^ though he himself gave it the name of Thebes. His 
Onka therefore was situated in the Kahixf(ayf. And that 
the final end and effect of the oeconomy of his cow, in the 
traditionary account of the foundation, was to designate the 
site of this Onka in particular, rather than that of the city 

* The transition to the sense of the sun from that of light would be 
easy and natural ; and both these senses of the word appear in the Scriptural 
name of On, (Genesis zli. 50 : xli. 45 : xlvi. ao : Ezekiel zxz. 17,) which 
Jeremiah xliii. 13. designates by the equivalent Hebrew name of Beth- 
shemesh. House of the Sun, and the Greeks rendered by 'UXumtoKis, and 
the Arabic, according to Gesenius, still expresses by the Fountain of the 
Sun. See our Fasti Catholici, iv. 448 note. 

t And hence the first and oldest name of the people of Thebes, that of 
the Kadficlot, or as Homer has it aUo, Kahfui&yts : II. A. 385. 391. 

' Egypt, i. 466. « Epocha vii. r Cf. PaaBanias, ix. xii. 3. 



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ca. 3. 8. 8. ne Theban Dionysos, Cadmus, and Thebes. 165 

in general^ appears from the fact which is mentioned by 
Panaanias', that the Boeotians in his time still pretended to 
point to the spot where the cow laid itself down. If so, some 
spot, not too big in itself to be covered by the body of the 
cow. It is further confirmed by the fact which he mentions 
alfloS that they professed to shew an altar erected on that 
very spot, by Cadmus himself, which had handed the same 
locality down to posterity. This spot was the Onka of Cad- 
mus ; and that name having been given first of all to the site 
so pointed out by the cow of Cadmus, it was afterwards trans- 
ferred to the goddess, denoted by the cow, who had pointed 
it out. According to the Boeotians too, of Pausanias^ time, 
the altar so erected on this spot, by Cadmus himself, was 
dedicated to Apollo FToAio? ; an epithet, which, as it stands in 
the text of Pausanias, with the accent on the last syllable, 
would denote Apollo, the hoary, or grey headed — of all epi- 
thets the least appropriate to the Apollo of the classical Olym- 
pus, and the least in character with his usual styles and 
titles. But if this epithet is not to be derived from a per- 
sonal characteristic like that, from what can it be derivable 
except from ttoAos, in the sense of the ecliptic circle ? which, 
as we shewed in our Fasti Catholici^, was the first and proper 
•enae of voKos in Greek. Apollo the ndAto9 was therefore 
Apollo, 6 nepivoAtti;, Apollo the traverser of the pole, in the 
sense of the ecliptic ; Apollo the traveller of the great circle 
in the heavens ; and the consecration or supposed consecra- 
tion of an altar, by Cadmus himself*, to Apollo, in the sense 
<^ the sun, and under this title, yet on the spot marked out 
as the site of his own Onka, and by the instrumentality of 
his tutelary goddess herself, is the strongest confirmation 
which could be desired of our conclusion that his Onka was 
nothing more or less than the local meridian of his sphere, 
transferred from that of On, or Heliopolis, to which it was 
properly adapted, to that of Thebes. The name therefore 

* ApoSo indeed, and ander that name, was vot yet in existence in the 
tioM of Gsdmas ; yet that is no reason why an altar might not have been 
erected by the Bceotians of after-times, on the site of the Onka of Cadmus, 
and dedicated to Apollo Uikutt* 

iz. JuL 1 . * Ibid. § a. ^ i. 1^4 note. 



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166 Dionysian Correction o/* Melampus. diss. vi. 

might have denoted either the Floor of On, or the Floor of 
lights or the Floor of the aim: for it would be equally 
applicable to the meridian so transferred, in any of these 
senses. 

It would thus appear that the popular tradition and belief 
of after-times, relating to the foundation of Thebes, rested 
ultimately on three different fables, the fable of the cow, the 
fable of the dragon^ and the fable of the oracle ; and to these 
we might add a fourth, the fable of the Dionysos of Thebes, 
if the subject of that in particular was not more properly the 
family of Cadmus, than the city of Thebes. 

With respect to the relative antiquity of these fables^ and 
to the order in which each of them came into existence, we 
should be entirely of opinion that the fable of the cow was 
invented first, and the fable of the dragon next, and the fable 
of the oracle last of all. As to the authors of each, we are 
left to conjecture only. The priests at Delphi, who must 
have invented for their Apollo, before he was yet in being, ao 
many oracles, cast in the same mould and bearing internally 
marks of a common parentage, may well have credit for the 
fabrication of this, as old and as remarkable as any. The 
earliest notice of the fable of the cow would appear to be that 
in the TiravoypacpCa, ascribed to Musaeus ^ ; if such a person 
as this Musseus ever existed, or was the author of such a 
poem as that. But as the cow even of this Titanographia 
was represented to have preceded Cadmus from Delphi, the 
author must have known of the fable of the oracle; and 
therefore could not have been Musseus, who. if he actually 
lived in his proper order of time, was older than the Delphian 
oracle. The author of the fable of the dragon, as we have 
seen, must have been later than B. C. 798 ; and was very pro- 
bably Eumelus, of Corinth, the first author of an Evp<a'jT€Ca, or 
one of that class of poems into which such a fable as this 
was a priori likely to enter. 

With respect to the fable of the Theban Dionysos, we have 
seen that its final end was simply to identify the Dionysos of 
Melampas with the Dionysos of Cadmus, both being sup- 
posed to have been merely the Hellenic antitype of one and 
the same Egyptian prototype, the Egyptian Osiris. It is ex- 

^ Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. iii. 1175. See Bupn, 146. 



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CH. 3. 8. 8. The Theban Dionysos, Cadmus, and Thebes. 167 

trcmely probable that this fable in particular was early in- 
vented, and not long after the time of Melampus. It might 
even have been the production of Melampus himself. The 
name of Dionysos is recognised by Homer ^^ and the relation 
of this Dionysos to Zeus and Semele<l, (if that passage is 
genuine,) is recognised also ; which must be so far an argu- 
ment that the fable of the Theban Dionysos was not altogether 
unknown to him. It is unnecessary to add that it is still 
more clearly recognised in the hymns ascribed to Homer «, 
and in Hesiod^; for both these were some centuries later 
than Homer*. 

* Hie dasfical reader does not require to be reminded of the well known 
fable of the Argonautic expedition, to see the analogy between the tradi- 
tionary circumstances of that feble, and those of this, relating to the 
sphere of Cadmus, which we have just explained. This resemblance is so 
obvious and so striking, that no one can heritate to conclude even from 
the prinut facie agreement of the two, that if both were not imagined at 
» and by the same author, one of them must have been invented in imi- 
of the other. The Scholia on Pindar i give us to understand, on 
the authority of Pherekydes too, that the teeth of the Dragon of Cadmus 
were divided by Mars and Athena between Cadmus and iEetes; half 
given to one, and half to the other: and that must be decisive of the 
eommon import of both these fables, and perhaps of their common origin, 
as the wotk of the same author, and as invented at once : 'O yap «cp«icu- 
3^ dtrrd ^ftfow r&ot 2na(yr&v ycVi}. t6p yap *Api} koi ri^p *A$ijvap tws pip 
4^«irttv rmp 6d6pT€»p Kdip/f doOyoi, rov^ dc ^/uVcif Ai^. 

Hie Dragon of iEetes and Colchis, it is self-evident, in the nature of 
things, could not have been a different thing from the Dragon of Cadmus 
and Thebes; and both being understood of some Type of the sphere alike, 
then the tradition just referred to from Pherekydes, is decisive that the 
sphsif denoted by the Dragon of iEetes must have been absolutely the 
ssae with that denoted by the Dragon of Cadmus. Each of them was a 
spbera of the same number of teeth, i. e. of degrees; and the sphere of 
Cadmus, as we have seen, having been a sphere of thirteen teeth, so must 
the sphere of ifietes also have been. It confirms this conclusion, that as 
the Dragon of Cadmus was sacred to Mars, so was the Dragon of iEetes ; 
and both being types of the sphere of Mazsaroth, the principal Decan of 
both was the i^net Mars, and the Mazsaroth epoch of each, March 24, 
was the proper Julian date of the first of the planetary houses in the pnn- 
Oftl sign of the sphere of Maxsaroth* the Krion of Maxzaroth, sacred also 

I Isthmia, vi 13. 

e Diad, Z. I3«. »35- Od, O. 74. • Hymn r/ 1-59. cf. h*\ 

^ Uiad, I. aaj. a^S- ' Theogonia. 940-94^. Aspis, 400- 



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168 DUmysian Correcium <^Melampu8. diss. vi. 

to the plaoet Man. It is manifest therefore that the author of thia Fable 
too must have been as well acquainted with the doctrine of the Planetary 
Houses, and of the Decania of the Sphere, as the author of thai of the 
Dragon of Cadmus ; and in either case later than B. C. 798 ; as we have 
seen that Eumelus of Corinth, the probable author of the Fable of Cadmus, 
actually was. 

In like manner, the Golden Fleece of this celebrated fable, stript of this 
one individuating circumstance of its being a fleece of gold, in other re- 
spects being neither more nor less than the fleece of a ram — this ram of the 
fable is simply the first of the signs of the sphere, the Krion of the sphere 
of Maazaroth. And this fleece too, according to the fable, was sacred to 
Mars, and under the tutela of the Dragon of Mars, because the Krion of 
Maz2aroth was sacred to Mars also. It is manifest too, that, as one of 
the signs of the sphere, and as the first and principal one, (that from 
which all the rest took their rise, and on which they all depended,) it 
may have been, and probably was intended in the (Me, as the representa- 
tive of the sphere in general ; so that the end and efiect assigned by the 
fable of the Argonautlc expedition in general, which was the obtaining 
possession and bringing away of this fleece, on this principle, could have 
been nothing more or less than the fact of the discovery, some time or 
other, in this quarter, and the bringing away from thence to Greece, by 
these adventurers in the Argo, of the Sphere of Maazaroth ; which, for any 
thing known to the contrary, may have been a simple historical fact. 

It is clear that, in the opinion of Herodotus 2, (our oldest authority for 
the fact,) as well as of others of the ancient Greeks later than Herodotus, 
the people of Colchis, at the eastern extremity of the Pontus EuxinuB, 
were a colony from Eg3rpt, which some time or other settled in that quar- 
ter. Now there was no reason a priori, in the nature of things, or under 
the circumstances of the case, that when a colony of Egyptians migrated 
to Boeotia, in B. C. 1347, a colony of Egyptians might not have migrated 
in a different direction, and ultimately found their way to the site of the 
ancient Colchis. And if Cadmus and the colony with him could bring 
the sphere of their own epoch, the sphere of the first revision, B.C. 1347, 
to Boeotia, so might the leader of this colony have brought it to Colchis. 
And there might it have been discovered, for ought which we know to 
the contrary, by the first of the Greeks, who found their way to the same 
locality in the course of maritime adventure, about an hundred years after- 
wards. These two facts, we say, would be nothing incredible ; one that 
when so many colonies were leaving Egypt, in or about B. C. 1347, one 
might have ventured up the Hellespont and down the Pontus Euxinus, and 
settled at Colchis, carrying with it the second edition of the sphere, the 
Mazzaroth sphere of the time being — the knowledge of which must have 
been the common endowment of every educated Egyptian of the time — 
the other, that a body of adventurers from Thessaly, who were the first 

3 ii. 104 : cf. ApoUonius Rhod. iv.27i-378 ; and the Scholia in loc. : Died. 
Sic. L 38. 



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CH. 3. 8. 8. TTke Theban DionyBos, Cadmus^ and Thebes. 169 

of the Greeks to attempt the navigation of the HelleHpont and the Pontus 
Bnadniw also, should have found it at Colchis, and brought either the 
sphere itself or the knowledge of it back with them to Thessaly. The 
fMt of the Argonautic expedition, stript of every thing purely marvellous 
and adscititious, might evidently have rested on a simple historical basis 
like this ; in which it would he di£Bcult to say what there could he either 
impossible per te, or improbable a priori. 

It is very observable that Homer appears to have known nothing of 
tfaeae adsdtitioas and incredible circumstances, the Dragon, the teeth, the 
fleece, and the like ; and yet he was aware of the fact of a voyage as far as 
the land of iEetes, and in the Argo, and under Jason, which would so far 
be a description of the voyage of the Argonauts ; and what is more, he 
was a believer in it too, as an historical matter of fact. 
0*7 d^ Kflvrj y* iroprirXof) irovron-opos vrjvs 
*A.pyw trturtfAtXova-a, vap Alr/rao ir\*ov(ra' 
Kol wu K* n7y Mt &ea /SdXcy fuydkav norl ntrpas^ 
«IXX* *Hpiy naptiKfA^v, cn-«l if>ikos fjtv 'l^o-wv*. 
And he recognises £etes along with Kirke^; and by the mention of 
Evenns as the son of Jason and Hypsipyle ^, and contemporary with the 
heroes of Troy, and reigning at Lemnos all through the Trojan war, he 
recognises another circumstance of the voyage of the Argonauts, which, 
for ought that is known to the contrary, may have been historically true 
of it, their visit to Lemnos, on the way to the Hellespont and the Pontus 
Enzinus: and he implies too that the time of the voyage itself, as a matter 
of hdj could not have been more than the ordinary length of the life of 
one person, before the last year of the siege of Troy. 

Assuming then that for the voyage of Jason, and in this direction, there 
was a foundation in the matter of fact, fifty or sixty years before the war 
of Troy; we should be entirely of opinion that the simple traditionary ac- 
count of the voyage had suffered little or no changes from the embellish- 
ments of fable, between that time and the time of Homer, three or four 
hundred years later, except in the name of the quarter, where this discovery 
of the sphere was made, the land of Aui, instead of that of Colchis, and in 
that of the supposed owner of the sphere, before it came into the possession, 
or to the knowledge, of the Greeks, the king of this land of Am, Altinit' 
For this word Alrfnis is evidently not a proper name, but a fumen gentile. 
It 18 derivable from Ata by the same analogy as 'I^n^r from "los : and as 
*llfnft denoted a native of *Iof , so must Alrirrfs have denoted a native of 
Aia. The A^rrjt of this fable is simply The man of Ala ; and if we knew 
what was always intended by this Ala of the fable, we should know what 
must always have been intended by the man of this Aui— the At^f of the 
fkble» the type and impersonation of this Ala itself. 

> Odyas. M. 69. peir on a fatore opportunity, that the 

* Od. K. 135-1 39 X M. i-j). Am/a or Ala of Homer was a very dif- 

» lUad. H. 468-471 : Y. 746*: cf. ferent locality from that of the Ala of 

^. 41. It must however be observed, the Argonautic expedition of iable. 

sad it will, we trust, be made to ap- 



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170 Dianysian Correction q/'Melampus. diss. vi. 

Novr there is great analogy at fint sight between the ata of the poets 
and the yala of common Greek : so much eo that the latter might hare 
been only the former with the iEoIic digamma prefixed. And without 
going into the question, whether yatd was derived from ala, or ala from 
yaia, we may observe that from the analogy of the adverbs M and a{«l, 
and the substantives ali^p and atos in Greek also, the idea which must 
have entered the word in either shape, it is to be presumed, must have 
been that of something which always had been, and always would be, the 
same — something which always had existed, and always would exist — the 
same in itself, and relatively to everything else. And as nothing could 
answer to the description of that which always had existed and always 
would exist in the same way, so well as the materia] universe, made up of 
the two great parts, the heavens and the earth, the one the mivroixoy of 
the other, we think it exceedingly probable that in the intention of the 
first authors of these difiTerent terms of yala and ala, while yaia was re- 
stricted to the earth, as one great half of the material and visible universe, 
ala was intended of the heavens, as the other, and in its proper relation 
to the earth of avrlxB^p or avriyaia. 

And as, of the heavens themselves, the most remarkable part was the 
ediptic or zodiac, the part defined, and distinguished from the rest of 
the heavens, as the annual pathway of the sun, the moon, and the planets ; 
it is very conceivable that, on this principle, the name and idea of Ac^v, 
or the lord of Ata, might be nothing more or less than the idea and name 
of the ecliptic or sodiac personified ; or at least of the sun, as the presiding 
and governing principle of the ecliptic — as the lord or regent of this land of 
Ala icar ^(oxffp *. And that the A^tii;^ of the Argonautic &ble was alwajrs 
closely connected with the sun — appears from its own suppositions ; one of 
which is that the Alrfrrfs of Colchis himself was the son of the sun. 

* Though no sister of Al-frnit has any part assigned her in the popular fiible of 
the Argonauts, yet, as the two most conspicuous objects in the heavens, and the 
most closely connected with the ecliptic, were the sun and the moon ; it was to 
be expected a priori that if the sun, as the presiding and ruling principle of the 
land of ala, in the sense of the ecliptic, was personified under this name of Al^- 
nfs — the moon would be associated with him under some proper name or other, 
in the same relation. Now that this association must have been very early made 
appears firom the testimony of Homer ; who was aware of the impersonation and 
name of Kfpmif as the sister of Ai^nff, Od. K. 155 : M. a. 3. Now what is this 
name of Klpmi, but the feminine form of Klptcos ? and, what difference is there 
between Klptcos, (the Latin circus,) and Kpcmt, the ordinary Greek term for a 
ring or a circle ? And what could be a more impropriate reflection of the sun 
than the moon at the full ? and what name could be more proper fi)r the moon at 
the full, in Greek, than Kpiicfi or Kipcif— taken firom the idea of a perfect round, 
or circle. With reason therefore might the Al^s of the fable, or the man of 
AZb, as the type of the sun, have a sister called Klptni, the type of the moon at 
the fuU. But the observable dicumstanoe is, that, as the sun and the full moon 
can never occupy the same part of tbe ecliptic at once, but if the sun b supposed 
to be in the east, the full moon at the same moment must be in the west, and 



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CH. 3. 8. 8. Tke Theban Dionysos, Cadmus^ and Thebes. 171 

In tlie aiinple htBtoricBl fed of an early voyage from Thessaly to the 
Fontm Enzinns^ made by Greeks and under a leader called Jason, to 
wfaieh an antiquity bears witness, for our part, we can see nothing incre- 
dible, nothing improbable. The date too of this early voyage, to judge 
from the testimony of Homer, and from the genealogies of many of the 
worthies of Troy, must have been not more than fifty or sixty years before 
the capture of Troy, i. e. about B. C. 1230 or 1240. Nor do we know of 
any reason why the ship in which this voyage was made might not have 
been the first ever built, or ever used for such a purpose, in Thessaly ; 
nor why it might not have been called 'Apyob, as all antiquity seems to be 
agreed that it was. Nor do we see any reason why we should not suppose 
this ship to have been both built and called by its peculiar name, while the 
rsodlection of the ark of Scripture, (the first ship which was ever built 
among men anywhere,) was still preserved among the Greeks. For this 
ship too, as well as the ark, is represented to have been built under the 
Divine direction and with the Divine assistance ; and this ship, like the 
ark, was supposed to sail where it would, without any pilot to guide it, 
and this ship, like the ark, to pass safely where all other ships would have 
been liable to perish ; and lastly, this ship, like the ark, (which was still in 
existence in these times, a thousand years after the flood,) never grew old. 
And with respect to its name of *A/>ycb, there would be httle difference he- 
tweed 'A/yy^ and *AfMu& ; and what would *ApKo> have denoted in Greek 
bat the principle of protection, defence, security, personified ? like KoXv^^, 
the principle of concealment, and a multitude of similar terms, a list of 
which we collected elsewhere*. Hesychius has ApKos, in the sense of 
fit^ta, iptdviM ; and the Latin has arx, derived from lipKos, in the sense 
of a stronghold or citadel. Nor is it more extraordinary that Jason should 
have given his ship the name of ' Apy^, in the sense of 'Apjccb, in memory 
of the ark, than that Danaus should have given his city, which he founded 
in the Peloponnese, and very probably for the same reason, the name of 
'Apyof, instead ofAptios, 

Hie oldest sphere which appears to have been known or heard of among 
the Greeks was attributed to Chiron the Centaur 7. Now Chiron too was 
a native of Thessaly, and a contemporary of the Argonauts, and according 
to some, an Argonaut himself. It is obvious that the most natural and 
consistent explanation of this sphere of Chiron's, is to suppose it was that 
which the Argonauts brought back firom Colchis. The ancients too attri- 
buted the invention of the solid sphere to Thales ^ ; but it is much more 
ivobable that Thales himself derived it from Egypt, and that the Egypt- 
ians had it among them from the epoch of the first Phoenix cyde, B. C. 

f<0f scrio, so the local residence of the A%i|s of Homer is supposed to have been 
the land of Ala, and the local residence of his Kipmf is supposed to have been the 
rsMf AW« too (K. 135, M. 3. 3) : bat, as we shall probably see hereafter, one 
OB ths east, the other on the west, or tiee venaf of the same ishmd in general. 

6 Supra, Dissertation iiL vol. iv. 599 n, 
7 Fasti CathoUd, ill. 384. ^ Ibid. !▼. 134- 



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172 Dianysian OinreciioHofMelamfUB. diss. vf. 

1847, or aft least from that of the second, B. C. 1347, when the xodiac 
properly so called, in contradistinction to the ecliptic, maj he said to have 
heen invented >. And if the solid sphere of this epoch was brought into 
Greece by Cadmns, nothing would be better calculated to explain the 
name and meaning of his^Oyra, as the place where he set it up, than that 
fact; and if the colony of Colchis took it with them at the same time to 
that quarter, nothing would be better calculated than that fact too, to ex- 
plain the story of the Golden Fleece, brought back by the Argonauts, if 
understood of this sphere, as brought back too : but how obtained, and 
whether with or without the consent of its original owners, would be 
another question. 

And here the part assigned in the fable to Medea would have to be 
taken into account — with respect to which we see no reason why it may 
not be literaUy accepted, agreeably to the belief and testimony of the an- 
cients, so far at least as to suppose that Jason brought back such a person 
with him from Colchis, (and very possibly contrary to the will of her own 
parents,) who had been principally instrumental in his getting possession 
of the sphere, or in the language of the fable, the Golden Fleece : and 
without whom, 

OvdcKor' ftv ficya icmas ainjyaycv avrbg 'lijo-tty 
ff Airfs, rffXccar dKyip6€a'a'cuf 666v *® — 
even though it may be implied in that supposition that he must have 
stolen it away from its owners. 

The fabulous circumstances connected with the story, the Golden 
Fleece, literally understood, the dragon — ^the dragon's teeth, the buUs * of 
fire, and the like — must all be set down to the invention of the later poets, 
and probably to that of the author of the cognate fable of the Dragon of 
Cadmus — which we have supposed to have been Eomelus of Corinth. 
The two fSables are so much akin that they cannot be considered the off- 
spring of distinct minds. This fable, as we have already observed, argues 
an acquaintance with the astrological doctrine of the planetary houses and 
of the Decania of the sphere, as much as the other; a knowledge which 
in both alike would suit to the time of Eumelus, B. C. 787, eleven years at 
least after that doctrine was broached in Egypt. It is manifest too that 
the author of this fable must have known the signs of the ecliptic by 
their proper sodiacal names ; the first by the name of Aries, the second by 
that of the Bull : for the Golden Fleece itself was nothing but the first 

* These bnllB teem to have been imsgined by the inventor of the fikble, as the 
Types of the sphere of Mazzaroth in its first and proper state, when the sign of 
the bull was the first in the sphere, and stood in the same relation to the rest of 
the signs, as the sign of Aries in the sphere of B. C. 1347. The Bam was the 
Type of the sphere of 1347 ; the Bull, of the sphere of the beginning : and 
the former being lineally derivable from the latter, the buU, in the fiJ>le of the 
Argonaatic expedition, was as much concerned in the tatola and defence of the 
Golden Fleece of that &ble, as the dragon. 

9 FMa Cath. iii. 361 sq<|. 10 Mimnermns, x. i. 



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CH. 3. 8. 8. T%e Theban Dionysos, Cadmus, and Thebes. 178 

ago of the sphere, the Krion of Maziaroth, and his bulls breathing 6n 
and smoke» nothing but the second, the Tauron of Mazzaroth. And 
though the signs received zodiacal names first B.C. 1347 1^ they were 
delineated under the corresponding zodiacal figures only B. C. 848 1^. 

Mr. Grote obserres in his History of Greece ^^, that the fragments of 
this Enmelus ^* are the first which mentioned iEetes and Colchis in con- 
juDCtioii with what Mr. Grote calls the mythological genealogies of his own 
dty of Corinth : and it is certain that whether originaUy or not, yet ulti- 
mately and in the event, there was a close connection between the fable of 
the Golden Fleece and Corinth — that while the traditionary story of the 
expedition began in Thessaly it ended at Corinth — that Jason and Medea 
acted the last part, assigned them in the traditionary history of both, re- 
spectively at Corinth — ^and that the Argo itself was laid up at Ccninth ^\ 

n Fasti Catholici, iii. 361. 12 Ibid. 431. 

U i. 311 note. i** E&panr«fa Fragm. 7. Kopuf0uu(k Fragm. ^-5. 

Id Dio Chrys. Oratio zxKTii. 107. 26 » 458. 



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DISSERTATION VIL 

On the Rhodian Correctiom of the Primitive Calendar; 
and on the Rhodian'' AXeia and TXtiTroXifxeia. 



CHAPTER I. 



On the Octaeteric and the Metonic Correction of the island of 

Rhodes. 



Section I. — On the proper Type of the Rhodian Oetaeteris. 
There is every reason to believe that the first lunar correo- 
tion, made in the island of Rhodes, was one of the third type 
of the Hellenic Oetaeteris in general ; that its original date 
was January 7, B. G. 542 ; that^ at the end of its first period 
of 160 years, B. C. 382> its epoch was raised from January 7 
to January 8 ; that the Metonic correction was adopted at 
the same time, and the head of the calendar shifted from the 
first month, Jan. 8, to the fifths May 6. We hope to ofier 
various confirmations of these different propositions, in the 
course of the ensuing Dissertation : but the strongest and 
most conclusive proof of the kind is reserved for a distinct 
chapter, in which we propose to treat of the chronology of 
the Argonautica of ApoUonius Rhodius, and of the inferences 
deducible therefrom, of the nature and constitution of the 
Rhodian calendar, in the time of the author. 

Section II. — On the recovery of the names and order of the 
months in the Rhodian Calendar, from the Inscriptiones 
Pigulina or KglinsB of antiquity. 

Though our acquaintance with any of the calendars of 
antiquity, in which the names and order of the months were 
unknown, could not be said to be complete, yet strictly 



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CH. I. 8. I, 2. Type of the Bhodian Octaeteris. 175 

speaking that knowledge would not be indispensable to a 
genend idea of one of these calendars. Nothing would be 
absolutely necessary, except a knowledge of the Julian epoch 
of the calendar, and of the nature of its proper cycle. The 
abstract or Julian type of the calendar would thus be known ; 
and it would always be in our power, from these data only, 
to assign the proper Julian epoch of any of its months^ and 
of any day of that month. 

In the case however which we are about to consider^ (that 
of the lunar corrections of the primitive solar calendar, pecu- 
liar to the island of Khodes,) it happens that the names of all 
the months have been brought to light by a particular kind 
of evidence, the nature of which we shall proceed to explain. 

In the Corpus Inscriptionum Grsecarum, there is a numerous 
class of inscriptions which have been discovered on the re- 
mains of the potter's art» the opera figtilina, or figlina, of 
classical antiquity, and principally of that kind of its produc- 
tions which are called Diotee, i. e. jars, or urns, with two 
handles, the inscriptions in question being found on these 
handles. Many such relics have been met with in Sicily ^^^ 
some at Syracuse, or in its vicinity ^, some at Acrse ^ some 
at Leocata, or Alicata, on the site of the ancient Phintias, or 
near that of the ancient Oela^ some at Eryxs, some at Pan- 
iNrmnsh^ some at Thermae Himerseorum^ some at Messana^^ 
others at Tauromenium ^, others at Catana "», others at Leon- 
tinm °. In shorty so numerous in the ancient Sicily did they 
appear to have been^ that the learned could scarcely have 
fiuled to infer from such evidence as this, that the remains 
which were found in such abundance in Sicily must have 
been manufactured on the spot ; and consequently that the 
names of the months, which were discoverable upon them 
also, must have been those of the ancient Sicilian calendar ^ 

fiat since these discoveries were made in Sicily, a still 
greater number of the same kind of remains has been found 

* Corp. Inscript. iii. 568-673. No. i Ibid. 5501 b. 
5375-574* «• * IWd. 5619 0-5619 L 

* Ibid. No. 5375-5392 d. » Ibid. 5645. 

* Ibid. No. 5439-545 ii* ■ Ibid. 5^53-5675 c 

t Ibid. No. 5477-5+*>8- cf, 5751. » Ibid. 5748 b-5748d. 

> Ibid. No. 5502-5541. o See Corp. Inscript. iii. 674-678. 

* IWd. No. 555^.^560. cf. 5577- 



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176 Bhodian ""AXcmi and TXtproX^/uicta. diss. vir. 

in quarters very remote from Sicily — at Athens^ at Alexan- 
dria^ and even in the ancient Sarmatiar^but more particularly 
at Alexandria P : of which too, a circumstantial and interest- 
ing account has been given by the author of their discovery 
himself^ J. L. Stoddart^ Esq., in the Transactions of the 
Boyal Society of Literature % as read before the Society in 
1847. The researches of this diligent inquirer succeeded in 
disinterring 406 specimens of these inscriptions on DiotsB, or 
two handled jars^ in Alexandria only ; 200 of which and up- 
wards exhibited the same names of the months, and the same 
names of the magistrates, as those which had before been met 
with in Sicily, so as to leave no doubt that all must have 
had a common origin, and must have come from the same 
quarter. 

We are told by Pliny that manufactures of this descrip- 
tion, (the opera figlina of former times,) were articles of 
trade, carried from the places where they were made to other 
quarters for sale, and that particular firms stamped their own 
marks on the particular productions of their own shops' ; 
Hffic quoque per maria terrasque ultro citroqne portantor, 
insignibus rotse officinis. The island of Gnidus was noted for 
its earthenwares 8 ; and 177 of these remains have been found 
with the impress of Kvtbuav, and the names of the persons in 
office at the time, but uot the names of any months. Attiea 
also was celebrated for the same kind of productions, parti- 
cularly the parts about Marathon ▼; and Pliny ^ mentions 
Bhegium and Cumss, in Italy, and the island of Cos, in the 
JE^esLU, as similarly distinguished. And this island was so 
near to Rhodes, that the physical peculiarities of the latter, 
it might always have been supposed a priori, must have 
adapted it for excelling in the same productions as the neigh- 
bouring island of Cos. And though it cannot be denied that 
there is no testimony, extant at present, which has handed 
down the name of Rhodes, as a well known seat of the manu- 
factory of potter's ware, that desideratum is amply supplied 
by the copious remains of the art of the potter, which have 

p Ibid. torn. iii. Pnef. Pag. ii sqq. t Corp. Inscript. torn. iii. Pnef. zW- 

4 Series ii. toL iii. p. 1-117. xvii. 

r H. N. zzxT. 46. ^ AthenKUs, i. 50. 

" AthenaenSy i. 50. ' H. N. zxxv. 46. 



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CH. 1 . 8. 2. Tfpe of the Rhodiau Octaeteris. 177 

been discovered both in Sicily and at Alexandria, with too much 
upon them^ common to all of them^ to allow us to suppose 
they could have come from different quarters, and with too 
much peculiar to, and characteristic of, the ancient Rhodes, 
to allow as to sappose they could have come from any 
qnaiter but that. 

In the first plaoe^ though these vessels were the work of 
private shops or companies, yet they would not be exposed 
for sale^ either at home or abroad, without some public sanc- 
tioo or other; and this it appears was given by stamping 
them with the name of the magistrate in office: the use 
of this stamp, in all probability, being to serve as a warrant 
to the buyers that, in point of gauge or capacity, these ves- 
sels came up to the prescribed standard. 

In the next place, though it is known that the name of the 
principftl civil magistrate at Rhodes was that of Ufy&ravis^ it 
does not foUow that the Up&ravi^ was the iipxnov ^-nt&wfws at 
Rhodes. Cases are not wanting, in which while the princi- 
pal magistrate was a civil officer, the person who sealed the 
Fasti was an ecclesiastical dignitary ; for example, at Syra- 
cose» wfaore the Srpom/yi;, or Prsetor, was the principal civil 
ofBocr, but the ^Afju^^roAos, or Priest of Jupiter, was the Epo- 
nyme*. Now the island of Rhodes, from the moment when it 
was supposed to have actually come into existence, was sup- 
posed also to have been sacred to the sun. The sun was the 
tutelary genius of Rhodes. The Haleia, or feast of the sun, 
was the principal, and the oldest, festival in its liturgic year. 
The edebrated colossus was an image of the sun. It would 
be QOthiiig extraordinary therefore, if at Rhodes, not the 
piytanis, but the priest of the sun, signed and sealed the 
Fasti every year; just as the priestesses of Hera did at 
Argos, and the priests of Posidon at Halicarnassus K It is 
consequently only consistent with what was a priori to be 
expected that^ if these Diotae came from Rhodes^ the official 
style and title^ discoverable upon them, should be found to 
be that of the priests of the sun. Sixteen of them have the 



* See Fwti toL ii. 441. 
* See Ptul i. toI. iii. 370 and n. 



gAr, HBIX. VOIi. V. 



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178 Rhodian "AActa and TXinroA^ftcta. diss. vxi. 

inscription 'Eir* or "^E^** l€pi<»s, followed by a proper name ; 
two of them found in Sicily ^ the rest at Alexandria c. In 
the remaining instances, the proper name of the dignitary is 
mentioned, but not the style of his oiBce ; though from ana- 
logy it may reasonably be concluded it most have been that 
of the Mfpcvs in these as well as in the rest. 

But thirdly, besides the proper style of the Eponyme, cer- 
tain devices appear on these Diotse, which were characteristic 
of the ancient Bhodes. For example^ on many of them an 
head surrounded with rays, a c(g}ui radiatum; which> it is 
self-evident, must have been intended for that of the sun ; 
and the same insigne is found on the coins of Bhodes ^. On 
many of these fragments, this device ajqpears along witb the 
proper name of the person^ but without that ot any of the 
months ; and in seven instances at least (all from Alexandria) 
it is accompanied not only by the name of the person in 
ofSce, but also by that of one or other ol the following 
months, Thesmophorius, Dalius, Sminthius, Artamitius^ Hya- 
kinthius, and Panamus^ 

Again, on some of these relics a remarkable emblem is dis- 
coverable, in the shape of a certain flower; concerning the 
nature of which there may possibly be some difference ot 
opinion, but concerning its relation to the island of Rhodes, 
in these instances, there can be none, insomuch as this also 
is found on the coins of Rhodes ^ As to the flower itself, at 
first sight it might be taken for a rose ; and Mr. Stoddart has 
given it the name of " the Conventional Rose ;" and has com- 
pared it to the rose of heraldic shields or scutcheons. But in 
reality it appears to have been the Bakai^iov of antiquity; 
the flower of the wild pomegranate : concerning which, and 
its peculiar mystical significancy, and its relation to the island 
of Rhodes in this mystical sense, we hope to speak by and by. 
This characteristic Rhodian emblem occurs 27 times, on Diotse 
found indiscriminately at Alexandria, at Athens, and in Si- 

^ No. 565 : 448. Insole Cnie. 

« No. 56: 66: 67: 133: 141: 150: • Corp. Inscript. iS. P^rK&tio, vi, 

169 1 189: 312: 378:413: 417: 421: No. 76: 274: 341: 359: 417: 421: 

422 : cf. Corp. Inscript. iii. Pnef. Tab. 458. 
i. v-ziii. f Eckhel, ii. 602. Insalc Carie. 

^ Eckhel, Doctr. Namm. ii. 602. 



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CH. 1 . 8. 3. Names and order of the Months, 179 

ciljf, with the names also of the months Thesmophorius, 
Dalitis, Sminthins, Panamus, Hyakintliius, Artamitius, Dios- 
tiiyna, Agrianius ; all but Diosthyus twice at least, and with 
some of them five or six times over. 

For these reasons we may safely conclade that these Diotse, 
with their proper inscriptions and devices, must have come 
fipom the island of Rhodes ; and therefore that the names of 
the months, which appear upon them^ must have been those 
of the Rhodian calendar, i. e. of the quarter where they were 
made, and from which they were exported ; not of any of the 
quarters where they are discoverable at present. And the 
names which actually occur upon them, arranged in the order 
in which they appear to have stood both in the first type of 
the calendar, B. 0. 54j^, and in the second, B. C. 382, will be 
as fidlows. 

Section III. — Order and names of the months in the Rhodian 
Calendar^ both the Octaeteric, Jan. 7^ B. C. 542, and the 
Metamc, May 6, £. C. 382. 



Mocrth. 


Name. Tjp» i. B.C. 543. 


Month. 


Type U. B.C. 383. 


i 


*AypMPtoe 


Jan. 7 


uc 


Jan. 8 


ii 


Badp6fuos 


Feb. 5 


z 


Feb. 6 


iii 


Gcvdoio-foff 


March; 


xi 


March 8 


iv 


^dktos 


April 5 


xii 


April 6 


v 


^Aprafilrtos 


May 5 


i 


May 6 


vi 


Uapufios A 


June 3 


ii 


June 4 


vi 


ndifafios B 








vii 




July 3 


iii 


July 4 


viii 


'YoKb^iOS 


Aug. I 


iv 


Aug. 2 


ix 


Kapptios 


— 31 


y 


Sept. I 


X 


ec<r/io<^ptoff 


Sept. 29 


vi 


— 30 


zi 


Z/u'i^iof 


Oct. 29 


vii 


Oct. 30 


xii 


AuMvor 


Nov. 37 


viii 


Nov. 28 



The number of these months is neither more nor less than 
that which must have entered a lunar calendar every year, 
vis. twelve ; and as, besides these, such a calendar must also 
have feqnired, at stated times, an extraordinary month, so it 

' No. 41 • 54 :5<»: 67: 71:7a: 75: 288: 335: 33^: 361: 383: 44«- ^i. 
f7" "4: t3^' '4«: H6: 150* '^5= 489 aJw. 
166: 176: 179: 184: 186: 230: 250: 



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180 Rhodian "AAem and TKrfiroKitJLfta. diss tii. 

is very observable that such a month too appears in this Kst, 
recovered from the same sources as any of the rest, the sixth 
month repeated, the Hipofws B or leSripos of the lisf, which 
in this calendar must have been the intercalary month. 

With regard to the actual order of these months, though 
no one, in the absence of express testimony to that point, in 
any of these instances, could safely venture a confident opin- 
ion ; we have seen reason to conclude notwithstanding, that 
the above arrangement, on the whole, may be considered the 
true, not merely while the calendar was still attached to Ja- 
nuary 7, but when its head had been shifted to May 6. That 
change in particular would make no difference to the order 
of the months inter se. Particular proofs of this conclusion ' 
in particular instances may possibly appear when we come to 
consider each in its turn : and something like a general ar- 
gument of its truth, as applicable to all in common, may per- 
haps be derived from the same kind of evidence, which has 
made us acquainted with all. 

For if these Diotse were manufactured at Rhodes, and yet 
are found in modem times at Athens, at Olbia, at Alexan- 
dria, or in some one or other of the cities of Sicily, it is ma- 
nifest they must have been exported from Rhodes to those 
quarters. Now when we consider the rule of antiquity with 
respect to the opening and shutting of the sea ; it will not be 
thought improbable that the manufacture of such wares, in- 
tended for exportation, would go on more actively in the spring 
and summer half of the year than in the oppoute one. To judge 
from the extant remains of such productions which have been 
discovered, the state of the case de facto is this ; that 59 * of 
them were made and stamped in Agrianius; 51 ^ in Dalius ; 46<^ 

' Pnrf. p. V. sqq. No. 9: 151: i$6: 144: 14^ : 149: 1^$: 16$: 166: 

207 : 379 : 306 : 340. 1 78 : 184 : si i : ai2 : 223 : 237 : ajo : 

• No. a : «3 : 24 : 43 : 50 : 57 : 61 : 285 : 286 : 294 : 302 : 312 : 314 : 321 : 

(62): 68: 83: 90: 100: 101: 105: 338:349:360:363:368:378:379: 

106 • 127 : 1.^8 : 140 : 158 : 162 : 167 : 391 : 399 : 421 : 441 : 455 : 456.: 462 : 

168 : 194 : ai4 : ai9 : ««9 : «3» • 233 : 474- 

241 : 248 : 268 : 269 : 288 : 290 : 292 : « No. 3 : 4 : 19 : 48 : 51 : (62) : 66 : 

304: 3«6: 317: 318: 334: 335:347: 69:87:93: 107: 112:128:129: 

357 : 365 *. 390 : 395 - 396 : 397 : 404 : i39 : 14" : 156 : '57 • '63 : 183 : 197 : 

407 : 427 : 432 : 433 : 434: 435 : 436 : 215 : 224 : 230 : 236 : 249 : 284 : 293 : 

448 : 454 : 460 : 469. 300 : 301 1319: 328 : 336 : 355 • 359 • 

fcNo. 13: 20:25:39: 54:55:58: 366:367: 377:398:4i«: 437:4-?8: 

63:67:88:95: 108: 109: 114: 116: 440:449-453:458:459. 



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CO. I. 8. 3^ Names and order of the Months. 181 

in Artamitiua ; 55 ^ in P^namus ; besides 6 « iu Pana- 
muB aecondos; 89^ in Hyakinthius; 14 ^ in Carneus; 21 ^ 
in Thesmophorins ; 20 < in Sminthius; S^^ in Biosthjus. It 
foUows that four times as many are still extant, which must 
have been manafactnred in the first eight months of the 
above list^ from Agrianins to Hyakinthius, as in the last 
fonr^ from Carneus to Diosthyus ; and this we think is a 
good argument that those eight months of our list must have 
taken in the spring and summer quarters of the year, and 
these fonr must have coincided with the autumnal or winter 
quarter; during the former of which the sea would be open, 
and during the latter it would be shut. 

It is observable also that, to judge from the relative num- 
ber and proportion of the remains still extant of these manu- 
fiM^taies, the months most productive of them must have 
been Agrianius, Dalius, Artamitius, Panamus, and Hyakin- 
thius. Now the first of these in Type i. of the calendar was 
the first month of the year, and the third was so in Type ii. 
In each of these months, as the first in its proper type, fresh 
magistrates would come into ofGlce, and the style of the year 
would be changed : and it was naturally to be expected that 
soch wares as these, intended for exportation, yet stamped 
with the name of the presiding officiary for the time being, 
woold be made in the greatest number in the first month of 
the official year, that they might have the benefit of the 
latest official name. The month Dalius too, as the fourth in 
the old calendar, and the month next to the vernal equinox 
both in the old and in the new, was very likely to be one in 
which the manufiftcture of wares of this kind for exportation 
would go on actively. For the same reason, very few might 
be expected to be executed in the last month of the year, 

< No. lo: ai : ss : 4* ^ 49 * 7' : 7« • S^^ • 403 : 408 : 414 : 417 : 44a : 443 : 

^'' 131: 154: i<$o* '70: "7« • "7^: 45*: 47® = 488« 

182:185: i96: 187: 188: 189: 309: f No. 11: 77: 86; 130: 145: 15a: 

J17: ««6 : 231 : 235 : 239 : 140: 143 : ^64 : 216: 38a : 384: 400 : 413 : 47« • 

iji: 371 : J76: a77: a8o: 195: 303: 47^. 

325:314:315:350*533:544: 350: »»No. 14: 16:41:59: 65:75- 7^: 

370: S7* ' 57* ' 583 : 585 : 39a : 401 : 117 • I59 * «54 : »38 : 5^2 : 319 : 358 : 

4og : 422 : 4»3 : 46® = 47o : 4«». 3<>i : 309 : 439 : 479 : 4^ : 48* '• 485. 

•No- 9: 151 : ^07: 379: 306:340. I No. 56: no: 118: 133: 137: 146 



^No.i:3- 17:33:53:73:78:8; 
97; 98: III : •>9- '52 : M2: «48 
150: 174: nS- "79: »96. 3i8: 24* 
272: 373 : 274 - «87 • 30; : 3*7 : 342 



169 ; 220 : 352 : 253 : 296 : 313 : 341 : 
380 : 387 : 402 : 405 : 477 : 486 : 487. 
k No. 250: 310: 339. 



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182 RhodiaD ^'AAeia and TXiproA^^cia. diss. vii. 

when the style was already out of date ; and it is a carious 
coincidence that^ though so many have beeu found which 
must have been made in Agrianius, only three have yet been 
discovered which were made in Diosthyus. As to the months 
Panamus and Hyakinthius ; if they coincided with June and 
August, as they do in our list, the former was the middle 
month of the year, when the manufacture of such wares as 
these^ intended for the foreign market, might be going on 
with as much activity as in the first ; besides being a month 
very favourable for navigation. Hyakinthius too, which co- 
incided with August, though not favourable for voyages from 
Rhodes to the north, because of the Etesian winds, (which 
must have blown all through that month,) would be favour- 
able for voyages southward ; and in other respects be a fine 
month for navigation in general. Pedageitnius^ on the other 
hand^ as coincidiug with July^ was a dangerous month ; be- 
cause of the storms which usually occurred at the beginning 
of it; and very probably little business would be done in 
that month *. 

Section IV. — On the Etymons and meaning of the names of 
tJie months in the Rhodian Calendar, 
We shall now proceed to consider these names in detail, 
in order to discover, if possible, how far the probable explana- 

* If there is any exception to the above rule, it would seem to be in the 
case of the two months, Badromius and Theudaisius. The number of 
Diotse ertant at present, referrible to the former, is i8, and referrible to 
the latter, is only two. We may certainly infer from this latter fast, th«t 
probably very few were made in that month ; but then the reason of that 
may have been that probably more were exported in that month than in 
any other, and that the month itself was more devoted to the exportation 
than to the manufacture of such wares as these. The reason of which too 
may have been that this month, as our list shews, was that in which the 
sea was first and properly opened agun alter the winter; the vernal equi- 
nox itself always falling in this month. 

Badromius again, though liable in some years of the cycle to fall back 
into the winter, was nevertheless generally speaking the first of the months 
of the spring — the month of the Ztffntpofv 917017— the month of the early 
spring, dpxofievov Hapos as such : and that too being a time of the year 
when navigation was wont to be renewed after the winter, especially for 
short voyages, and along the coast, it is not surprising that symptoms of 
maritime and commercial activity should be perceptible also in this month. 



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CB. I. «. 4. Btynuma of the names of the Months, 183 

tion of each is calculated to confirm the order in the calendar, 
and the place in the natural and the Julian year, assigned 
them in our list. 

Type i. i.=Type ii. ix. 'Ayptipws^TaiAriKuiv, 
This name of 'Ayptivios, so far as we have yet discovered, 
was either peculiar to the Rhodian calendar, or common only 
to the calendar of Cos besides ; in which also, as we learnt 
from Soranus' Life of Hippocrates k. there was a month 
called ^Ayptavosj the 26th of which was the birthday of Hip- 
pocrates. The learned are generally agreed to consider *AypC- 
0909 a corruption of ''Aypuivtcs ; and Cos and Rhodes were so 
near each other, and possibly so closely connected in other 
respects, that they might have had a common calendar. 

With respect to the Etymon of the name ; the 'Aypiavoi 
and the ^AypiSaf€s, according to Strabo^, were names of na- 
tions, neighbours of the Triballi or the Pseonians ; and the 
'AypApuL, as the name of a festival at Argos, is recognised by 
Hesychius: '*Aypaviar kopri^ h '^Apyei ivl idav rw lipoLrov 
^yyaripmv : and the name of 'Aypiiffia, as that of a funereal 
solemnity of some kind or other at Argos, and of games of 
some kind at Thebes, is recognised also : ''Aypiivta' vcxiina 
wap^ *Apy€(ois, leol iy&v€s h €>^/Bius. And did we but know 
that either parentalia or games were celebrated at Rhodes 
under such a name, nothing would have been better adapted 
to explain the name of ' Aypuii^ios in their calendar than this 
gloss. 

In our opinion however the true explanation is to be dis- 
covered only by gmng back to the supposed origin of the 
island of Rhodes itself, according to the popular tradition 
and belief. We learn from the viith Olympic Ode of Pindar, 
that when the rest of the earth was already in existence, and 
even in the act of being divided among the other gods, the 
isfamd of Rhodes in particular was not yet in being ; not yet 
visible at least: at the utmost only girowing up from the 
bottom of the sea — only in the process of formation. The 
fiict then of such a belief respecting the origin of their own 
island, among the ancient Rhodians, being admitted; in 



f See Pkrti. Vol. ii. 650, 651. 
. 5. loS b ; and 133. 18. £z Libri Septimi fine. dL 



^ viL 5. 108 b ; and 133. 18. £z Libri Septimi fine. dL Hesych. 'A^pMvtr. 



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184 Ehodian "AKtia and TAi^iroX^ficca. dibs, vii . 

what state must they have considered it to have first ap- 
peared ? Certainly not in that of an island already reclaimed, 
already available for social purposes ; bnt at the utmost only 
in a capacity to become so. And what name for an island 
still uureclaimed, still in a state of nature, could the Greek 
language have supplied, but that of an iypCa vrieros, or iypU- 
vfi<ros ? For though Sypios was most commonly used in Greek 
for a moral rather than a physical affection, (like that of a 
savage, in contradistinction to a gentle, disposition,) its first 
and proper sense was that of the qualities and characteristics 
of a state of nature, in contradistinction to those which might 
have been produced by art and culture. It denoted wild 
animals, in contradistinction to rtBcurah, or tame ; wild trees, 
in opposition to ^/yiepo, or garden trees ; a superficial state of 
the country in its natural wildness, in contradistinction to 
one superinduced upon it by the labours and improvements of 
agriculture. ' Ay pio<r4kivov was wild parsley in Greek ; iypto- 
avKov was the wild fig ; iypiSxoipos was the wild pig : and, on 
the same principle, a wild island, an island in a state of nature, 
uncultivated and unreclaimed, would be an i,ypi6tniaros* 

Now if the name of the ^Ayptavol or *Ayptav€i of antiquity 
must be ultimately derivable from iyptos, there is no reason 
why the 'Aypiario; of the Bhodian calendar should not be so 
too; but with this special reference to the circumstances 
under which the island itself came into existence. And the 
true explanation of the imposition of this name on the first 
month in the calendar will probably be that, according to 
the Rhodian tradition, this month was the birth-month of 
the island ; the island first appeared in this month — ^thou^ 
as yet only in the state in which it emerged from the womb 
of the sea. The 'Aypidrm therefore might be the name of a 
parentalial or funereal solemnity at Argos ; but in Khodes it 
must have been much more probably the name of a festival, 
like the Palilia of the Romans, the Natalis of their island 
itself. We admit iddeed that this explanation can be pro- 
posed only as conjectural, and as recommended if at all solely 
by its own probability : and the reader is at liberty to receive 
or to reject it, as he thinks best. We may sum up what we 
have to say of the name of this month, and of its site in the 
calendar, by observing, that the tradition relating to the 



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CH. I. 8. 4- Etymons of the names aftke Months. 185 

origin of the inland being much older than the correotion of 
the calendar, and having always fixed the birth of the island 
to the season of the year ooenpied by this month, the popu- 
lar belief in the origin of the island naturally assigned the 
name of^Aypiivtos to the first month in the first Type of the 
calendar, which by the accident of its site was coinciding 
with the Natalia Rhodi at the time. The proper etymon of 
the name therefore, as taken from this relation, would be 
typios^ or iypt6vri<r<}s ; and the ^Ayptivta, celebrated no doubt 
in this month, would be more properly the Natales Rhodi, 
than any thing else. To this coincidence however we may 
perhaps have occasion to refer again. 

Type i. ii.=Type ii. x. Babp6fuos=*Av6€<rnipiAv. 

It is manifest that this name is the same as the Attic B<n}- 
hpoiuAp. Babp6iJuos was the Doric form of Boribp6fuos ; and Ba- 
dgiofiiMP wonld have been the Doric form of BorfipofuAv : and 
Balpoiimp actually occurs in the calendar of Lampsacus \ 

This name therefore of fiadprf/xios in the Rhodian calendar, 
presenting externally so dose a resemblance to that of Boi^ 
Ipoiuiiv in the Attic, it is no wonder that those who were 
familiar with the Attic names should have taken it for 
granted that the Rhodian Badromius was only another name 
for the Attic Boedromion — as even Athenseus is seen to have 
done. But as to the real agreement of these two months in 
their respective calendars — Boedromion was the ninth month 
in the Attic calendar, and its site in the natural year was 
that of the Julian September; Badromius in the Rhodian, 
according to our list, was the second, and its site in the na- 
tural year was that of the Julian February. And that our 
Kst, in the order and place which it assigns to this month in 
particular, is correct, may be inferred from an ancient custom 
in the island of Rhodes, called that of the XtXiZovKrixb^ — ^the 
stated time of which was in this month. 

On the custom of the XtXtiboviaiAhs at Rhodes. 

XcXidopurro^^* ol rff x€AMvi dyttpovres^^AnA from this 
gloas it must always have been a legitimate inference that 

Carp, loicript. it 1 130 aqq. No. 3641 b. cf. snpn. Part i. Vol. ii. page 691. 
' Calendan, xiii. k Hesychius. 



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186 RhoeUan ""AXeia a$ui TkqTroKiiuta. Diss. vii. 

the Greeks had a custom of collecting pence, or any thing 
else^ in the name of the Swallow. There is a gloss in Suidas 
also, which is probably to be referred to the same custom : 

pos, iXX^ ^(TfAa ivboTiK^if kol KcAcvoTtxdv vpbs tpyoy bui rovro 
(sapple Sri) x^iii&ifos oUrt tirrarai otrc <l»deyy€rai. But in the 
island of Rhodes in particular, this custom^ according to tra- 
dition, was as old as Cleobulus of Lindus ; to whom its in- 
troduction was attributed ^ : Koi x^^^^^^C^^ ^^ icoXcu-at naph 
*Podiots aytpyAi rts ^UAor, irc/oi o2 &€oy vis (fniaiv iv hevrdpi^ vepl 
T&v iv *Pad^ Bwrmv^ ypAfftouf aGrms* EZ&09 5^ ri rod iytipeuf x^- 
kt^vCCtiP ol *P6bioi KoXavauf, ft yiv^rai r^ Bofibpoiu&Pi |u^m* 
X€Ai5oy^€(v hi Xiy^rai bia rb citoObs iTrul>t»V€ur6M — 

KoKas &pas &yov<ra 

(icai) JcoXovc ivuxvrovs, 

cnrl ycurripa Xcvk^ 

rirl ySyra fiiKaiva. 

vaXdSaw ov irpoKvKk^U 

im. vioi9os oUov^ 

oivov re dcWvurrpoy, 

Tvpov Tt Kavurrpop 

ical nvp&p ; 

a ;(fXtd«^v Koi Xcict^iray 

oIk oirw^ccnoc. vArtp dnUifuf fj \afiAfu$a ; 

tl fU9 n iAciif cf M fi^ ovK iwroftrs. 

% rhaf yutfoUa riof Ham naBtiiuvQW* 

fUKpa lUv itrriy pqhims /iiy olaoius. 

4itv (fitpijs dc r( fieya (yc) d^ re jcai <t>€pois, 

Syoiy avotyc r^ 3vpap xfXtd<$M* 

od yiip ytpovrtf icpjtv oKkk mudla. 
tiv M iry^ppLbv rovrop icar^deifc irpwros RX€(()9ovXof 6 Au^iov, ^i^ 
AIp^ XpcCas y^PoiUvufs avKKoyris xp^puix^v ™ *. 

* It is ungular that in Ettstathiiu' allnsion to this custom, which pro- 
fesses to be derived from Athemeus, the name of the Romans has got ioto 
the text, as it stands at present, instead of that of the Rhodians : Ad Od. 
4. 411 : 19 14. 43: "El ^ n xp^ wiiptKfiSjtuu jcai tls n)y wapii rois frdXm 
dtmi^opiivrfv x^^idc^M vapwfvpop iroidi^, x^^^^^^C^^ irapk *P»paioif fy 
iy§pp6s yi96fMM90t BoiydpofUMirt fuyi^ icaKaufitPOt ovrw dub r& cmi^ ti^m- 
Kavra iwuf>u¥€taB(u, $X^ ^X^ k , r. X. 

AthensBus, viii. 59, mentions also the fact of a similar aytppbt at Rhodes, 

1 AthenKos, viii. 60. m Cf. Clemeos Alex. Strom, vf, xix. ( 115. p. 345. 



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CH. I. 8.4. Etymons of the names of the Months. 187 

The fact of such a custom in the island can leave no doubt 
that Badromius must have been the month in which the 
swallow usuallv a[qpeared. And as the Hirundinis advenius, 
in all the Parapegmata of the Greeks, and for every parallel 
of latitude, was dated sometime in the last ten days of 
February, or the first ten of March, this must be decisive 
that the site of the month Badromius, in which this x^^^^o- 
pwfios took place annually, was the same with that of the 
Julian February or March ; just as that of Badromius in our 
list is seen to have been f. 

in the name of the Crow, (rg Koft&vn\ which' was called KopAma-fjui, and 
the acton in it Kopȴurrai : and he has given us too (from Phoenix of 
Colophon) the song usually sung on that occasion, in Scazon iambics. 
Qeohulus of Lindus, whom tradition handed down as the author of the 
XtXiiomaftht in Rhodes, and of the song which accompanied it, was 
finnoos for his songs and riddles in ver8e,*Aia/tara icalypi^oi, tls thnf rpw 
XiXia : Diogenes Laert. i. vL ii. § 89 : Suidas, KXcii^dvXor. As one of 
the seven wise men, he must have been a contemporary of Solon's, B. C. 
593 ; and his daughter Cleobuline, who inherited her father's talent for 
the same kind of composition, (see supra. Vol. i. 64 note,) might have 
been contemporary with the Rhodian correction, B. C. 543, though Cleo- 
holue himself could scarcely have heen so. The custqm in question was 
no douht introduced hy him while the calendar was still the primitive solar 
one ; and it would naturally be attached to the second month of the pri- 
mitive equable year, because that was the month which was coinciding 
with the time and season of the Hirundinis adventus, all through his 
lifetime. 

In the Argumenta vetera Carminum Theocriti, p. lii. Ilepl ^ia4>opas r&v 
Bovmkucm^, a reference occurs to a custom at Syracuse, which seems to 
have resembled that of the x«Xiddma'/4^£ at Rhodes. The following made 
part of the song then-siuig : 

Af {oA T^br ayaB6if ry^ay, di^ai riuf vyttuv, 

Sw f^pofitv vapii 1179 Btov, 6» iKokivaairo riiva. 

t Hie first appearance of the swallow is a phenomenon to which fre- 
quent aUusions occur in classical antiquity, and from a very early date. 
The following are instances of it. 

Oe Homero ^ 1 Hapaxfij»^C»¥ dc cV r^ Sdfi^ raig vavfupfiais fr/MHnropfvo- 
fkont wp69 ria oUdat riis tvdtufjbOPtardrag eXdfi/Sayc rt, dcidcov rck ?irea Tad€, 
i KttktiTtu 'Eip€<rt^yff. The lines are given, eleven in number, ending — 

1 Vita, ap. Herod, xuiii. 



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188 Bhodian ""AXcia and TXriftoXifuia. diss. vii. 

povinp hf TjJ iopr^ tow 'AfrcSXXo»yoc — 

T($i^ fi«V 6p3poy6vf Uapduwlt £pro x<Xidd^ 
cff (ftdos dpBpwnxHs, Zof^os v€ov Urrofupoio ^ — 

erricriri fioXovcra 

XfifiSfVi d* tis SxJKarros 
tj NciXov fj Vl Me/i^v • — 
2K€y^aad€ iraidcf ' ovx ^po^ ; <S^ vca, ;^rXiddby ^ — 
'OX(kXi7pof de coTt iraptHitla ro \iy6fitvop, tarw cdpof apx^i* hoKti yap 
v&s fya T^ ^api ^KU9t<rBai ^ x^^*^^ ^ — ^^^ ^ *''P^ X^Xtd^roBir, cfrci ficr^ 
njy x^^^"^ SfipwToi at KvUiai . . . toixao'i dc t;^ dSp^ t§ np^ rev Kapos xf^ 
vBai^ — 

*Oray ripwhi pAp <f>»p§ x^^*^^ 
iCop/fPti KcXadg, x^P^ ^ m4 *X27 MiSpo-ifiOff ' — 
*Q Ztv x^Xidcby 2pa irore <^ain7(rcnu^ ; — 
^AyyfXc icXtn-a lapof ddiN^d/Mn; Kvapta xcXido! ' — 



BpOpwp o^l T€K€<rv, fj agfd6pot aloko<l>&vou, 
^ Koi fflapci^ori x^Xtdfkrtv cyyvr ^Kvpa-t 
pvpoptpait c^ T€KPa, rd re (r^<ri Xi^tovoiro 



'fir d* din^* ihrriyiiccra't ^/»fi ffSatp opraklxoun 
fuirffp, tiaptpov Ztfjuvpov nptn^ryytkog Upmg, 
ol d* oiraX^v rpvCmms hriBpwrKOwn KaKt§ 
yrji6trvpoi irtpi p^frpl, ml Ifuipavnt td^rjs 
X^ikof dpomvo'aovtnp. Swap If nr\ d&pa XcXiymy 
apdp6s (etvMxoto Xiya ickdCavm vfoortrotf 1®. 



aXxudivff ircpl levpa, x*XMp€s dpifpi fuXoBptt, 
KVKPOs cir* oxBaiaw mrapov, jcai vir' SKtros mfdJ^p^^. 



'O frX($of otpaiof' Koi yh,p XoXayevcra x^Xidttv 
^fdi; pipffKwcfP ^^f x^ x^P^^^ C^ifwpos, 

2 Hesiod. Opera et Dies, 566. Ixviii. cf. ad 1301. 1417. 

8 Anacreon, xzziii. Eis xc^iS^^w- ^ Oppian, Halieutica, i. 727. 

4 AxistophaneB, Equites, 419. 10 Ibid. iii. 243. 

4 Schol. in loc 11 Anthologia, i. 32. MeUager, ci. 
ft Ad 420. De Vere, 16. 

6 Paz, 800. 13 Ibid. i. 168. Leonidas Taren- 

7 Thesmophoriazuse, i. tinus, ivii. 

5 SchoL ad Aves, 1410: Simonides, 



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CH. r . 8. 4. Etymons of the names of the Months. 189 

This month therefore must have been the second in the 
Rhodian calendar, and must have corresponded to the Attic 
Anthesterion^ and to the Julian February. As to the etymon 
of the name; it was no doubt the same as that of the Attic 
Bovfipofutiv — first, and properly ^orfipoyio^ — ultimately, /3o^ 
and bp6iJLo^. We alluded to the tradition connected with this 

Hoc geritur, zephyris primum inpellentibus undas, 
Ante DOTis rubeant quam prata coloribus, ante 
Garrola quam tignia nidum suspendat hirundo i'. 



Te, dulcis amice, reviset 
Cum Zephyris, si concedes, et hirundine prima 1^. 



Turn blandi soles, ignotaqae prodit hirundo, 
£t lateam celsa sub trabe fingit opus l^. 



FaJlimur ? an veris prsennntia venit hirundo ; 

Nee metuit, ne qua versa recurrat hiems ? 
Saepe tamen, Proone, mmium properasse quereris ; 

Virque too Tereus frigore betas erit 1^. 



Sic Pandionift repetunt ubi fida volucres 
Hospitia, atque larem bruma pulsante relictum i^. 



"H^ yitp Zt^/vpoto irpoayyeXof tfyyvoe ^bp^i 
vx^ioiUimm mkvKmnf dpoatpoi^s ifUOuavtw difniff, 
Kal Xtyvpi^, i»Mp6fnt<nn trwiartos, ttapi lajpvi 
Spffpuv vmfoi^ iputpat \ako£ rpvCowra ^cXtdi^v 
apTul}tanis' fcal yviuf6p an tvodpMO KoKvwrprii 
€tapafals iyiXaairt XtXavfuvou &f$os iip<rai9 
k\ r. X. W 



Ei de yaptHg adUois fit /3ii}<rfTa*, cZ5pf dp€t^, 
/tifopiOi ipMttratf Koi UtrapAvjn ^iKoprfk^, 
Koi p6^0¥ ayyiXXovaa koi a»6€fju6€<nT<af ttpariv 
Hxcrofuu ttapufoio ^^17 Ztffrvpoio x^^*^^f 
^pSryyopMwrf Xakot Spms viro»po^/i;ff piXot ffxpvtf 
IpXJuBii^ fmp6€tfTi wtpwKaip€wra KoKdiP 1^. 



Cf. SchoL in Platon. ii. 371. in Sopbistam, 133. 34. hrra : also Phot. 
Lex. TLvBov x<Xidovo«. 

IS Virgil, Oeorgid, It. 305. \7 SUtioa, Thebais, yiii 617. 

14 Horace, Epp. t 7. la. 18 Nonniis, iii 10. 

»* Orid, Fasti, i. 157. cf. 149-160. l» Ibid, ii 130. cf. ad xi.495- D« 

1< Ibid. ii. 853. of Feb. 14. cf. 857. Boris. 



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190 Rhodian "AXtia and TXiproA^^ia. diss. vii. 

month, in the Attic calendar, on a former occasion ^ ; and 
though it may be difficult to assign a reason at present for 
Solon^s having given this name to the ninth month in his 
calendar, corresponding to the Julian September, while the 
Rhodians did so to the second in theirs, corresponding to Fe- 
bruary, possibly it might be that the event supposed to be 
commemorated by the name, happened in the second month 
of the primitive solar year, on the one hand, and at a time 
when that month was coinciding with September on the 
other; and Solon might choose to give the name to that 
month in his correction, which coincided with September, 
and the Rhodians to that in theirs, which coincided with the 
second of the primitive solar year : Solon, in assigning the 
name to the Attic Boedromion, regarding the true time of 
the event in the natural or Julian year, the Rhodians, in 
giving it to their Boedromion, its date and place in the 
Primitive calendar*. 

Type i. iii=Type ii. xi. Gevda^o-ioff^'EIAa^iy/SoAuii'. 
The form of this name too is Doric, Gevdourto; for QeobaC- 
<ri09. And this too is peculiar to the Rhodian calendar, and, 
as far as we know, to one more, the Cretan ; in which, as we 
have seen <>, it occurred also. With respect to the etymon ; 
in the first place it is resolvable into $46s and badrios. And 
baCaios at first sight would resemble ^aCtnos, one of the names 
of the months in the Macedonian calendar, the etymon of 
which we traced up to baU, daps or epulum. But that name 
was given to this month in its own calendar, because it was 
the month in which the barley was commonly ripe ; and be- 
cause it corresponded to the Attic Thargelion (of which the 
same fact held good), and both most properly to the Julian 
May: but this month in the Rhodian calendar, if we are 
right in our arrangements, must have corresponded to the 

* Or this name might have been given to the second month in the cor- 
rection, B. C. 543—8imply' because it was the first in which military ope- 
rations could be resumed after the winter ; and for a reason, analogous to 
that, which (as we hope to see hereafter) induced the Delphians to give 
the name of BoaB6o£ to the same month in their calendar ; Badp6fuot and 
Boa$6os, as so used respectively, having denoted much the same thing. 

n Part i. vol.i. ij6. • VoI.iT. 553. Dim. iii. 



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CH. 1 . 8. 4. Etynums of the names of the Months, 1 91 

Julian March, and to the Attic Elaphebolion ; much too 
early for the month in which the barley was beginning to 
ripen, in any part of Greece. 

In the next place^ Hesy chins has a gloss^ in explanation of 
the word *H/>tfx^* ^^ ^^obadna, ol bk kopriiv ol bk fpui — from 
which it may be inferred that the GtobaCaia was another 
name for the *Hp<^ta, and vice versa; upon which coinci- 
d^ioe it is to be observed that though 'Hp^x^a in the text of 
Hesychius at present has the rough breathing, and therefore 
implies some connection between the &€obauna, so explained, 
and "Hpa, Juno — the old reading was '"Upd^ia^ with the 
smooth breathing, and that would imply nothing more than 
a general connection of the Geodo^o-ia with the spring, in- 
stead of a particular connection with "Hpa : such as would 
suit the site of the Bhodian 0€vd<uo-ios, in our list, in which 
it corresponds partly to March and partly to April. It con- 
firms this, that there was a feast so called in the Cretan 
calendar, rh &€vbaina P, and a month called 0€vda(o-iO9, like- 
wise ; and these two were no doubt connected ; and the 
former was celebrated in the latter. And there too it was 
a month of the spring — the Julian limits of which were 
March 24 and April 23. 

lo the next place, this word baUrios in Greek, whether in 
composition, or out of composition, per se, is ambiguous. 
It might be derivable in a given instance from bais, epulum ; 
bnt it might also be derivable from balua, divido. T€<abaC<ria 
ooeiurs in Greek H pretty much in the same sense as that of 
Tgmpberpta, the division or measurement of the earth — ^that is^ 
of the surface of the earth : and ivtbaCtrtos occurs in Callima- 
cbns, in the sense of allotted or apportioned : 

Tf roc Kol ypttrcH wpcT€pffy€P§€s ntp iovrts 

which the scholiast explains by MffiepurfUvov. He is speaking 
of the rest of the inmates of Olympus, though older than 
Zeus, yet agreeing to concede to him as his proper lot or 
portion the undisputed mastery of the abode of them all in 
common. It is evident then that €>€obaiaios or €>€vba(ffios in 

r Dua. iii. Vol. it. 553. « Aristotle, Metaphyeica. 

r Hymnus in Jovem, 58. 



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1 92 Rhodian "Weia and TAf^voXcjuicta. diss, vi i. 

Greek would be just as derivable from Btos and 6aU», dtvido, 
as from $€bs and bais, daps or epulum. And since it appears 
from Hesychius > that 0€o5oVia might have the sense of {to) 
v-no $€ov bcbofiipa — so, on the same principle, might &€obal<Tia 
have that of ra vtro de&v h^batryAva, 

Here then it is necessary again to refer to the ancient 
popular fable of the Rhodians, respecting the origin of their 
own island, and the way in which it came to be the peculiar 
Adxo9 or portion of the sun : the substance of which, in brief, 
was this, That when the rest of the gods of Olympus were 
dividing the earth among them, the island of Rhodes was not 
yet in existence, and therefore could not as yet have been 
the subject of such a division, along with the rest of the 
earth ; and the sun, to whom it was ultimately assigned, was 
not present, along with the rest of the gods, when the division 
was going on. But the fable added, that Rhodes was even 
then growing up from the bottom of the sea ; and it was 
even then agreed between the sun and the rest of the gods^ 
that when it emerged into the light of day at last, it should 
be his extra sortem. Now it is a curious coincidence that 
Qgoiattrtos being supposed the month in which the gods 
were thus dividing the rest of the earth, and the month in 
which the island of Rhodes was beginning to grow op from 
the bottom of the sea, 'Aypiivtosy the month in which we 
have already seen reason to date the actual nativity of the 
island, was the tenth month from QtobaOrios ; and nothing 
would be more natural than to conclude that if the island 
was just beginning to be conceived in the womb of the sea in 
0eo8a/oru>9, it would be bom (i. e. actually appear above the 
surface) in "AypiAvto^. 

The name of the month next to this in the Rhodian calen- 
dar, and the reason why it was so called, will prove, we hope 
by and by, that the authors of these names, for their proper 
calendar, were not ignorant of the primitive tradition, which 
dated the Natale Mundi in April, and very probably on the 
24th or 25th of April. But they roust also have considered 
the case of their own island an exception to that of the rest 
of the world ; and the island itself conceived in Gcodourios — 

■ In voce. 



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CH. 1 . 8. 4. Etymons of the names of the Months. 193 

when the rest of the world was being divided among the 
rest of the gods; and born in 'Aypiivtos — when it became the 
property of the sun. And^ as in other cases of such mystical 
births as these, the interval between the conception and the 
birth, according to the precedent set by the Egyptians, 
appears to have been assumed at 280 days^; let us reckon 
back 280 days from the second or third of Agrianius, in the 
second year of the first cycle of the fihodian correction, 
Dec. 28 or 29, B. C. 542, and we shall come to March 23 or 
24, B.C. 542, the 17th or 18th of GevbaCirtos, in the first 
year. And these dates would be remarkable, as being the 
epoch of the sphere of Mazzaroth ; March 24, its epoch before 
B.C. 672, March 23 its epoch after. They may lead therefore 
to the inference that the epoch of the GevbaUria in question, 
according to the authors of this fable, was the epoch of the 
sphere of Massaroth ; and that while the true Natale Mundi 
in general was still the old and traditional one of April 24 
or 26, (the q)och of the Krion of the beginning of things,) 
that of this partition of the earth and its surface, all but the 
island of Rhodes, was that of the Krion of Mazzaroth. 
Certain at least it is that the epoch of the Theodsesius of the 
Cietaa calendar was this of the Krion of Mazzaroth also, 
Maieh 24 ; and that coincidence, between the name of the 
month and the epoch of the month so called, was probably 
not fortoitous. 

Type L iv. = Type ii. xii. A(i\to$ = MQvw\iiav. 
The name of AoXios, as that of a month, occurs nowhere, 
so far as we know, except in this Bhodian calendar, and in 
that of Tanromenium in Sicily v. The name itself is the 
Doric form of ^kio% — * 

TH pA ^Uf o2 MoSirai ml 6 6ak%os rjyanfanf ^Aw6kk»y ^. 
M^ fjuH Kpavah vtfito'curtu 

In tfaia name consequently there must be ultimately some re- 
ference to the island of Delos ; and we shall probably not be 
mistaken if we suppose it was given to this month rither in 
honour of the Delian Apollo, or in honour of the island of 

* See nipra. Vol. hr. 134. • Supra, Vol. ii. page 43S. 

V Theocritm, Epigr. m. 4. De Archilocho. « Pindar, Istbm. i. 3. 

KAL. HSLL. VOL. V. O 



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194 Bhodian 'AXeta and TXrjnoXifuia. diss, vii.* 

Delos^ or lastly, with a special and particular reference to the 
connection between this month and the festival of the AijXia, 
celebrated at Delos also. Now with respect to the first of 
these explanations ; it is an objection to the supposed deriva- 
tion of the name of this month from any of the titles of 
Apollo, and especially that of the DeUan — that the month 
A77AC09 in the Rhodian calendar in that case should have 
corresponded to the month &apyrjkii}v in the Attic ; whereas 
in reality it appears to have corresponded to the month Mov- 
wxiuv. It is also an objection to it, that Apollo in the esti- 
mation of the Bhodians was the same with the sun, and the 
month in their calendar sacred to the sun was that in which 
the''AX€(a, or feast of the sun, was celebrated; and this, as 
we shall see by and by, was the month 'TaKCvBtos^ not the 
month AiXms. 

With respect to the second, which would derive this name 
from the island of Delos, it is virtually the same with the 
third, which would derive it from the name of the Ai/fkia : 
for it makes no difference to the etymon of the name, whe^ 
ther the name was that of the island, or that of the festival 
celebrated in the island, and called by the name of the island. 
And this, in our opinion, is the true explanation ; that the 
month was so called because it was that in which the festival 
of the Delia was annually celebrated. For that was a so- 
lemnity of very great antiquity, and of equal sanctity and 
importance ; in which not only the inhabitants of the Gyclades 
round about Delos, but those of the islands off the coast of 
Asia Minor, and the Greeks settled on the continent also, 
had a common interest; and for the celebration of which 
they met every year at Delos. Nor could anything be more 
probabl^ a priori than that, when any of them were giving 
names to the months of their calendar, they should have 
given the name of the Delian month to that in which this 
festival of the Delia usually fell out. 

We reserve any further explanation of this ancient and 
national festival of the Greeks for a future opportunity. AH 
that we shall say about it at present is that its proper season 
in the natural year is determinable to the spring ; and that 
the final end of its institution, like that of the Italian and 
Roman Palilia, appears to have been to commemorate the 
beginning of things : and, though we have no absolute as- 



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CB. i . S.4. Etymons of the names of the Months, 195 

soranceof the fact from testimony^ yet that there is reason to 
believe the date to which it was actuaDy attached at first was 
that of the Natale mundi itself, April 25. It is certain at 
least that, both in the Rhodian calendar, which we are now 
considering, and in the Tauromenian or Naxian, which we 
considered before y, the limits of this Delian month were 
April 5 and May 5 ; and that the traditionary date of the 
Natale mundi^ April 25, in the normal or rectified state of 
each^ (i. e. in the first year of its proper cycle,) was the 21st 
of this month. 

Type i. v. = Type ii. i. '"ApTaixlrios = Sapyrikiitf, 
This name also is the Doric form of ^Apre/A^o-io;. It was 
consequently derived bom^Afyraius, the Doric form of ""Apre/us. 
A month of this name, as we have seen, occurred in many 
other calendars besides the fihodian, and in all of them as 
sacred to the Grecian "Aprfiiis. And the birth of the Grecian 
'ApTtius, like that of the Grecian Apollo, after a time at least, 
if not from the first, being generally supposed to have borne 
date in the Attic Thargelion ; the site of this month in those 
other instances was commonly found to have corresponded to 
that of the Attic Thai^elion. This coincidence holds good 
in the present instance. The limits of the fihodian Artami- 
tias. Type i. Cycle i. 1, were May 5 and June 3 ; those of the 
Attic Thargelion, at the same point of time. Cycle ix. 8, were 
April 25 and May 24 ; only ten days earlier : not more than 
the necessary difference at that time between the epochs of 
Type i. and those of Type iii. of the Octaeteric correction in 
general. 

This month Artamitius therefore was as necessarily the 
fifth month in its proper calendar, at first, as that of Thargelion 
in the Attic; and when the cycle of the calendar was chaoged 
by the adoption of the enneakaidecaeteris instead of the octa- 
eterity if the head of the calendar was shifted at the same 
time, the place of this month in the order of the calendar, 
from that time forward, would depend on the choice of the 
month which was to be the head of the calendar, and the be- 
ginning of the year, in the Metonic correction. And that 
Artiunitiiis itself must have been fixed upon for that pur** 

f Vol. ii. page 445. 
O 2 



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196 Rhodian "AXeta and TKriTfokifAtia. diss. vii. 

pose^ may be iDferred from the testimoDj of the same in- 
scriptions to which we have so often had occasion to refer. 

We observed before ^, that in some of these instances, be- 
sides the name of office^ and the name of the month, others 
also occurred^ accompanied with certain symbols (the cadu- 
ceus of fantiquity, an olive -chaplet, a moase^ a garland of 
flowers, a dolphin and anchor, and the like); the best ex- 
planation of which is that they were the names and private 
marks of the individuals or the firms by which these Diot» 
were made and exported. There are however two cases of 
this kind ^ to which this explanation would not apply ; cases 
in which nothing appears but the name of oflSce or the name 
of the mouth, accompanied over and above with a symbol of 
a particular kind ; the name of the month in each instance 
being that of Artamitius, and the symbol which accompanies 
it in each being that of a star. 

Now a star would be the most natural symbol of a oon- 
stellation imaginable ; and to an ancient Rhodian, aware that 
the civil year of his own countrymen began at the heliacal 
rising of the Pleiads, such a symbol^ in conjunction with the 
month Artamitius, would be perfectly intelligible. But in 
itself the emblem of a star would be ambiguous ; and a priori 
would not appear to denote one constellation, or one star, 
more than another : and it is very observable that, in one of 
the above instances ^, as if on purpose to limit and define the 
symbol, the letter T is annexed to the star. The Pleiads 
being one of the constellations of the sign of Taurus, and 
this letter being the first in the name of Taurus ; the ma^t 
probable explanation of the addition is that it was intended 
to limit the application of this symbol to the sign of Taurus, 
and to designate this star as one of those of that sign — ^the 
Pleiades or the Hyades, — and as the most remarkable of the 
two, the Pleiads. 

The heliacal rising of the Pleiades is invariably assigned by 
the ancients as the signal of the arrival of that season in the 
natural year, when the sea was to be considered open again, 
not only for commercial enterprise, but also for political pur- 
poses, and naval and military expeditions : and an insular 
people like the Bhodians, who had begun to make a fifgure 

« Sapra page 178. * No. 197. 438. cf. 193. b No. 438. 



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CH. 1 . 8. 4- Etymons of the names of the Months. 197 

before B. C. 382, and were aspiring at still greater distinc- 
tioOy not merely as a commercial^ but also as a political, com- 
munitj^ had a direct interest, in that season of the year. 
And as the date of this phenomenon^ assigned by the ancient 
astronomers, for such a parallel as that of Rhodes^ was nei- 
ther much earlier nor much later than the 6th of May, it is 
evident that it must always have happened in the Bhodian 
Artamititts ; and in Type ii. of their calendar, such as is ex- 
hibited in our scheme, supra, it might without any material 
error have been assumed as the first of Artamitius, May 6 
itself. It is not probable that any of these Figuline inscrip- 
tions were older than B. C. 382 ; and if they were all later, 
then this symbol of the star, along with the name of Arta- 
mitius and the name of office, which appears in some of them, 
may obviously be understood of the month in which the phe- 
nomenon of the heliacal rising was of stated occurrence ; and 
consequently the first month of the calendar itself*. 

* A farther argument of the site of this month Artamitins at Rhodes, 
relatively to the Julian calendar, may be derived from its relation to the 
equable year also. An inscription of Naxos is extant (Corp. Ins. ii. 1079, 
Appendix, No. 3416 c), in which a certain form of words, mutatis mutant 
ditf, occurs four times : *Eiri irffuovpyov *Avn6xov, i€p(<a{s dc) rrjs *P<$dou 
'Apx<^^''*>» fupoff *Apr€fuai&poSf TafutvovTos^Q€v{p)ov\ov, ^p(a» 7^ ^apairffia 
Ua^KfitTot . . . icai KXraiyrroff : from which it is an obvious inference that 
H commemorated the celebration of the ^apanriia under a different De- 
miurge^ in four successive years ; i. e. one cycle of the revolution of the 
equable in the Julian cycle of leap-year. And though Naxus must be 
supposed to have had some time or other a calendar of its own, Mr. B., 
die editor of this part of the Corpus Inscript., conjectures with good rea- 
son that Naxus at this time was subject to Rhodes, and there was no 
difference between the Naxian calendar and the Rhodian : on which sup- 
position, the Naxian 'Aprcfuo-i«>v must have agreed with the Rhodian 
*ApTttfUTtot, and the Sarapeia, four times celebrated in the former, must 
haye been four times celebrated simultaneously in the latter also. 

Now we have shewn (Fasti Catholici, iv. 4T0. 420.) that the proper Egyp- 
tian date of the Sarapeia in their own calendar was Pachon 2 : and the 
liflBits of the Rhodian Artamitins from B.C. 38a downwards being assumed 
as May 6 and June 4, when these inscriptions were recorded Pachon 2 
most have been falling between these Julian terms. Now that was the 
case between Nab. 573, B.C. 177, and Nab. 692, B.C. 57. Nor is it 
probable that these inscriptions were older than B.C. 177, though they 
nuglit be than B. C. 57. 



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198 Bhodian "AXcia and TAi/iroX^/uicuz. diss. vii. 

Type i. vi. = Type ii. ii. Fldi/a/xos = 2Kippo<l}opi<iv. 

A month of this name too has occurred in various calendars, 
and always about the same season of the natural year, mid- 
summer, and corresponding to the same months in the 
Julian, June and July. The etymon of the name was ex- 
plained in illustration of the month so called in the Macedo- 
nian calendar c, and shown to have been derived from the 
physical fact of the ripening and reaping of barley^ or wheat, 
in this month, on the most general scale, for any of the 
parallels of the ancient Greece. The limits of the fihodian 
Pauamus in our scheme are June 3, and July 3 ; and the 
corresponding Attic month was 2K(,ppo(f>opi6v : and that being 
the case, there can be no doubt that for the climate of 
Rhodes, not only barley harvest, but very possibly wheat 
harvest, must have fallen out in this month <1, though it is 
sufficient to explain its name^ that it was the stated month of 
barley harvest. 

It is far from improbable that this name was given to the 
sixth month in the Rhodian calendar, and to the seventh in 
the Corinthian, at the same time, B. C. 542 ; for it occurs in 
the Corinthian calendar also, and occupies there the place of 
the seventh month. If so, it was probably given to the sixth 
in the one, as the month of barley harvest, and to the seventh 
in the other, as that of wheat harvest. And that this dis- 
tinction, in any case^ must have been as old as the Rhodian 
correction itself, must be inferred from the fact that, as ap- 
pears from the testimony of these figuline inscriptions also, 
the name and place of the intercalary month in the same 
calendar were those of a Udvafxoi delh-epos. The intercalary 
month would naturally be either the twelfth repeated, or the 
sixth ; so that if the Rhodian nii»apx>s was not the twelfth 
month in its proper calendar, it must have been the sixth. 
To this subject however we shall have occasion to return, 
when we come to speak of the month ^loadvos* 

Type i. vii. = Type ii. iii. ntbay^Ciwos = ^Exarofi/Sauiv. 

The form of this name too is Doric, riedayc^ri^vos, for 
MtTaytlrwos, or Mtrayelrvios ; and as Mcrayetrpios would 

c Vol. iii. 47. * Cf, Vol i. page 144 sqq. 



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CH. I . s. 4. Etymons of the names of the Months. 199 

bave been only accidentally different from Mcrayctrrio)!;, at 
first sigbt it would seem to be a natural inference from tbe 
name, that the month so called in the fihodian calendar 
mnst have corresponded to the Attic M^ray^vrviAv. But we 
have already seen, from 'the case of the fihodian Babp^iims^ 
that the resemblance of names in this calendar to others in 
the Attic is no proof of their agreement with the Attic ; and 
in reality, to judge from our own scheme, this month in the 
Rhodian must have corresponded to Hecatombaeon in the 
Attic. The limits of the Bhodian Pedageitnyus, cycle i. 1. 
of Type i. were July 3-August 1 : those of the Attic Heca- 
tombaeon, cycle ix. 3, were June 23— July 22, only ten days 
earlier. 

There is reason in fact to suspect that the name of this 
month in the Rhodian calendar was not originally U^haytl* 
Twost but *Ejcaro/A/3ai69, or some such name, the same with that 
of the Attic month so called. The proof of this point indeed 
is not very clear; but there is something like evidence of it 
in the following extract from an epistle of Lynkeus, the 
brother of Duris the historian, which occurs in Athenaeus®: 
Auyiceirs V iv rfj Trpos Aiayopav iirio-roXfj^ iitaivw rhv^ Karh ri^v 
^\Trua\v ytv6fi€V0v NiKOcrrpdreiov Porpvv Koi iirriuOAs ovr^ rovy 
'PobiCLKOvs^ <l>ri<n' T<p 6' ^icei KoXovfj-ivta ^orpvi 'SiKoarparelij^ tov 
'Imniptov ivT€KTpi<f>ov<n fiorpw, hs ^iro *EicaTOfiPai&vos firfvos 
&<rn€p iyoBis oiic^n/s biafX€V€i ttiv avrriv fx^'^ fivouuf. Lynkeus 
himself was of Samos, and we cannot be sure by what calen- 
dar he reckoned in this instance, whether the Samian, or the 
Attic, or the Rhodian ; but, as he was speaking of a Rhodian 
grape, and of the time of its becoming ripe, and of the length 
of its continuance in that state, it is most natural to suppose 
it was by the Rhodian. If so, there was still in his time, or 
had been before his time, a month in that calendar, the name 
of which was 'Exaroft/Sotcbi', or something only accidentally 
different from it; and therefore in this place in the calendar, 
that of the seventh on our list : for none other could have 
been open to it. The only question in this case will be, 
whether the grape, and for the climate of Rhodes, could be 
supposed to have been fit for eating in the viith month on 
our list, the limits of which were July 3 and August 1. 

e xiv. 68. 



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200 Bhodian ''AAcia and TXrivok4fjL€ia. diss. vii. 

Now the time when the grape began to change colour, 
(vtpKiCtiv, variare se,) in other words, to ripen, for any of 
the climates of Greece, as we have seen ^ is ordinarily repre* 
sented as the beginning of the dirdpa ; and the beginning of 
the 6v6pa as the heliacal rising of Orion: the date of which, for 
this epoch, and for these parallels, was sometime in the first 
or second week in July, the first decad of the Bhodian ITcda- 
y^Crwos, It is manifest therefore that a forward kind of 
grape, and in so favourable a climate as that of the island of 
Rhodes, might be already fit to eat early in this month, cer- 
tainly before the end of it. Prosper Alpinus tells us, he him- 
self had seen grapes in Egypt, near Cairo, ready to be gathered 
as early as the middle of May s ; and there was not so much 
difierence between the climate of Egypt, about Cairo, and 
that of Rhodes, that the same thing might not have been 
possible in the latter, two months later. 

On the other hand, that there must also have been a month 
called n€bay€lTin}os, in the Rhodian calendar, appears not only 
from these Figuline inscriptions, but also from Porphyry, 
Ilepl ifiylfvx<i»v dirox^^, whose testimony we shall have occasion 
to produce by and by; and if so, it must have been the 
seventh. The question is then, if the seventh month in the 
Rhodian calendar had once the name of 'EKarofifidio^, or some 
other like it, how it came to lose that, and to acquire the 
name of UebayeCrmjos in its stead. 

Now the etymon of this name, as substantially the same 
with the Attic McrayHTvi^v, could have been nothing but 
W5a, the same as fiira, and yeCrpvo^^ the same with yeir&v, 
or y^iTPLdv ; and a name so compounded must always have 
implied a reference to the relations of neighbourhood — some 
change of abode from one locality to another, and some con* 
sequent change in these relations. It points therefore, utr- 
tiUe termini^ to the only event in Rhodian history, known 
to us at present, sufficiently interesting and important to 
have given a name to any month in the calendar — that of the 
irvvotKKTiJibs of Rhodes; when the three principal cities, Lindus, 
lalysus, and Camirus, with their respective inhabitants, be- 
fore independent of each other, and living apart, were formed 

' Cf. Vol. i. 385 note. 244 and 298 note. 
(T See our Fasti Catholici, ii. 437 note. 



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CH. 1 . 8. 4. Etymons of the names of the Months, 201 

into one city, and one community, under the name of *P((5o9: 
a change which laid the foundation of the subsequent pros- 
perity and greatness of the island *. 

* Skylax of Caryandus ^ : 'Podof koto, tovto vfi<Tos rpinokis, dpxaia v6- 
Xiff. Koi €v avTJ TfdXcK oTdc, *Ia\va6s Aiv^os Kdfifipos — Habitata urbibus 
Ldndo, Camiro, lalyso, nunc Rhodo^. Mythology attributed the founda- 
tion of these three cities to three of the Heliada;, the sons of Helius and 
Rhodos; bat they were really founded, as we shall see hereafter, by 
TIepokmus, the son of Hercules. 

Cominis, Lindus, and lalyeus are recognised by Thucydides, as still 
distinct from, and independent of, each other, at the end of B. C. 413, or 
the beginning of B.C. 411 S: but Diodorus dates their awoiicia-/Li6r only 
four years later*, in the year of Euctemon, B.C. 408-407: Ol d« tjjv 
*P<^v pTJaov KarmKovitrts, koi *lrj\v(T6v koi \ivbov kol Kofiapov, fi€r»Kia'$ij<ray 
th fuatf iitSXiy ri^if vvr KakovfUvfiv 'F6dov. It may be questioned howerer 
whether it happened really in B.C. 408, or in B.C. 407; particularly as 
there is reason to believe that Lysander, the leading man among the La- 
cedemonians at this time, was concerned in it. Diodorus dates his ap- 
pointment to the command of the fleet for the first time, B. C. 408 ^; and 
yet it appears from Xenophon ^, that it must have been in the spring of 
B.C. 407. He was superseded the next year, by Callicratidas 7, not long 
after the lunar eclipse, April 15^; and he was reappointed, at the request 
of the allies, B. C. 406 exeunte, or B. C. 405 ineunte ^. On the first occa- 
sion be assumed the command at Rhodes ; on the second at Ephesus. It 
is probable therefore, that the actual date of the awoiKurfi^s, if the conse- 
quence of his advice and his influence, was near midsummer, B.C. 407 — 
which would still be in the year of Euctemon, according to the common 
rule, though not so, according to the rule of Diodorus. 

Aristides the sophist, alluding to the earthquake which laid Rhodes 
waste in his time *^, dates the ovvouctfTfjAs 'Eirl Avirdv^pov, 600 years be- 
fore '1. The city of Rhodes was already in being B. C. 391-390 ^^ : and 
from that time forward its existence is matter of history. The most ex- 
traordinary circumstance, which has been handed down concerning the 
wpoucurfibst i> that the same architect planned and laid out the city of 
Bhodes on this occasion, B. C. 407, who had done the same thing for the 
FSneus 85 years before, B. C. 493. See supra, p. 33.' Tr/p d< *Pddop n^y 
wAuf, says Eustathius '^, vartpdu (fufo-iv (*A$^vuog scil.) Kriu-Brjvai Kara r^ 
UfXoKOinniiruuca (mb opxtrtKropos v<f> ol koi 6 *AmK6s Xi/A^y 6 Ue tpoicvf : 

1 Oeographi Min. i. 38. 5 ziii. 68. 7c. 

3 Pliny, H. N. v. 36. of. Dionys. S Hell. i. ▼. 1. 

Perieg. 504, and Eustath. in loc. : 8ya- 7 i. vi. i. 8 Ibid. 

orihi9,490, II. 9 ii. 1. 6-10. cf. i. 15-22. 

3 Till. 44* 39. 60. cf. 6. 10 xliii. 'fohcuchs, 797 sqq. 

4 riii. 75. cf. 68. cf. Strabo, xiv. 2. 11 816. 19-817. 5 : 810. 8. 

198b: Conon. Amtx* mC* apud Phot. 13 Xenoph. Hellenica, iv. viii. 20-34. 

Cod. 186. 13 Ad II. B. O56. 315. «o. 



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202 Rhodian ""AXcta and TXriTto\ifi€ia. diss. vii. 

The date of this event, according to Diodorus Sicolus^, 
was the year of Euctemon ; which, agreeably to his rule of 
reckoning, entered Jan. 1, B.C. 408, according to the com- 
mon one, Hecatombaeon 1, July 21, the same year. In the 
calendar of Rhodes this year answered to Cycle xvii. 7, and 
the date of the seventh month was June 25, only four days 
later than that of the Attic Skirrhophorion, June 21. We 
collect from the testimony of Porphyry, above referred to, 
that the 6th of the Rhodian Metageitnion in his time corre- 
sponded to June 30, and therefore the first to June 25 : so 
that the Metageitnion of his time would seem to have been 
altogether the same with the viith month of the calendar in 
the year of the (JvuoiKi(rtJL6s. And though the month of which 
he was then speaking was a solar one, in the sense of a 
Julian, and this of the epoch of the avvoiKiafibs must have 
been a lunar one ; still there can be no doubt that the solar 
Metageitnion of Porphyry's time must have been regularly 
derivable from the lunar of preceding times. 

It is probable therefore that, down to the date of the con* 
solidation of the people of Rhodes into one community, the 
name of the seventh month in their calendar was the Doric 
form of the Attic Hecatombaeon, *EicaTo/uij3as or 'Eicoro/i/SetJj — 
and after that event, both on account of the importance of 
the event itself to the political consequence of the island, 
and also possibly because it took place in this very month, 
it received the name of Jl^bay^tnwoi — implying the month of 
the change of neighbourhood, and of the relations of vicinity, 
on a large scale. And yet it would not follow even from this 
fact that it would altogether lose its ancient name ; or that in 
such an allusion to it, as that in the Epistle of Lynkeus, above 
referred to, and on such a subject as that of the Epistle, 
though very probably an hundred years later than the change 
of its style, it might not still be called by its ancient name. 

i. e. HippodamuB. And yet it seems almost incredible, that the same per- 
son should have been \iv\ng and capable of such a work as this, both B.C. 
49a, or soon after, and B.C. 407. For if he was not more than 30, B.C. 
492, he could not have been less than 105, B. C. 407. 

h ziii. 75. cf. 68. AIbo Marmor Parium, buii. 



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CB. 1 . 8. 4. Etymons of the names of the Months. 

Type i. viii.=Type ii. iv. *TaKiv6(,os=M.€Tay€iTvt,(iv. 

We learn from the testimony of another Inscription, which 
we hope to produce by and by, as well as from these Figuline 
Inscriptions, that there must have been a month of this 
name in the Rhodian calendar ; and it may be inferred from 
the same inscription, that there was six months' interval be- 
tween this month *TaKCv6Los and the month Babp6iuos: as 
there is in our list, and as there could not fail to be if Badpo- 
fuo; was originally the second, and ^TaKU'Oios the eighth. 

The name itself, so far as we have yet discovered, occurs 
only in one other calendar, the calendar of Thera >. With 
respect to its etymon ; there can be no mistake in deriving 
it from 'TaKtvOoi ; and ^TdnwOos in Greek was both a proper ' 
name, (that of a person,) and an appellative, that is, the 
name of a flower, which we call hyacinth too — and the Latins 
called properly vaccinium *. Now to derivt the name of the 
Rhodian 'TaKwBios from the flower would be liable to the 
objection that the hyacinth everywhere among the Greeks 
was a flower of the early spring ; but tbit^ month Hyakin- 
thius was one of the summer quarter, when all the flowers of 
spring must long have been over. To derife it from 'TiKip- 
Oos, as a proper name, would be admissible ; oould it be shewn 
that there was any connection between the person so called, 
and the island of Rhodes. 

But the 'ToKivOia was also the name of one of the feasts 
of the Greeks of former times. At least in the Spartan ca- 
lendar there was one so called, of great antiquity, and corre- 
sponding sanctity ; and what is more, sacred to the sun, and 
celebrated in that month of its own calendar, which was 
sacred to the sun also — the Spartan *Cicarojui/3€V9, answering 
to the Attic *Ejcaro/A/3<u<0i;. There is no doubt that the Mriv 

* DioBCorides, iv. 63 : 'YaKtvBos' (ot Bi i\avtat,oi bt nop<Pvpav6h/?tiifuuoi 
ovoKKutovfi, oi dc ovXKiyovfi) ic , r. X. Virgil, Eclogse^, ii. 18 : 
Alba ligustra cadunt, vaccinia nigra leguntur : 
which Servius, in loc., explains of the violet, though Virgil himself else- 
where distinguisbes the vaccinium from the violet — 
Et nigrse violas sunt, et vaccinia nigra. 

Eclog. X. 39. 
» Vol. ii. 673. 



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204 Rhodian "AAcia Ofi^ TkrynokifMia. diss. vii. 

'TcucCtfOios in any of the calendars of the ancient Greeks 
might have derived its name from the *TaKlifOta ; and as the 
solemnity so called was much older than the correction of 
the Bhodian calendar, B. C. 542, it is far from improbable 
that as the eighth month in that correction was sacred to 
the sun, and the stated month of a solemnity very similar to 
the Spartan ^TaKlifOui, in honour of the sun, the Rhodians 
might choose to give this month the name of 'TaKCvBto^. 

The Doric form of i^Aio?, (the Greek for the sun,) being 
i\ios, the name of a festival, dedicated to the sun, according 
to analogy should have been *A\Uia ; but at Rhodes the 
Doric form of the solemnity was '^AAeia^ and the correspond- 
ing form of the name of the sun must have been *AKo9, not 
^AKtoi : and the Grammarians remark upon this as an excep- 
tional case ^ : Els b^ rh nawh irtpitKTiKa raicriov koL rh iv row 
rov 'AOijvalov xppriytlov tov ^iov6<rov, irl d^ Koi ri vap AWois 
"Akiiov, OTrep fjv *HA(ov Up6v Kara *Poblovs. Aoipucr) b4 <f>a(riv ^ 
Toiavrrj <l>pi<ris. laniov b'k 2ri to €lpr\yAvov 'Podiaxcd; ^€iov koc- 
vQs ^Ateiov X^ycroi «c\ r. X. In the sophist Aristides it is 
""AXia ®. It is certain however that this was the name of the 
feast of the Sun at Rhodes, and of the principal solemnity in 
the Rhodian calendar, ©co-iricw t€, observes Athenaus^, r^ 
^Cpttrt'Sia TifiQ(n, KaOdir^p ^AOrfvaia ''Adrjvaloiy koX ^OKijfxTna 'HAciiui, 
*?6du)lT€ ra"'AA€ia; from which it must be inferred that the 
*'AA€ta were notoriously as characteristic of the Rhodians as 
the UavaSirivaia of the Athenians, or the ^OAtf/utma of the 
Eleans. And without anticipating at present what will better 
be reserved for future consideration^ with respect to the 
antiquity of this institution in Rhodes, and the day of the 
month to which it was originally attached — we will observe 
only that in the Macedo-Hellenic calendar of later times its 
stated date was the 24th of Gorpiasus ; and the Julian date 
of the solar Gorpiaeus being July 25, the Julian date of the 
24th was August 7. And this solar form of the Macedo- 
Hellenic calendar having been derived from the older lunar 
one; if the stated date of the'^AA^ia in the former was Au- 
gust 7 — mutatis mutandis^ and within certain limits, it must 
have been the same in the latter. 

d Eustathius, ad Odyss. Z. 266. 1562. 58. 
c Ontio xliii. 'Po9taK6s, i. 808. /i. ' xiii. fa. 



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C8. 1, s. 4. Etymons of the names of the Months, 205 

We may assame then that the stated month of the *AA€ia, 
in the lunar calendar of the Bhodians also, must have been 
one which coincided more or less with the Julian August ; 
And if so, the month 'TaKCvOtosj the limits of which were 
Aug. 1 and Aug. 31. The Spartan 'TaKiV^taS were attached 
to the sixth ot^EKorofxPeis; and the limits of that month in 
the Spartan calendar were July 15 and August 13. But this 
date followed the moon, and therefore was liable to pass out 
of the month of July into the month of August ; and both 
these solemnities, both the ^TaicCpdia at Sparta, and the ""AAeia 
at Rhodes, being annual, it could not fail to happen repeat- 
edly that they would be going on together^ or one very soon 
before or after the other. It is conceivable therefore, thi^t 
ihoagh the Rhodians did not think proper to give the name 
of the 'TaKivBuL to their old and long-established festival in 
honour of the sun ; yet, as the Spartan ^TaKlvOia and their 
own ''AXeta were so much akin in other respects, if they 
did not determine to give the month in which they were 
celebrated the name of *AA(ib$^ they might consider none so 
•mtable for it as ^TokCvOios *. 

* This oondunon respecting the date of the "AXtta in the Rhodisa 
calendar is confirmed by the only case of the celebration of those games, 
which happens to be on record in history ; those viz. of the year in which 
Enmenes, king of Pergamus, went to Rome, before the war with Perseus, 
on purpose to denounce him to the Roman senate. The sympathiee of the 
Gieeks of the time in general, find certainly tbose of the Rhodians in par- 
ticular, for some reason or other, before this war, were in favour of Per- 
seus ; and the Rhodians are said to have marked their disapprobation of 
the step which Eumenes was taking by refusing to receive bis ecoopm at 
their *AX«a — i. e. to allow his chariots to contend for the prise at these 
games. And this fact is demonstrative that the stated time of the^AXcm 
nnist have been later in the year than this visit of Eumenes to Rome. 

The year is detennined by Livy 1 to the consular year of C. Popillius 
Lftnas, P. iElius Ligus, U. C. 582 of Varro — B.C. 173-173 — two years 
before the beginning of the war. Valerius Antias at least ^ dated the 
arrival either of Eumenes himself, or of Attains his brother, at Rome, this 
year : and that being the case, as this consular year began on the Ides of 
March, U. C. 582, December 30, B. C. 173, Eumenes, we may presume, 
SBiisl have come in the course of the summer of B. C. 17a, Attains, his 

1 Lib. zlii. 9-18. of. 10. 3 xUi. 11. 

f VoL i. 409 sqq. 



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206 Bhodian 'AXeut and TATyiroX^^ut. diss, vif . 

Type i. ix. = T7pe ii. v. Kapvtws^BorjbpoiJMiv, 
The name of this month has come before us in the Spar« 

brother, in the spring or summer of B. C. 171. The 24th of the Rhodian 
'YaKipBios, the same year, (Period iii. 59,) corresponded to August 15, 
B. C. 173 : and Eumenes, it is probable, must have been already arrived 
at Rome so much earlier in the summer than this date, that the news both 
of his arrival, and of the nature of the errand on which he had come, 
might have reached Rhodes, in time to ezclade his Stnpla from these 
games the same year. 

It is well known too that when Eumenes was returning home again 
after this visit, his life was attempted at Delphi by subornation of Perseus ; 
and he narrowly escaped falling a victim to his revenge. His motive in 
visiting Delphi, as Livy says, was to sacrifice there ; but not, so far as it 
appears, to consult the oracle also : and, in fact, the oracle would be shut, 
according to rule, from the month *AirorfN$iriof in the Delphian calendar, 
(which B. C. 172, Period iii. 51, Cyc. vii. 3, of that calendar corresponded 
to September 8,) to the end of the Delphian year : and though it might 
have been open in the month before this, yet as there was ooly one day in 
every month on which it could be consulted, and that the 7th — which this 
year fell upon August T6-~it is manifest that even if £umenes had been 
at Delphi as early as August 16, instead of a month later, the Rhodians 
could not possibly have heard of what had happened to him there, when 
they were celebrating their ^AXcca and excluding hisOcMpui from any par- 
ticipation in them. 

There is also an allusion to the ^AXcta in the 'Fo^uucbs of the sophist 
Aristides *, which appears to have been written when he was in Egypt, 
and had just heard of the earthquake which had recently happened at 
.Rhodes, and thrown down the greatest part of the city. Of the date of 
this incident, nothing is known for certain, except that it took place in the 
reign of Antoninus Pius, later than the third of his reign at least K Nor 
can any thing be collected from these allusions to it concerning the cir- 
cumstances imder which it took place, except that it was at the hour of 
the Sipurrw (i. e. a little before noon) some day, and before the ^AXe la had 
yet been celebrated— though they were close at hand ^ : Kal r^v yAv r&v 
*AXiW ayj»va iroujo-crc, xal t6 x<»ptby fUfuyriM a&v o£ iroii}<rrr< «e , r. X. 

8 Oratio xliii. Egypt on this oocasion. is to be dated 

4 Cf. Capitolinas, Antoninus Pins, A. D. 147 or 148. 
9. 8 : Pausanias, \m. xliii. 3. cf. ii. Mr. Letronne (cf. ad iii. 337. 4679) 

vii. I : Aristides, xliii. i. 819. 1. 5. cf. supposes him to have been in Egypt 

zliv. i. 814. 14 : 834. 8 : abo our A. D. 145-147. He was there three 

Dissertations on the Principles and years, whensoever it was : and in the 

Airangement of an Harmony of the course of this time must the euth- 

Ooflpels, iv. 588. quake at Rhodes, which gave occasion 

Corpus Inscript. iii. 331 : the editor to the A6yos 'Paimtchs^ also have hap- 

is of opinion that the \6yos Ktyvwria- pened. 
jc^, detiveied when Aristides was in 6 zlii. i. 805. 9: 808. 8. 



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CH . I . s. 4- Etymons of the names of the Months. 207 

tan, the Syracusan, the Geloan^ the Agrigentine^ the Tauro- 
meDian, and the Cyrenian calendars respectively ; and will 
do flo again in calendars which have not yet been particularly 
considered. Tn short, there is every reason to believe that as 
the Gamean observance was characteristic of the Greeks of 
Doric extraction everywhere^ there was a Camean month in 
every Doric calendar ; a month devoted to the Camean ob- 
servance, and taking its name from its relation to it. And as 
the fihodians also were of Doric extraction, and if the testi- 
mony of antiquity is to be believed^ as proud and as tenaci- 
ous of their Doric descent as any of the same family^ it would 
he nothing improbable a priori that they would have a Mi^j/ 
Kapptios in their calendar also^ and no doubt a Carnean so- 
lemnity, to which it was devoted. 

This fact is placed out of question by the testimony of these 
Figuline inscriptions. The observable circumstance is that 
as the Carnean institution, which gave its name to the Car- 
nean month among the Dorians, was determined by circum- 
stances in the first instance to the mouth of August, it was 
to be expected a priori that this Carnean month, as the 
regular representative of the original institution, in each of 
these calendars, would be found occupying a site correspond- 
ing to the Julian August or September. And this, as our 
scheme shews, was exactly the case with the Carneus of the 
Khodian calendar ; the limits of which in the first year' of 
the cycle of Type i, were August 31 and September 29. The 
further explanation of the Carnean institution is reserved for 
the Dissertation in which we hope to treat of the Carnean 
Ennead. 

Type i. x=Type ii. vi. 0e<r/xo0(^/)ios=nuai;€^MJr. 

The name of this month also was not peculiar to the Rho- 
dian calendar. The etymon of the name, wheresoever it 
occurs, is no doubt the same, either &€<Tixo(^6poi or O^crfju}- 
^pia ; and its meaning in every instance either that of the 
month of the Thesmophori, or that of the month of the 
Thesmophoria. And though it is no necessary inference 
that, wheresoever the G€afxo<l>6pia were observed, there there 
was a month called &€(rfio<f>6pios in the calendar, the converse 
is very likely to have been true, that where there. was a 



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208 Rhodian ''AActa and TAf/iroX^/xcia. diss. vii. 

month called &€<rfjLo<t>6pio9 in the calendar^ there were €>€<riio^ 
<l>6pia also, celebrated in that month. 

But with respect to the site of this month, and even as 
devoted to such rites and services in honour of the €>€<tiju}'' 
<l>6poty we observed on a former occasion^ that, though it 
might have been determined by circumstances in particular 
instances to a much earlier period of the summer^ its natural 
season, and most in unison with the nature and final end of 
the institution itself^ was seed-time properly so called ; i. e. 
the month next after, not next before, the autumnal equinox. 
Such was the site of the Thesmophoria as transferred by 
Solon, 6. G. 592, to the 14th of Pyanepsion ; and such must 
have been the site of the Rhodian Thesmophorius, according 
to our scheme — the Julian limits of which in the first year of 
its proper cycle were Sept. 29 and Oct. 29. 

Type 1. xi. = Type ii. vii. 2iJvOLos=MaifxaKTr]pi<iv. 

The etymon of this name, and the probable reason why it 
was given to this month, will appear from the following tes- 
timonies to one of the styles and titles of the Apollo of clas- 
sical antiquity. 

i. '2iMW$€v^' '^EtrCOtTov ' AvSkkoivos* ^iuv6o$ yap rSvof rrjs 
Tpoiibos, iv ^ Upbv 'AirdWdivos ^ynuOlov, iish alrCas r^ade. iv 
Xpvari TrJXet T^y Mvo-fas KpXvCs ns Upfhs Jjv tov k^Wi 'AwrfXAoivoy. 
Toirif dpyurOih 6 $^6s (Tr^iMyf/ev airov toIs iypols ixvas, 61tiv€S 
Tovy Kapvovs ikviialvovTO. PovkrjdtU bi ttotc 6 Bcbs avr^ kotoX- 
Xayrjvai ... To^eiia-as Toits pvs bU<l>6€ip€v . ...oS y^voyAvov 6 Kptvi^ 
Upbif tbpviraTo r^ ^c(p, ^fxivBia avrhv irpocayopeija'as, JTrctS^ Kara 
rffv iyj^ipiov avr&v biikeicrov ol fttJes (ryiivBot koXovvtox — ' AXAoi 
hi o{lra>9' 'On Kpijfrts iitoiKlav arikXovTfs xprj<Tfibv iKafiov itaph 
TOV '*Ait6W»vos Sttqv avTois ivavrwO&ai yriy€V€is (lAeye bl ircpi 
fivciv) iK€i KTlaai ttip iroKiv. ol bi iiriareiXav Toht ivoUovs* 
ik$6vT(ap bi €ls TOV 'EWrlaiFovTop Kal wkt6s hny€VoiJLivris, paies 
iKoyjrav airr&p tovs T€KapiMvas t&v ivXav. irpiai bi ivaxmivTes koX 
Ofa^rifievoi rovro .... iKuaap iK€i v6Kiv, rjvripa jfc<iA€<rai/ ^pLivBCav' 
ol yhp Kprjr€s tov9 ppias crfilpBovs KoKovaip, iK rovrov kcU ^AirJA- 

^ Vol. iv. 310. DisierUtion ii. t Scholia ad Iliad. A. 37 — 



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CH. 1 . g. 4. Etymona of the names of the Months. 209 

^Avikkuivos Korh top ^ ApUnapxpv^ iitth ttAccds TfmlKrjs ^fibfOris 
Kokoviiivfis, 6 bi 'Airlt^v an6 r&v fiv&p oi ^ixtvOwi KokovvraL k<u 
ip *Pdd^ ^fibfOta koprii, fri r&v fiv&p vot€ XvfjLatvofAipiav rbv Kap- 
«ov TUP ifiiF^Kdpiap 'ATr6KX»p xoi Ai6pv<ros bii<l>$€ipap tovs paias — 
Uokipuap bi Toifs ifitfA rv^r TptMa KaroiKOvprai larop^l rovs jiri- 
X<»plovs pa)Sy 06s apilpOavs xaXotHrt, {<rip€ip,) &r^ Ths veipas tQv 
noK^idup btiTptoyop Tmp t6(»p, koI ^luvdiop '^ATt6K\o»va iirb r&p 
lamp iKtbmp ivttfnipufrctv^ — KpvfrQv ivi(rTpaT€va'ApT<»p TohTp&iri 
....ot pah pAicrup iiti$ipL€PO^ rohs TcKapApas t&p iunr£bfov airr&p 
hUrpmyop, icai hrr^tp lbp6<raPT0 pkv Uphv ^A7r<(AA<»W9> iTftAvd" 
ptanrap M airo ^piCvBiop, Kprir&p lin\<»p(^ yXcSrrp' epUpOovs yhp 
Toirs paiat oi K^re; KoKovai ^. 

ii. ^pXp$oi' pak ^. koL 6 '^AtsoKKup bi Sfiir^c^, bih to iiii pw%^ 
viiaty iJHtal, P^PriKipcu — ^pklvBa* S icaroiKOkos pms^ — ^puvB^is* 6 
ip T^ ^pMri TipdpLCPOs " — ^pavBeCs' iufBtTOP "* AitokKuivo^, ovra» 
Kokovai Kp%r€s t€^s pAa^. C/Jf^^ ^^ Ivroplap iv r^ a ttjs ^IX4<i- 
bos^ — ^plCpBti' Tr6Kis Tpolas' ri iSptKbp 2pktp6aloi Koi ^pipOeisP 
— -'Ort Sfuv^cir; 'AvoWfovos ivCO^Tov. Kci ol pAp <f>aaLv airo 
^piMrfs vdXeo); V€pl TpoCap, &s Koi 6 to. iBviKa iiriTipLPOiP (pricrCp' 
j^oircp 6 iroX(ri}9 Koi 'IpupOahs Kiyercu Koi ^pupde^s' m fhat oSrfa 
2pMf64a rbp ip r^ 7r<(X(i ^pipOp Tipxip€P0P. ol bi iirb t&v a-pCp- 
$mp^ t briXot tov^ pAas, avrhp otro^ KoKfurOai ^curt. boK€i ydp 
vore ivntpdrri^ y^piaBai apip$<ap pkamoPTtap row iKtl^ m bih 
ToOro pa6p re airroO IbpvOrjpai, kcH avrbp ^pupOia KXrjOrjpoi bth 
robs laroaoPffiiPTas pAas^ (As ol iy^^ipioi apdpOovs iKokovp. (fniai 
yhp 17 laropla Sri ip t^ Xp6<rii ^pxpOitof i<rT\p Upbp^ koL pvs inS- 
ffcircu rf irodl rov (oivov, Siroira (pyop tov Uaplov k,t.\. if b^ 
topto Xiyovira laropCa koI To^tvBfjpai iv 'AvoXXt^pos ToifS pHas 
Xfy€if Koi rd X'/i'iop iicrCOeriu rb W i^lpup pXairrSpLtpop^ Xiyovaa 
« , T. A. bib fcal 2pup6ii»s (rcdrrop d* eltrcti^ plvoktSpov) 'Av6XX»pos 
ttpiaaTo Up6p ,... iirb apLlp6<»p yap, otv€p fives fhrip. oCru bi 
i(iOS X6yov Toh TtaXaiois iboKfi 6 v€p\ tov 2pup$icts '^ATtoXXtopos 
pLvOos^ &aT€ Kot X6yoi XpipBtaKol iypi<l>opTo ^^ koL pABobos ^p th 

^ Cf. Menaader Rhetor, (of Alexandria TVoaa,) VLtpX IpipBuucmw, iv. 17. 
apod Mr. Groto, History of Greece, i. 469, note. 

^ ApoUoniiu, Lezioon Uomericiun. >^ Hesychius. 

1 CMment Akz. Frotareptioon, ii. o Etymologiciim Magnum. 

I 39- VH* 34* 10. P Steph. Bjx, ef. in a^^tfior. 
* Schol. in loc. iv. 109. 

EAL. HXLL. VOL. V. P 



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210 Rhodian "AKfia and TXriirokdfieui. diss. vii. 

Toikovs priTopiKii, ol bi tlp€s iXkriv UrropCav iKTidtPTCU v^pl rod 
^fjLivOias K,T,\, &s bi Uttvos ttx^p avTov$ {roihi Kp^ras), i(4fnrov<ri 
'yrj6€v fives oOy ovtoI (TfjkCvOovs iKiKovv Kara yXmrirav iy^dpiov 
K,T.\, Koi voKiv TOis apLivOois itaptauvpjov ktCCoviti, koI ^pkivOfa 
TipM<Tiv "^AnoWoivay rjyovv &s hv clnoi th bth fffiM^v xpV^o,vTa' 
hv Koi Ibpvova-i fjLvbi iTnfiiPrfKdTa, &<rav€l vari^avra to Orfplov 
K,T,\. 6 b^ y4(aypi(l>os Kiy€L koX Sti *lbq to TpfAucbv opos anb 
rrjs iv KprfTQ v ap<av6fiaar ai wrb t&v iK Kprjrris &it>iyiUvmv Tcv- 
icpo)!', oh kifiO^vro ol d,povpaioi /lOes. ^HpaKkdanv bi 6 floi^iiros 
TfXriOikiVTis ^(ri tovs itfpl rb Upbv fxHas vofAiadrjvdi, Upohs, Koi Tb 
(6ca;op ovra» KaTaaKevacBijvai fi€fiqKbs iid r(p pvt Sui^poi bi, 
<l>ri(n, rSitoi tv oh Tb rov ^ynvOii^s ivofxti. Ifrriov b€ 5ti loiicci' 
6 2fi(rd€V9 KcX ^fxCvOios KcytaOaL^ &i brjkov itc tQv ^ixivOmk&v 
K6y<av. &s yap iK rov ^djuos Koi, *P6bios rh Sofuoic^ koI to, 'Po- 
btoKa, ofjT<o <l>aCv€TaA Koi iK tov ^pilvOios ttvai rb, ^fuvOuiKi^, 

111. Oud* oiy canipM<r^<rav dtrr tawv ttra 

\afi6yng, aXka rXwra o^v Tcviep^ trrparbv 
Koi avv ^Kctpavbptf ApavKit^ ^vTo<m6p«f 
€iff BefipvK»v cicrrctXay otxtfrfipiov, 
(rfiivOoitri brjpiawras k,t,\ ' — 

Teucrus Rhoeteas^: De hoc fabula duplex e8t....aliij inter 
quos et Trogus^ Seamandri filium tradunt. qui Scamander, 
cum Creta frugum inopia laboraret^ cum parte tertia populi 
ad ezteras sedes quaerendas profectus est, ab ApoUine monitus 
ibi eum habiturum sedes ubi noctu a terrigenis obpugna- 
tus esset. cum ad Frigiam Tenisset et castra posuisset, 
noctu mures arcuum nervos et loramenta armorum adrose- 
runt. Scamander hos interpretatus hostes esse terrigenas, in 
Idse mentis radicibus sedificia coUocant &c. filioque ejus Teu- 
cro regnum traditum, qui....et templum Apollini constituit, 
quem Sminthium appellavit. Cretenses eum murem Smin- 
thicem dicunt. alii....Teucrum ipsum sub conditione supra- 
dicti oraculi profectnm Greta dicunt.... et Sminthos mures 
vocari a Frigibus. 

iv. Koi ol TTiv ^AfAo^LTbif bi Trji Tpoaibos KaroiKOVUTfi fivs a-i- 
fiovaiv. IvOfv Toi Kol Tbv ^AttcJAXo) tov nap avTols TifidfJLfvov 
2fdv0iop KoXoviri^ i^Mxrfv. hi yap koI roxfs AtoXia^ koi Toifs Tpwis 

« Eufltathius in Iliad. A. 39. 34. 1 1. r Lycophron, 1 30a. cf. Tzetzes in loc. 
■ SmriuB, ad ^neid. iii. 108. 



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CH. 1 . 8. 4. Etymons of the names of the Months. 211 

rhp imv vpoaayop€i€iv '^idvdiov, itm^povv koI A^I/Ao9 iv r<p 

'AXX' dpovpaUs rU ^ari, 2fiMio9 * As vjrcp^v^r. 
Kol TpftfMPTOi fji^v h T<As ^fuvBiovi iw€s TuOcuraol, h)iw<rCas rpo- 
^f KofJL^ipovTts, vvi b^ r<p P<»^ koI ^XctSoio-i Xcvxoi, koL iraph 
rf rpbfohi rw ^Air<(AAa>vo; i(miK€ fivs. i»,vOoK6yr)iJLa Vk \m\p Ti\ah€ 
r$9 BfnyrK^Cas Koi iMLVo vpoacucriKoa, tQv AloXiav Kci r&v Tpd^v 
ra Ai|Mi voXkhs fiv&if [wpuHbas hr€X0o6aas idpovs iWrojce/^eu;.... 
ovKovv riv iv A€\<l>ols Otbv vvv6av6fi€i^v (7rvv$<ufOfjuii*ois) c2ir€ur 
''On dec 6v€iv 'Av((AAoi'i ^fuvOn, rohs hi 'n€ur04vTai diraAXayi}i/a( 
r$( iK T&v yivQv iTtifiovkrjSf koI rbv irvpbv airrols is T6vb€ t6v »€" 
voyAnrikivov iiJLfjTov iupiKV€i<r$ai, JTriX^ovo-t bi tpa toAtois Kci 
iK€lpa x\r.X.* The story follows of the colony from Crete, 
the oracle, and the yiyyeyc?^. 

▼. De Troade ▼ : 'Ei^ bi rg X/rtJoiy toCtji koI rb rod ^fuvddoas 
*A«4(XAaiM>ff icniv Up6»' jrai rb eipifioKov rb li^v irvpArriTa lov 
6p6puMT09 (T&CoVf 6 iJLVS^ iir6K€iT<u T^ vobl Tov (oipov. Sicoira b^ 
iariv Ipya rov Tlfupiovf k,t.X. ^HpaicXtCbris b* i IlovTiKbs «,r.X.* 
iroAAc^ot; b' itrrl rb rod ^lUvBi^s ovopa. koUl yhp vepl airiiv riiv 
^A/iiofLrbp, x^fis rod Korh rb Updp ^pupOCoVy b6o rovoi Kokovvrai 
IpIpBifV Koi iXkoL b* ip ry ttXtio'Cop AcLpuracUq' koI ip r^ Tlaptap^ 
d* ioTi \mp(op rh. ^pipBui Kokoip^pov^ koX ip 'P({^ iral ip Alpbi^^ 
ffol iXXodi bi TtoXXa\oiv, KoAouort b€ pvp rb Upbp "LpCpBiop. 

It is clear from these testimonies that though 2plp6ri, or 
^pitpdui, was a name common to many places^ and ^pip$^ 
or ^pipOtos a common title of Apollo ; all these names were 
ohimately derivable from the same etymon^ the proper form 
of which was 2p(pOos, It is equally clear that this word in 
itself was a gloss on the more common one of pvs ; and, as it 
appears from the majority of these testimonies^ a gloss of the 

^ Corrige 2plp6os ^. 

t The story of the colony from Crete, and of the oracle, is subjoined 
here too; wiUi this additional circumstance, that the authority for it was 
Calfiniu, the elegiac poet of Smyrna : which, if true, would trace it up- 
wards to a very remote antiquity; this Callinus having been a contempo- 
rary of Gyget, the king of Lydia, and of the first Cimmerian invasion. 
Gl^. Mr.Chnton, Fasti Hellenici, i. ad ann. 736 and 7x3. 

t .£lian, De Natura Animaliiim, zii. 5. 
*8trabo, ziii. i . 1 1 7 b. 1 1 8 a. cf. 130, 13 1 . ' See supra from Eattathivt. 

P 2' 



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2 1 2 Rhodian " A Afia and TKrjirokitJLeia. diss. vii. 

dialect of Crete : though some of them represent it as the 
name for the mouse in the ancient Phrygian. But that may 
be accounted for by the fact which also appears from them^ 
that even though peculiar originally to Crete^ it must have 
been early transported to Phrygia or Troas by the colony 
from Grete, which settled there and founded the city of 
2fiCv&r}. And from this time forward it might have become 
naturalized in the Phrygian language ; even though it had 
not belonged to it before. 

Thirdly, it is very important to observe that though fivs, 
in Oreek, was the generic name of that animal, and applicable 
to every species and variety of it alike, <riilv6o9 does hot 
appear to have been so ; but to have been restricted to one 
kind of the mouse, the fivs ipovpaios, or field mouse, in con- 
tradistinction to the fivs jcaroiK^dio?, or domestic mouse. And 
though Hesychius explained the term as if synonymous with 
piv9 KOTOiKCbios, it was only in reference to, and in connection 
with, the Sminthian Apollo, of which this kind of mouse was 
symbolical. For it appears from others of these testimonies, 
that this kind of mouse was sacred to him ; that his image was 
represented with its foot on one of them, or on the burrow of 
a mouse of this kind ; and that they were encouraged to run 
at large and to breed in his temple, and, in short, were the 
field mouse reclaimed and domesticated, in this particular 
instance, the better to illustrate and symbolize their relation 
to the Sminthian Apollo. 

It follows however that if the Sminthian Apollo derived 
this name from the mouse, it must have been from the field 
mouse : and in order to explain the application of such a name 
to Apollo himself, that distinction is one of much importance. 
The domestic mouse, where it abounded in greater numbers 
than usual, might be a trouble, an inconvenience, a nuisance, 
in private, but it could not be a pttblic calamity, a source of 
mischief and injury to society on a large scale ; whereas the 
field-mouse, under similar circumstances, was liable to be a 
public misfortune, an evil and inconvenience, on so large a 
scale, and so serious in its consequences, that to interfere 
expressly for its removal might not be unworthy of the 
greatest of the gods of classical antiquity ; and to give them 



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CH. 1 . 8. 4- Etymons of the names of the Months. 218 

a title, expressive of an interposition of this kind^ might be 
becoming the gratitude of their worshippers*. And this 
distinction, respecting the etymon of the name of the Smin- 
thian, as applied to Apollo, is just as important with respect 
to its meaning, as applied to the month. If Apollo was so 
called^ because he was the destroyer of the field-mouse, the 
deliverer from the ravages of the field-mouse, the month roust 
have been so called because it was the month of the field- 
mouse, the month in which the field-mouse was most apt to 
abound^ to become a plague and a grievance, great enough 
to call for the interposition of the Sminthian Apollo him- 
self. 

Now Mr. HarmerJ, speaking on this subject of the plague of 
the field-mouse and that of the locust, respectively, in the east, 
quotes the testimony of William, archbishop of Tyre, and of 
Fulcherius Camotensis, in the Oesta Dei per Francos 2, from 
their own experience of the matter of fact in Palestine at 
least (the opposite coast to Bhodes), that though this country 

* It appears from the context of some of the testimonies, supra, (that of 
ApoUonius,) that this ezplanation of the title of ApoUo Sminthius, which 
derived it from the field-mouse, in the opinion of Aristarchus, the celebrated 
commentator on Homer, was too low and mean for so dignified a subject. 
It is strange that so learned a man shoald have objected to the Apollo 
XfiOfStw of his oountTTmen, if he did not do so to the Apollo Uopvofriny, 
or Kofmnrtmv, (see supra, vol. ii. 688.) or tpvSi^s, or to the Hercules 
fivaypog, or liroKT6vof, or to the Ziitg car6fAvios of the Greeks also. Cf. 
Eustathius, ad Iliad. A. 39. i. 34. 11 sqq. Clemens Alex. Protrepticon, ii. 
§ 38, 39, &c. Yet, that services of this kind might well be imputed to 
the gods, and acknowledged by appropriate titles, the reader may see by 
taming to the instances collected by Eustathius, ad Iliad. A. 39. p. 35. i- 
33: of plagues of animals, some of the minutest kind, and even of in- 
sects, which had compelled whole nations to abandon their country, and 
seek an asylum elsewhere. The reader need not be reminded of the hor- 
net, which drove out two of the nations of Canaan, before the Eisodus, 
nor of the Baalzebub, or Lord of the Fly, at Ekron, who derived that title 
from a wen known scourge of cattle in the East. It is strange too that, 
whether worthy of Apollo or not, the derivation of this title of his, as 
msttor of fact, from efdifBas, the field-mouse, should ever have been 
doabted. The true etymon of the term, as Strabo observed, (illustrated 
by the figure of Apollo himself, standing on the hole of the field-mouse, 
or holding one in his hand,) appealed to the senses. 

f ObservstioDS, edited by Dr. Adam Clark, ili. 397. > Page 427. 



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214 Rhodian ''AAfia and TXtjiroKiixfta. diss. vii. 

was liable to each of these yisitations^ it was not at the same 
time of the year^ nor in the same way. Both were Pestes 
frugum, the most formidable to the hopes of the husband- 
man^ and the most calamitous to the promise of the year, of 
any which could befall it ; but the plague of field-mice^ when 
the corn was sprouting and issuing above ground : that of the 
locust, when it was now in the ear, and approaching to ma- 
turity. 

It confirms the truth of this distinction^ that if any cases 
of the plague of the field-mouse have been recorded in his- 
tory^ they are determinable by the circumstances of the 
occasion to that period of the natural year when the com, 
having been already sown^ was springing and growing up. 
Such, for example^ is that instance of a visitation of this 
kind, of which we have the account in Scripture, as one of 
the other circumstances of the captivity of the ark, in the 
time of Samuel, and of its sojourn among the Philistines ^ ; 
for that too is determinable to seed time in the natural year. 
Such also is the account, which the classical reader will re- 
member to have been given by Herodotus^, of the deliverance 
of Sethon, the priest of the Egyptian Vulcan, (Hephaestus, or 
Phthas,) from a threatened invasion of the Assyrians, under 
Sennacherib, through the interposition of an army of field- 
mice — an incident to which we refer, not as to a matter of 
fact itself, but simply as the Egyptian version of the real 
miracle of Scripture, wrought for the deliverance of Hezekiah, 
from a similar danger, and from the same quarter — and as an 
illustration of the time of the year, at which the appearance 
of the field-mouse, in greater numbers than usual, would 
have been only agreeable to the course of nature. For the 
true time of the actual miracle of Scripture, as determined by 
circumstances before and after, was the latter end of the 
natural year, when the corn had been already sown, and 
must have been growing up. And that must consequently 
have been the time of the deliverance of Sethon, according to 
the Egyptian account, by the interposition of his Phthas ; 
and therefore the time when the appearance of the field- 
mouse in such numbers, as raised up and directed by a divine 

a i Samaei vi. 4, 5. b ii. i^|. 



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CH. 1 . 8. 4. Etymons of the names of the Months. 215 

impake^ might have been the instrumental means of this 
dellTerance. 

We infer then that this eleventh month in the Rhodian 
calendar was called 2iiCv6iosy because it was the month in 
which the field-mouse was liable to appear^ if ever, to the 
injury of the springing corn. Consequently that its place in 
the natural year must have been next after the seed month ; 
and that being the month next after the autumnal equinox^ 
this would be the next but one. And this conclusion is 
entirely in unison with the place assigned it in our list, next 
after Thesmophorius ; and with its Julian limits, October 29 
to November 27 — those of the springing month for any cli- 
mate of Greece, and especially for that of Rhodes*. 

Type i. xii. = Type ii. viii. Aios^oy = Uo<r€Lb€<iv. 

A Rhodian inscription is extant, to which we have once 
before adverted ^ ; iu which two of the months, Ai6s$vos and 
^TokMio^, are mentioned by name. This we shall quote, as 
far as may be necessary for our present purpose, premising 

* It IB no difficulty that a festival called SfiiV^ta, and no doubt in honour 
of the Smintfaian Apollo, was celebrated in this month. The name of the 
month was not derived from the festival, but the name of the festival from 
that of the month. Mr. Grote (loco citato of his history, i. 469 note) has 
the following quotation, in reference to these ^luvBia, from Menander 
Rhetor, 'Eiridcixrtxwir iv. 14 : but whether at Rhodes, or at Alexandria 
Troaa, is doubtful : "Qainp yap *AvSKk<ova noWoKit cdc;(cro 17 7r6kis rots 
2ftuf3iote, ^vUa t^rjv $(oif£ irpo<f>aifS>s imdrjfulv, ovtod kcU at 7 voKis vvv 
vpo^dcx^TOi. Atbenseus, iii. 6 : x. 63 : has two allusions to the Rhodian 
ZiuyAn, one from an author whom he. calls <tCK6ii»ti<rTos, the other from 
one whom he styles <Mi6lfhiiuis ; from the latter of which we collect that 
they were older at Rhodes than the time of Cleobulus of Lindus, and from 
the former that their stated time in the natural year was later than that 
when the ^^ usually came into season, i. e. than September or October. 

To the other arguments of the derivation of this name from the mouse, 
in some sense or other, we may add this ; viz. that in one of the Figuline 
ioacriptions, above referred to, (No. 394,) the mouse appears as a device 
without the name of the month to accompany it; the reason of which most 
probably was that this mouse, being the iield-mouse, (the Sminthus, pro- 
perly so called,) was competent of itself to indicate the Sminthian month, 
and was probably in this instance intended of that month. 

« Page 203. 



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216 Rhodiao 'AXeta and TKrtvoKiiuia. dibs. vii. 

that its object appears to have been to acknowledge the 
liberality of one of the citizens of Rhodes, Dionysodoras of 
Alexandria^ &/>X(paifurn^s of the club or college of the Haliadse, 
and Haliastae, at Rhodes, on various occasions, both towards 
the members of his own society, and towards the Gommune 
Rhodiorum ; by decreeing him suitable honours, both while 
he was still alive, and also after his death. 

'E)^ Up^oK dkaiMivh-ov AtosOiov dttd€ic((i)rf <^...jccU roi ipxov^ 
re 9 ot re ci'(<)<rra«(4(rc$ ical ot fiera ravra d<i a2pov/i€vot...ica2 iva* 
yo{p)t6riTai k eT€i^iamin$ airrov iv raU <TVp6iois r^ Mrtpov ofjJp^ 
lAcrh TO, Upi,..KaJt iufayop€^<ravT€t r^ Mrtpov i^Upi^ r&v avvoU^v, 
imob6<r$(Av, Ka{l to) €vpov (the produce of the sale) KorafiaKdrm 
tk TO Koivov d ivurrdTas iv r<^ avX\6yi^ iv r^ ^o/a^i;^ /ju^vI t&v 
fyvv6hiav. It concludes : ^Tircipxciv h\ airr^ tov avayopewrw,.. 

KCIX M TWV Tii^V ifl fAflvl *TaKUf$l<^ K, r. A. Koi rol ipX4WT€9 ol 

fAeth ravra ad alpo^ifjievoi k,t. K, — to di i^cufiwi^vov ain-f iv rf 
fir)vl T^ *TaKiv6k^ k, r. A. 

The first observation which may be made on this inscrip- 
tion is, that it confirms the conclusion to which we have 
already come % that the ipx^av iirdwyMs^ at Rhodes, was the 
Upev9, not the itpiravis. The next is, that it is dated on the 
12th of the month, no doubt as a stated day of assembly, the 
proper term for which at Rhodes, whether liiKkri<r(a, as at 
Athens, or &Aia, or dAtW/yui, as among many of the Doric 
communities of the same kind, does not appear in this in- 
scription. These stated meetings however seem to have been 
purposely fixed to the beginning of the different decads of 
the month. At Athens, the first was the 11th, at Rhodes it 
might be the 12th. Thirdly, from the allusion at the begin- 
ning, to the iipxovTis in office at the time, as well as to those 
who should be so at any future time, it seems most reasonable 
to infer that the year could not have begun in the month in 
which the inscription was dated, Diosthyus, though it might 
have ended in it. A similar allusion occurs at the end, in 
reference to something which was to be done in the month 
Hyakinthins ; from which it must be inferred, in like manner, 
that if the official year at Rhodes was now divided into 
halves, Hyakinthius was either the first in the second half, or 
the n6xt after it. 

** No. 2525 b. Corp. InscTipt ii. 39a b. Rhodes. * Supra, page 177. 



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CH. 1.8.4. EtymOM of the names of the Months, 217 

Fonrthlj, it is to be observed, thfit this decree, which ac- 
knowledges the obligations of the Comtaiune Bhodiorum to 
tUs Dionysodoms, is preceded by three other entries, on the 
same marble, A a, A b, B a — which record particular instances 
ctf the liberality of the same individual, to particular societies, 
corporations, or clubs, with which he appears to have been 
connected ; the first, that of the Aioyvo-taorai (a society in ho- 
noor of Dionysos) ; the second, that of the XTai^iourrai (a simi- 
lar society in honour of Pan) ; the third, that of the *AAuurral 
and *AAtddai (in honour of "Akio^ or the sun). It appears 
from the first that the members of that society must have 
received their name from their relation to the AioiftNria, in 
the sense of the oi^es of Dionysos, rather than in the sense 
of the scenic representations so called also; and that their 
role was to meet, for the purpose for which they were asso- 
ciated, every three years, i. e. every two years complete : and 
that these meetings were called <rivfZok, and lasted two days 
at least, because the honours decreed to Dionysodorus in the 
name of the society were to be proclaimed on these occasions 
on the second day of the meeting. These occasions were 
consequently the Dionysia of the Bhodian calendar; and 
their stated month, most probably the usual month of the 
Dionysia, the second in the calendar — Badromius; and the 
month next after them, also alluded to in the inscription, was 
the third in the Bhodian calendar — Theudaesius. 

Fifthly, the proclaiming of the crr€<^i;ttat$ of Dionysodorus 
being enjoined both in the Dionysian month, and in the 
month Hyakinthius ; we may conjecture the reason was, that 
these months were six months asunder, as Badromius and 
Hyakinthius are in our list : and the Bhodian year of office 
bdng divided into two halves of six months each, a different 
set of magistrates would be in office, in Badromius, when 
the proclamation was fint to be made, and in Hyakinthius, 
when it was to be repeated. 

Sixthly, it was enjoined that this proclamation after the 
death of Dionysodorus should take place 'Eirl r&v rd^y. 
The rule of the ancient Greeks universally, except in some 
peculiar cases, was to bury the dead ''E^ r&v tsvK&v ^ : and 
at Bhodes in particular, as we learn from Aristides s, it was 

' Aristides, iliii. i. S07. 1-7. S Ibid. S06, 807. 



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218 Bhodian 'AAem and TXrjvoXiiJLfia. diss. vii. 

usual to hold the courts of law, for the trial of criminal cases, 
"E^tt T&v irvXw too: and he associates their Uph and their 
riipoi, as equally sacred in the estimation of the Rhodians^^. 
In the month Hyakinthius, consequently, when the 'AAeta, in 
the usual course of things, would be going on also, the con- 
course of people to this quarter would probably be the greatest 
of any in the year ; and that might be the reason why the 
proclamation of the ore^Mbtto-is after the death was directed 
to be made in this month in particular. 

Lastly^ with regard to the name of the month At6s$vos, we 
have found one in the calendar of Elis closely resembling it, 
but not actually the same — Avosdvo;, but not AiMvot : and 
we have met with one in the calendar of Thera, which seems 
to have been absolutely identical with it> — AiosOvos also. 
The Elean month will come under consideration hereafter : 
and we will assume for the present that its etymon was alto- 
gether different from that of the Bhodian month, however 
much it may appear to resemble it externally. And as to the 
etymon of this month, AiSsBvos, both in the calendar of Thera 
and in this of Rhodes, it could have been nothing but the 
genitive case of Z€v; with 6ios in the sense of $v<rCa. Nor 
could the meaning of a name so compounded have been any- 
thing but the " Sacrifice of Zeus.'' 

And here a rule of the Attic calendar comes in opportanely 
to reflect some light on this name in each of these other 
calendars. The year at Athens ended with a sacrifice, on the 
last day of the year itself, to Jupiter Sttn^p ^ : and the same 
might have been the case at Thera and at Rhodes. And if 
so, it was competent to have given its name to the last month 
of the calendar, as the month of the last stated sacrifice, the 
last solemnity of a public kind, which closed both the civil 
and the liturgic year. 

With respect to the intercalary rale of the Rhodian calen- 
dar; if the intercalary month was from the first a second 
Panamus instead of a second Diosthyus, it must certainly 
have differed from the rule of the Greek lunar calendar in 
general. Yet it may be observed that, next to the twelfth 
month, the most natural seat of the intercalary month would 

*■ xliv. (i. 844. 1.) i Supra, Vol. ii. 67a 

k Sc« Vol. i. page 103. Metonic Dates, Iviii. 



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CB.i.8.5. Change oftheCycU and the beginning of theYear. 219 

be after the sixth (the place which seems to have been actu- 
ally assigned it in others of the lunar calendars of antiquity, 
if not in the Orecian, as we may see hereafter). And it should 
also be considered that, in the particular case of an insular 
community^ if the beginning of the year had been determined 
by circumstances to the winter solstice, the question which 
they would have to decide would be^ whether the additional 
month should be given to the half of the year between the 
winter solstice and midsummer, or to the half between mid- 
summer and the middle of winter. And it is easy to see how 
both public and private reasons of convenience would con- 
spire to decide that question. The intercalary month then 
might be purposely given by the Rhodians to the spring 
quarter of the natural year ; and that being the case, when 
their oflScial year was now divided into two halves, nominally 
of equal lengthy the first half in the intercalary years of the 
cycle would be a month longer than the second. 

Sbction Y. — On the change in the beginning of the official year, 
and in the Cycle of the Calendar, at Rhodes, B. C 382. 

It does not appear^ from the history of the Lunar Cor- 
rections among the Greeks, B. C. 692 to B C. 468, that the 
Octaeteric Type, adopted at first, in any of these instances 
was superseded by the Metonic, until it had run through the 
first of its proper periods at least; and instances are not 
wanting in which it was retained for two or three periods. 
If therefore the people of Rhodes, B. G. 542, along with so 
many of their contemporaries, adopted the third Type of this 
lunar octaeteric correction in general, it is not probable that 
they would make any change in their calendar before the 
expiration of the first 160 years, proper to this Type ; B. C. 
882. 

The <n)voi.Kia\ih^ of Rhodes, as we have seen, is to be dated 
B. G. 408 or 407 ; and it is agreed that the political import- 
ance of the island, its naval and commercial greatness, (such 
as it afterwards became,) are ultimately to be traced to that 
event. Before this time the Rhodians made no figure in 
contemporary history ; from this time forward, and especially 
after B. G. 382, they begin to be noticed and heard of as a 
rising and influential community. By this year, B. G. 882, 



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220 Bhodian ''Aktia and TXtproX^^ia. diss. vii. 

they had already become aware of their own consequence, 
and of the elements of prosperity and aggrandisement which 
they possessed within themselves : and it appears to have 
been the general opinion of the ancients that, whatsoever the 
motive which suggested the idea of their own consolidation 
into one community, and whatsoever the views and prospects 
which the originators of such a measure proposed by it^ the 
constitution of the island in common, as settled and defined 
at the same time, was distinguished by its wisdom and fore- 
sight ; and the political conduct of the Ehodians ever after 
was skilfully adapted to the change of circumstances, and to 
the gradual enlargement of the power and influence of their 
own island. 

It seldom happened in these times that such of the Oreeks 
as changed the cycle of their old octaeteric calendar, after 
the lapse of one or more of its proper periods, did not at the 
same time, change the beginning of the year ; and B. C. 882 ' 
being the end of the first, and the beginning of the second, 
period of the third Type, there is no doubt that both these 
questions would come before the Bhodians, and have to be 
decided, against the arrival of that year. We must therefore 
take into consideration the circumstances of their position, 
and the influence which they were likely to have in the de- 
termination of these two questions ; that they were an insular 
community, just beginning to feel their own importance, just 
coming into notice, and aspiring at still further distinction, 
to which they could hope to attain only through their naval 
superiority, and their commercial enterprise and activity, di- 
rected by their own prudence and sagacity. It is self-evident 
that, to a young and rising naval power, no season of the 
natural year could appear less suitable for the beginning of 
their civil and official year than that to which the calendar 
bad been attached at first, and to which it was still confined — 
the winter solstice, when the sea was necessarily shut ; none 
so convenient, none so desirable, as some one or other of the 
times when it was again open, after the winter. 

We say one or other of these times ; because, as we have 
ofl^en had occasion to observe, there was one such time when 
the sea was considered to be open, vie. that of the Zc^pot; 
iri^, midway between the winter solstice and the vernal 



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cH.t.8.5* Change of the Cycle tmd the beginning of the Year. 221 

equinox ; the first and the earliest of all— and therefore not 
available for public purposes, only for private adventure and 
short voyages: another, forty or fifty days later, with the 
arrival of the vernal equinox, when the sea night be con- 
sidered more properly open, yet still not without risk for 
naval and military armaments. And besides these two^ 
there was a third, the natural signal of the arrival of which 
was the appearance of the IlAcKides, rising before the sun in 
the morning twilight; the interval between which phenome- 
non, and the vernal equinox^ the observation of the Greeks, 
beginning with Hesiod, seems to have assumed for every 
latitude in Greece, at 40 or 50 days, and the phenomenon 
itself as the natural indicator of the end of the spring, and 
the beginning of the summer, according to their division of 
the year ^ This is the time and occasion, which the ancients 
must be understood to mean, when they allude to the open- 
ing of the sea, absolutely ; that is, on a large scale, and for 
naval enterprise of every kind, both public and private : 
snfBciently later even than the vernal equinox, to render 
navigation secure from any but its ordinary dangers, yet not 
too &r advanced into the summer, to interfere with the 
proper naval and military season. 

Now whether the ancient Bhodians at the end of the first 
Period of their Ootaeteric correction adopted the Metonic in 
its stead, and whether, along with the cycle of their correc- 
tion, they changed the beginning of the year also, are que- 
■tioas of fact which can be decided only by testimony, or 
by circumstantial evidence, equivalent to testimony : and 
the most satisfactory tests and criteria, to which we conld 
appeal at present for this decision, will be supplied by the 
chronology of the Argonautica of ApoUonins Bhodius, as we 
hope to see by and by. But besides these, notices also are 
scattered here and there on the page of contemporary history, 
from B. 0. 882 downwards, which contribute to throw light 
on the same questions ; and by leading to the inference that 
the beginning of the civil year at Bhodes, at these different 
times later than B. 0. 882« was coinciding with the l\k€i&b<Av 
i%irohii^ lead also to the conclusion that the head of the 

> See tapn, Vol. L 99 1 note. 



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222 Bhodian 'AXfia and TAi/iroA^f^ia. diss. vii. 

calendar must some time before have been previously trans- 
ferred from tbe winter solstice to the nXeuidaiir ^troAi; ; and 
if so, in B. C 382. 

These notices therefore we shall proceed to coUeot, before 
we pass to any further proofs of the same kind. But preli- 
minary even to the consideration of any of these^ it is neces- 
sary to observe, that as there were two principal dates of the 
U\€ui,b<av iirtToKri, that of Meton and Euctemon, May 6, and 
that of Eudoxus^ May 15, though it is well known to 
astronomers that the dates of such phenomena, adapted to 
one parallel of latitude^ could not be arbitrarily transferred 
to another ; yet the date of Meton and Euctemon^ if first 
and properly adapted to the parallel of Athens, would be 
almost equally well suited for that of Rhodes, which differed 
from it only by one degree and an half in defect * : and still 
more the date of Eudoxus, if that was first and properly 
adapted to the latitude of Cnidos, only half a degree different 
from that of Rhodes. But it is not certain that the Farapegma 
of Eudoxus had yet been published by B. C. 382 ; whereas 
none was more generally known among the Greeks by that 
time, and none was held in greater estimation^ than that of 
Meton and Euctemon, published in B. C. 432. And the 
Bhodians would have this further reason for giving the prefer- 
ence to their date ; viz. that by raising the epoch of their cycle 
from January 7 to January 8, B. 0. 882, and simply trans- 
ferring the beginning of the year from the first of Agrianius 
to the first of Artamitius^ they would attach it at once to 
the Metonic date of the nK€iib<ov hnroXri, and the ^x^ Oipovs, 
(the epoch of all others most desirable for the civil and offi- 
cial year of an insular community,) May 6. 

• # SI 

* The latitude of Athens (the Parthenon) is .. 37 58 8 N. 
That of Rhodei (the Mole) 36 a6 53 N. 

Difference .. i 31 i5 

So that if May 6 was a correct representation of the date of the phenome- 
non, for the climate of Athens, 3. C. 433, May 7 woald be more correct 
for the same climate, B. C. 383, and May 6 for that of Rhodes. See our 
Fasti Gatholici, iii. 69, note. 



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CH. 1.8. 6. Confirmation of the change. 223 



Section VI. — Confirmation of the change from B. C. 382 
downwards, by historical proofs, 

i. fieginniDg of the official year, B.C. 171. 

The proper style of the chief civil magistrate at Rhodes 
was that of Upvravks, Such was his title^ B. C. 172, as it 
appears from Livy ™. Strabo, referring to the discovery of 
what was called the i^itMns yrj (a bituminous substance, 
which mixed with oil was of use in destroying the <t>6€ipla(ri9 
in the vine) at Rhodes, in the time of Posidonius, tells us^ 
from him, it was made when he himself was serving the office 
of Prytanis; Ufwraveiiovros avrov^. Appian speaks of the 
principal civil office at Rhodes under that title still, B. C. 
42<»; and Plutarch, alluding to such dignities in bis time, 
classes together the IrpanjyCa at Athens, the BouaTapxCa at 
Thebes, and the npvrareta at Rhodes P. There is reason to 
believe that, though no more than one Ufriravis is generaUy 
alladed to at a particular time, yet as there was more than 
one Archon at Athens, and more than one Boeotarch at 
Tbebes, so there were more than one Prytanis at Rhodes ^ ; 
and it may be collected from Cicero ' that, either in his time, 
or at the time to which that dialogue was accommodated 
(B. C. 129), these Prytanes at Rhodes were partly De Plebe, 
and partly J)e Senatu, and took it in turns, Quibus mensibus 
populari munere fungerentur, quibus senatorio : the mean- 
ing of which probably is either that first one and then the 
other were in office for a month at a time, or that one of these 
classes served for one half of the year, and the other for the 
other. 

The style then of the principal civil magistrate at Rhodes 
for the time being being that of the Upiravis', a fact is 
mentioned by Poly bins of the year B. C. 171, from which it 
may be inferred that the official year at Rhodes was then be- 
ginning at the nXeuifta)!; jiriroAi}. The Roman commander of 

■ zlii 45. fcf. 37-44: 38, 29. 36: PReipablic«6erendBBPneoepta,xiiL 

47-51.) Also Polybivs, zzvii. 3. $ 3 : <1 Cf. Diodorus, u. 88. of th 



zrfiii. 2. § I. of Rhodes by Pemetrius Poliorketes t 

B TiL 5. lo6 b. 0/ 8i irpvrilyffct. 

o De Bell. Civ. iv. 66. (71.) ' De Republica, iii. ad fm. (p. 101.) 



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224 Bbodian "AK^ia and TKrfnoKdtJLeia. diss. vii. 

the fleet stationed at Cephallenia, B. C. 171^ was Caius Lu- 
cretius ■ : and Polybius speaks of his sending a letter from 
that quarter to Rhodes, which was received there when Stra- 
tocles, the Prytanis for the time being, was UpvTOifeS^v riiv 
b€VT€pav iKfiriifov^ — that is, in the latter half of the official 
year for the time being. This testimony is decisive that 
the official year at Rhodes was now divided into two halves 
of six months each ; and consequently that Stratocles, serving 
the office on this occasion all the latter half of the year, was 
just come into office. If the year at this time began in 
Artamitius, then, by our Rhodian Metonic calendar ▼, Pe- 
riod iii. 60, (an intercalary year,) the first of Artamitius would 
fall April 15, B. C. 171, and the first of Sminthins, the eighth 
month from Artamitius, November 8 ; not too late for the 
receipt of such a letter as was sent on this occasion from the 
Roman admiral, stationed at Cephallenia. 

ii. Beginning of the official year, B.C. 48. 

The following fact is recorded by Cicero^, as something 
which happened at Dyrrhachium, U. G. 705, B. C. 48, just 
before the battle of Pharsalia. Quintus his brother is the 
speaker in this part of the dialogue : At ex te ipso non com- 
mentitiam rem sed factam ejusdem generis audivi : C. Copo- 
nium ad te venisse Dyrrhachio, cum prsetorio imperio classi 
Rhodise praeesset ....eumqne dixisse remigem quemdam e 
quinqueremi Rhodiorum vaticinatum, Madefactum iri minus 
XXX diebus Orseciam sanguine .... paucis sane post diebus ex 
Pharsalica fuga venisse Labienum ....et naves subito per- 
territi metu conscendistis, et noctu ad oppidum respicientes 
flagrantes onerarias, quas incenderant milites quia sequi no- 
luerant, videbatis : postremo a Rhodia dasse deserti verum 
vatem fuisse sensistis. 

Though Cicero was left at Dyrrhachium, {bC ipfmarCopJ,) 
when Pompey marched after Csesar to Thessaly, Quintus his 
brother accompanied him. It appears this prediction was 
not delivered until the news had been received of Pompe/s 

• liiTy, xlii. 31-35. 37. « De Dmnstione, L 3a, 68. cf. the 

* xx^ 6. § a : 10-13 : 16. cf. 8. Aactor De Bello Africano, 19. 
I 6. 13. f Platarch, Vita, xxziz. 

^ See Table i. vol. n. Appendii. 



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CH. I. 8. 5. Confirmation of the Change. 225 

arrival in presence of Caesar': Castra enim in Thessalia 
castris collata audiebamus : and that could not have been 
until two or three weeks at least after the departure from 
Dyrrbachium, the date of which was early in May *. If La- 
bienus arrived at Dyrrhachium a few days only after its de- 
livery *»; it must have been delivered just before the battle 
of Pharsalia^ the date of which was June 6\ The Rhodian 
calendar in the year of Pharsalia, Period v. 31, would bear 
date May 4^ Exemptile 15, and the second month, June 2, 
only three days before Pharsalia. And this being a full 
month, of 30 days complete^ it is far from improbable that 
the prediction in question was delivered on the first of this 
m<Mith — ^and the irpo$€(rijUa^ fixed for its fulfilment, was pur- 
posely limited to these thirty days. If so, it is an argu- 
ment of the year of the Period and of the Cycle, which eoin- 
dded with the year of Pharsalia, B. C. 48 ; viz. Period v. 31^ 
Cycle ii. 12 — ^but only as regularly derivable from the epoch 
of B. C. 882, Period i. 1, Cycle i. 1. 

iii. Beginning of the official year, B. C. 43. 
In Cicero's letters, ad Familiares, there are two S both of 
which were written in the consular year of Hirtius and 
Pansa, U. C. 711, B. C. 48, and both by Publius Lentulas * ; 
the first from Perga in Pamphylia, addressed to Cioero> and 
dated iv Kal. Junias; the second to the magistrates and 
those in authority at Rome, from the same quarter, but 

* This Lentulas was Publius Lentulus, son of P. Lentulus, consul 
U.C. 697, B.C. 57, in the year of Cicero's return from exile, (cf. our 
Origg. Kal. Italicte, iii. 384 sqq.,) and one of his most intimate friends : 
cf. Oratio xxxii. Pro P. Seztio, 69, 144, from which it appears he received 
the Toga Virilis, the year before the accusation of Sextius> that isj B.C. 57, 
and some sacerdotium, conferred by the votes of the people, which entitled 
him to wear the Toga Praetexta sdso. He was a different person from 
L. Lentulus, consul U. C. 705, B. C. 49, the year before Pharsalia, and 
put to death in Egypt the same year as Pompey, but after him : see Lu- 
can, Pharsalia, vii. 217: viii. 328: Csesar, De Bello Civ. iii. 103, 104: 
Valerius Maximus, i. viii. De Miraculis 9 : Plutarch, Pompeius, Ixzx. : and 
our Origg. Kal. Italicee, iii. 494 note. Of P. Lentulus the father, and this 
P. iisntulus the son, after Pharsalia, see ad Atticum, xi. 13. 

« De Divin. ii. 55. 11 4. b Cf. Frontinus, ii. vii. 13. 

• CL oar Origioes Kalendaris Ita- ^ zii. 14, 15. 

licK, iii. 469-4740480. 

KAX. HELL. VOL. V. Q 



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226 Rhodian "AK^ia and TXrpro\4fi€ia. ais8. vu. 

dated iv Non. Junias. Lentulus had been sent to take the 
command of the fleets and to cooperate with Caaaius ; who 
also had been sent to supersede Dolabella in Syria. 

In the second of these epistles ^, Lentulus complains that 
though the Bhodians had bound themselves by treaty, M. 
Marcello Ser. Sulpicio cons. (U. C. 703, B.C. 61), Eosdem 
hostes se habituros quos S. P. Q. B. — ^yet they had just shut 
him out from their ports. In his letter to Cicero «, he ob- 
serves, Sed iidem illi qui tum fugientem patrem meum 
(after Pharsalia^), qui L. Leutulum qui Pompeium qui cete- 
ros viros clarissimos non receperunt, iidem tamquam aliquo 
fato et nunc aut magistratum gerunt, aut eos qui sunt in 
magistratu in sua habent potestate. In his official letter he 
expresses himself as follows : Qua mente etiam ante nostrum 
adventum post Trebonii indignissimam csedem ... binse pro- 
fectse erant ad Dolabellam legationes eorum, et quidem novo 
exemplo, contra leges ipsorum, prohibentibns iis qui tum 
magistratum gerebant: He adds, Haec.sive potentia pau- 
corum, qui et antea pari contumelia viros clarissimos (Pom- 
pey, Lentulus &c.) affecerant, et nunc maximos magistratus 
gerente8...mederi cum facile possent, noluerunt. nonnuUis 
etiam ipsi magistratus veniebant in suspicionem detinuisse 
nos et demorati esse, dum classis DolabellsD certior fieret de 
adventu nostro. 

It is evident from the collation of these passages, that dif- 
ferent magistrates were in office at the time of the arrival of 
Dolabella and of the death of Trebonius, and when these let- 
ters were written. Consequently that the official year at 
Rhodes must have begun between. The date of one of these 
letters was the 29th May Roman, and that of the other 
June 2 Roman. The year being B. G. 43, it corresponded to 
Period v. 36, in the Rhodian calendar, which entered on 
May 8. Dolabella came into Asia first, as we shewed on a 
former occasion^, towards the end of B.C. 44, and Trebonius 
was put to death by him at Smyrna, either at the very end of 
December Roman, or the very beginning of January Roman, 
next ensuing : time enough for the news of both these events 
to have reached Rhodes, (so near to Smyrna,) and to have 

d Ad Fam. zii. 15. f Cf. Caesar, De Bello Civili, iil los. 

« Ibid. 14. ■ Supra, VoL ui. 360. sqq. 



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CH. 1. 8.6. Confirmation of the Change. 227 

given occasion to two embassies to him from Rhodes, from 
acme of its citizens there^ whether with or without the con- 
sent of the magistrates for the year then current, before 
May 8. And the magistrates being liable to be changed on 
this very day, May 8, some of these very parties might actu- 
ally be themselves in office, as the letter of Lentulus insinu^ 
ates they were, when that was written^ May 29 Roman, May 
27 or 28 Jnlian, 19 or 20 days later than the ingress of the 
new year, and the change of magistrates. And this would 
be abundantly sufficient to account for his own exclusion 
firom the port of Rhodes^ as due to the inQuence of those who 
were then in office *. 

iv. Beginning of the official year^ B.C. 42. 

It appears from Appian^^, that the Rhodians had elected 
a fresh Pry tan is, ("Httcp ia-rlv, says he, Apx^i '"'«/>' avrots fiiKuna 
aifTOKpiraip,) just before the siege of Rhodes by Cassius this 
year. It follows that the Rhodian comitia this year must 
have preceded the siege ; but not long. The siege itself was 
soon over^ The city was taken on the second day: and 
Cassius proceeded directly after to join Brutus at Abydos^. 

When Cassius was besieging Rhodes, Brutus was laying 
siege to Xanthus in Lycia ^ : and it appears from Dioi°, that 
when both arrived at Philippi at last, they found Norbanus 
and Deddius Saxa already there, though they had been sent 
from Italy by Antony and Caesar only after the news had 
reached them of the siege of Rhodes, and of the operations 
of Brutus against the Lycians. It may be collected from 
Dio », that Antony and Caesar were still at Rome as late as 

* It appears from Josephus, Ant. Jud. xiv. zi. 5, 6 : De Bello, i. xi. 
6, 7, that before the reduction of Laodicea in Syria, where Dolabella took 
refuge, and where he was besieged by Cassius, this year also, B. C. 43, 
but before the siege of Rhodes, one of the Jewish feasts was in course. 
Consequently ^ther the Passover, March 23, or Pentecost, May 13 : cf. 
Ant. Jad. ziv. xi. 6 : De Hello, i. xi. 7 : xii. i. It was no doubt the latter. 
Laodicea had not yet been reduced by the date of Lentulus' letter. May 27, 
much less by May 13. 

b De BelL Gv. iv. 66. 71. » App. B. C. iv. 65. 75, 76-84. cf 

> Appian, De Bell. Civ. iv. 7 1-73, 74. Dio, xivii. 3$, 34. 
ct Joseph. Bell. i. ziv. 3. m xivii. 35, 36 : App. B. C. iv. 87. 

k App. B. C iv. Sa. 87. cf. Val. » Dio, xivii. iS. 

Max. i. V. S. De Ominibiis. 

Q 2 



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228 Rhodian '^AAeia and TAi/iroAe/i^ia. diss. vii. 

the Ludi Apollinares^ July 12 Roman ; and consequently^ as 
they set out at last only after the receipt of the news of the 
reduction of Rhodes ^, it is clear that this news was not re- 
ceived before July 12. We considered the dates of the 
battles of Philippi on a former occasion P ; and saw reason 
to determine the first (in which Oassius lost his lif<9) to the 
new moon of September, Sept. 20. On this principle, it re- 
quired two months at least to march from Rome to Philippi ; 
and if Norbanus and Saxa had been sent about a month be- 
fore the departure of Antony and Caesar also, they must have 
been sent about the middle of June. And if they were sent 
in consequence of the news which had just been received at 
Rome, of the danger threatening Rhodes from Cassius, and 
Xanthus from Brutus, we shewed in our Dissertations on 
the Arrangement and Principles of an Harmony of the 
Gospels % by the production of a multitude of examples of 
the fact, that it would require an interval of four or five 
weeks, even in the summer time, to bring this news from 
Rhodes to Rome. If the news then reached Rome about the 
beginning of June, B. C. 42, it must have been sent about 
the end of April previously; and this was precisely the 
time when the new year at Rhodes^ Period v. 37, April 27, 
B.C. 42, would be beginning, just before which, and the 
arrival of Gassius, they had elected their new magistrates, in 
the last month no doubt of the preceding year, March 28 — 
April 27. 

Section VII. — On the Julian Calendar of Rhodes. 

The Metonic Correction then having been adopted by the 
Rhodians B. G. 382^ and the head of their calendar attached 
at that time to May 6, the first Callippic Period of the cor- 
rection would expire B. C. 306 ; and the principle of the 
Callippic correction having become generally known, B.C. 
330, there is no reason why we may not assume that it would 
be applied to the Metonic calendar of the Rhodians at the 
end of its first period of 76 years, B. G. 306, and at the end 
of every similar period, later than the first, in its turn. 

• Dio, xlvii. j?5, 36. q Vol. iii. Append. Diss, viil 380 

P Supra, Vol. i. 114 sqq. sqq. 



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CH. I. s. 7- Julian Calendar o/ Rhodes. 229 

Now this year, as we have seen'', was the date of the 
Macedo-HeUenic calendar, or Calendar narh "EXXj/i'as, Dius 1, 
October 1, B.C. 306: and the Rhodian Thesmophorius the 
same year, the sixth month in their calendar^ reckoned from 
Artamitins as the first, bearing date on October 1 also, it 
follows that just at this time (the first year of the first Cal- 
lippic Period of the former of these calendars, and the first 
year of the second of the latter) there was no difierence be- 
tween Dius in the Macedo-Hellenic and Thesmophorius in 
the Rhodian ; nor consequently between Gorpiseus in the 
former and Hyakinthius in the latter, nor, in short, between 
uny month in the former and the corresponding one in the 
latter. And if there was no difference at this time (in the 
first year of the proper Metonic Cycle, and the first year of 
the proper Gallippic Period, of each), there could be none in 
any subsequent year, except per accidens and pro tempore ; 
i. e. as often as the intercalary rule of either interfered for 
a time with their agreement. 

It follows that from this point of time a given date in the 
Rhodian calendar might be transferred to the Macedo-Hel- 
lenic without any change except in the name of the month ; 
a given date in Hyakinthius, for instance, to the same day in 
Crorpiteus. Now a date so transferred is actually in exist- 
ence, in the scholia on the viith Olympic ode of Pindar «; 
and a date of no less importance in its own calendar than 
that of the principal festival in the Rhodian calendar itself, 
their ''Ak€ia and their TKfjTto\4fi€t,a: TcAetfai yap ^jcei dyctii^ 
TKrpro\4fjL€ios iiriKaXo^iJievo^. iyKfoiiiaariK&s A^ 6 UCvbapot ri^v 
Ay&va 'HA^^ rcAov/jieixoi; €fe rbv TAtjTrAe/iOf fi,€Triyay€, reAetrai 
^ ^ffvos ropTTiaCov iUoaT^ T€TdpTri ^fiipq, a'n4\€i 5^ t&v Stjiioiv 
^ixipaii ii' iyfAvlfovTai, h\ Ta(9e$ ical ivip^r 6 b€ <n'i<f>aV09 
k€6Kq 5£5orai. 

It makes no difference to the origin of this date, whether, 
as here stated, it is to be understood of the 24th of the lunar, 
or of the 24th of the solar, Gorpiseus. In either case it must 
have been derived from the 24th of the Rhodian Hyakin- 
thius, and merely substituted for it. But with respect to the 
question whether this Macedo-Hellenic date of the scholiast 
on Pindar is to be understood of the 24th of the solar, or the 

' Vol. iii. 194 sqq. • Ad vers, 147. 



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230 Rhodian ''A\€ia and Tkriirokififia. Diss. vii. 

24th of the lunar, months the lunar calendar was much older 
everywhere among the Greeks than the solar in the sense of 
the Julian ; and all such dates as these, which are extant at 
present, in terms of the solar calendar of after-times, must 
be considered to represent dates of the same denomination 
in the lunar of former times. These scholia on Pindar, as 
they have come down to us, are a very miscellaneous com- 
pilation ; put together, no doubt, long after the transition of 
the last of the lunar calendars of the Greeks into the solar 
or Julian : but as distinguishable into two classes — the Vetera 
and the Recentiora — many of them no doubt, especially of 
the former, are the notes and observations of commentators, 
who wrote when the calendar of the Greeks was still every- 
where lunar. Such appears to be the predominant character 
of the scholia, attributed to the Yetus Scholiasta, on this 
viith Oljrmpic ode. They belong to the sera of the still-con- 
tinuing lunar calendar of the Greeks. It may most probably 
therefore be assumed that this date of the Rhodian Haleia 
and Tlepolemeia, which occurs in them, is the old lunar date 
of that kind ; simply transferred from its own calendar to the 
Macedo-Hellenic, as the same with it, in other respects, and 
as the more likely of the two to be generally understood. 
On this principle, there was no difference between the 24th 
of the Macedo-Hellenic month and the 24th of the corre- 
sponding Rhodian one, while both these calendars were still 
lunar ; and consequently there could have been no difference 
in the cycle and the period of each. 

Another date however has also been handed down in terms 
of the Rhodian calendar, cpnceming the nature of which, 
whether a solar or a lunar one of its kind, there is less reason 
for doubt. Porphyry, ITepl iiToxrjs i/i>/rt;x«i', speaking of the 
prevalence of human sacrifices anciently in various quarters, 
instances in one among the Greeks also, at Rhodes, and on a 
certain day in the Rhodian calendar ^ : *EOv€to yap koI iv *P66f 
^r}vi MtraY^iTVMvi tKrp Itrraiiivov iLvOptavos r^ Kp6vif h 5^ iirt- 
trokh KpaTrj<rav t$o^ fjL€T€fiKriOri. iva yhp r&v iiri OavArt^ ^fifuxrtq 
KaraKpiOiirraiv pji^Pi p.\v t&v Kpovdav oi/mxov* ivtrratrris bi rrjs 

« Lib. ii. 54-56. peg. 197-20 j. cf. 12^ A. 129 B: Tlieodoret, Gnecoram 
Eusebius, Prtcp. Evang. iv. xv. xvi. Affectuom Cnratio, vi\. 194. $ 41. 
155 B: C^U. contra Jultanum, iv. 



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cH. I . t. 7. Julian Oatendar 0/ Rhodes. 2S1 

^^prifs 'wpoayay6vT€9 rhv tofSp^vov l$oi> irvKw ivriKpvi roO 'Apt- 
oTofiaik^s (a title of Artemis) ibav9 olvov itoTiaavr^s i<T(t>aTTov^. 

We may observe on this account that, short as it is^ the 
circumstance last mentioned, the sacrifice of this victim only 
4{m wkmif, is an internal evidence of its truth ; for the man 
was a malefactor, already tried and condemned to death: 
and we were told by Aristides < that the Rhodians did not 
allow criminals to be tried, much less to be executed, faxa 
wAtti^. In the next place, though the stated month of this 
sacrifice is here called Merayecri^to)!', there is no reason to 
snppose it is meant of the Attic month so styled. Mero- 
y€tnnikv was the common form of what at Rhodes was 
called nebayttnrvoi — just as Borfipofuiiv was of Babp6fAios. It 
is not to be supposed that, in a case like this, the stated date 
of so remarkable and peculiar a ceremony would be assigned 
in terms of any calendar but its own. We may take it for 
granted therefore that the 6th of Metageitnion here is to be 
understood of the 6th of Pedageitnyus. 

Thirdly, this sacrifice was doubtless an annual one Had 
it been otherwise, had it been usual to offer such a sacrifice 
wly every two, or three, or four years, Porphyry would not 
have omitted so material a circumstance. But if it was an 
annual sacrifice ; then, if this victim, after being designated 
for such a sacrifice, was kept a certain length of time, and 
oflered at last in Pedageitnyus, Pedageitnyus could not 
have been the first month in tlie Bhodian calendar : and ac- 
cording to our list supra it was the seventh in Type i., and 
the third in Type ii. 

Fourthly, with regard to the occasion at which this kind of 
sacrifice took place, it is represented simply as the Kp6vuL 
A ceremony or observance of this name, as we have seen 7, 
entered many of the Oreek lunar calendars, especially those 
of the fourth and fifth types of the octaeteric correction in 
general : but these Rhodian Cronia could not have been the 
same with those, because they appear to have been deter- 
mined to the same time and season in their respective calendars 
as the Saturnalia in the Roman; but these Rhodian Cronia, if 

* a. Bnaebiiis, Pnep. ETsng. iv, xvii. i6o D. x Saprii, 217, 318. 

y Vol. ii. 507 sqq. 



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232 Bhodian "Akna and TKTjirokiix^ia. diss. vii. 

they fell out in Pedageitnjus, must have fallen out at mid' 
summer. There was an observance so called in the Attic 
calendar also; to which these Rhodian Cronia most have 
approximated more nearly, because their date was the 6th of 
Pedageitnyus^ and that of the Attic the 12th of Hecatom- 
bseon ; and Pedageitnyus and Hecatombsson, mutatii fMUBn- 
dis^ were the same. 

But^ to arrive at a true idea both of the nature and of the 
date of these Rhodian Cronia, we must go back to the first 
institution of the feast so called (the Upiti KpovoVf rites or 
ceremonies of Cronos,) among the Greeks anywhere. And 
the original Cronia of this kind, as we have often had occa- 
sion to explain, were the original Olympia^ designed and in- 
stituted by Pelops in honour of Cronos^ not of Zeus: and 
their original date was the epagomenss of the Julian calendar, 
which he instituted at the same time for their regulation. 
To these six epagomensB, as so intended and so devoted, he 
appears to have given the name of the Miiv Kpovio^ — the 
month of the Cronia ; the principal term of hU being the 
last, the sixth ; the day of the conclusion of the games, by 
the adjudication of the prizes, and by the sacrifice to Cronos* 
which consummated the celebrity. The stated epoch of his 
Mensis Cronius being June 25, that of the last day was June 30 ; 
and this being assumed as the day intended by Porphyry, or 
the date of the Cronia at Rhodes — the 6th of Metageitnion, 
on that principle, coincided with June 30, and therefore the 
first with June 25 *, 

* With respect to the practice of human sacrifices among the Greeks of 
antiquity, though history is silent about it, except in one or two cases, yet 
to judge from the facts collected in this chapter of Porphyry's, it must 
once have prevailed among them to a great extent. As to this particular 
instance of it in the island of Rhodes ; the origin of such a custom there 
is most probably to be traced to Phoenicia. The Phcsnicians were early 
distinguished by the spirit of maritime enterprise ; and appear to have 
very early planted colonies in the islands of the Mediterranean as well as 
on the coasts of the opposite continent. It Is known that they settled in 
Cyprus ; and the same fact is asserted of the island of Rhodes : T^v dc 
'Pddov t6 fUy dpxAtoif Xabv avr6xB»v (v4fiotrro 2»v ijpx< tA 'HXiatov y€Vos, otr 
^olviKts avfOTTfa-ap Koi rrfv vrja-ov taxov. ^OLvUotv ^ €inr€<rovT«v Kapte 
«<rxov, St€ Koi ras SkXas vtjo-ovs ras irtpi t6 Aiyaiov ^tofirav' ols ArwrXew- 
<ravTft oi Aa>/>i(ir, noXifua to KapiK^v Karaarpty^apfvoi, rptU v6\€ii tKrarav 



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CH. I. 8. 7. Julian Calendar of Uhodes. 233 

We may infer then from this testimony that the Rhodian 
calendar in the time of Porphyry was Julian ; and the 6th of 
Metageitnion being a fixed Julian term therein, the 30th of 
June, the 1st of Metageitnion was a fixed Julian term, June 
26. And the first of Metageitnion falling on June 25^ the 
1st of Hyakinthius very probably fell on July 25. And that 
being the stated date of the 1st of Gorpiseus in the Macedo- 
Hellenic Julian calendar, the 24th of the former and the 
24th of the latter must have been absolutely the same in the 
Julian calendar of each respectively, as they had before been 
in the lunar. The analogy of Metageitnion 1, as bearing 
date June 25 at this time, may vouch in like manner for 
Panamus 1 as attached to May 25, and for Artamitius 1 as 
the same with April 25, and so on, all round both the Rho- 
dian and the Julian calendar. And this being supposed the 
ultimate state of the old lunar Rhodian calendar, after it 
passed into the Julian ; nothing Mould seem to be necessary 
in order to complete its history, except to assign, if possible, 
the time when, and the circumstances imder which, it pro> 
bably passed into the Julian. 

Now with respect to these circumstances; if the old lunar 
calendar was to undergo this change without any abrupt and 
violent transition, the inspection of the Type of the Metonic 
correction of the Rhodians will shew that the only year of its 
proper Period, suitable for that purpose, must have been the 
second, in which the regular lunar epoch of the year also 
was April 25. And the years, which would answer to this 

A/vdov 'l^Xvcroy jcm Kdfittpov^. And though this author supposes these 
Phoenicians to have been expelled from the island by the Carians^, yet 
Diodorus^ gives us to understand that at lalysus in particular they were 
continning to tive on equal terms with the Dorians themselves ; and the 
hereditary priests of Posidon there were of Phoenician extraction. Now 
human sacrifices from a very remote period were characteristic of the 
Phoenicians ; and sacrifices to Cronos too ^, as this sacrifice at Rhodes 
was : and the stated time of these sacrifices among the Phoenicians ap- 
pears to have been the end or the beginning of the year : and that too 
must have been the case with this Rhodian sacrifice at the Cronia — at its 
first institution. 

t Pliotii Bibl. Codex i86. pag. 140. 42-141. 27. Conon, Aifrr6^«^ xlvii. 

2 Cf. Athcn. iv. 71. 3 v. 58. cf. Athen. viii. 61. 

■I See supra, Vol. iv. 355 n. 



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284 Bhodian "AXeia and TAi^X^fieia. diss. vii. 

description^ later than the date of the Julian correction at 
Rome, would be Period vi. 2, B. C. 1 ; Period vii. 2, A. D, 76 ; 
Period viii. 2, A.D. 152: lower than which it is perhaps un- 
necessary to go in search of them. 

The first of these, B. C. 1, may be set aside as probably 
too early ; though instances are not wanting of the adoption 
of the Julian correction among the Greeks, even in that year 
itself'. With respect to the other two ; it is a question of 
some importance, preliminary to any decision between them, 
whether Rhodes, when it made this change in the style of its 
calendar, is to be supposed to have been still in possession of 
its avTovoixia, or not so ? Now it is agreed that it was de- 
prived of its independence by Claudius, U. C. 797, A. D. 44* ; 
and recovered it again U. C. 806, A. D. 53, chiefly out of 
compliment to Nero, who had himself pleaded its cause be- 
fore the emperor^; on which occasion the following classical 
epigram was written by Antiphilus of Byzantium ^ : 

'Qs irdpot 'AcXcou vvv KtUxrapos ^ *P6^g tlfii 
pao-of, Xaov d* avx& <^cyyor an aiiifioripwf. 

rpifj a^wvfifVTjv fi€ via Kar€<f>wriafv aKrist 
^'AXic, Ka\ napa a-6v <f>«yyos eXo/i^c Ncpa>if. 

fr&s rciro> rm fiaXXov o0c(Xo/Aat; ts fUv ^d€t$(v 
«( dkos, ts d* ^Bti pvaaro bvopivau. 

And it seems to have continued in the enjoyment of the 
privilege thus restored down to the time of Vespasian; by 
whom this distinction was abolished in various instances, in- 
cluding that of Rhodes ^ : Achajam Lyciam Rhodum Byzan- 
tium Samum libertate adempta, item, Thraciam Ciliciam 
et Gomagenem, ditionis regiae usque ad id tempus, in provin* 
ciarum formam redegit : and at this time too, according to 
the Breviarium of Sextus Rufus, one province was con- 
stituted, comprising the islands : Rhodus et insulse primum 
libere agebant, postea in consuetudinem parendi, Romanis 
clementer provocantibus, pervenerunt, et sub Veapasiano in- 
sularum provincia facta est. It is clear from the context of 
Suetonius ^, that these acts of Vespasian, and other regula- 

2 See our Orig. Kal. Ital. iv. too. ^ Anthologia, ii. 159: Anttphili six. 

Diss. xz. ch. i. sect. 7. ' SuetoDius, Vita, viii. 9 

* Dio, Ix. i$y 34. e Vita, viii. a : Suscepit et oensu- 

'' Tacitus, Ann. xii. 5H : Suetonius. ram, &c. 
Claudius, xxv : Nero, vii. 7. 



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CH. 2. s.T. Opinions connected with OycL- Julian Correetions. 285 

tkma of his of a kindred nature^ must have begun to bear 
date from the asanmption of the censorship, U. C. 825^ A. D. 
72, down to U. C. 827, A. D. 74, when the Lustrum con- 
ditum of that cycle was celebrated ^ The cycle distinguished 
by these changes was consequently the 126th, A.D. 71—75 ; 
and that, in which they would probably come into stated 
and regular operation, would be the 127th, A.D. 76. We 
conjecture therefore that this was the year in which the 
Julian calendar was actually adopted at Rhodes, so that 
Artamitius from that time forward should bear date on 
April 25, Panamus on May 25, Metageitnion or Pedageit- 
nyus on June 25, Hyakinthius on July 25, and so forth, 
in a manner analogous to the Macedo-Hellenic Julian calen- 
dar also throughout. But whether Artamitius continued to 
be the first month in this Julian calendar, as it had been in 
the Metonic until then, we cannot undertake to say. 



CHAPTER II. 

On the OyclicO'Jtdian Correction of the island of Rhodes ; and 
on the Julian date of the Rhodian "AXcia and TkrjvoXificia, 



Section I. — On the opinions and the institutions connected 
with the CyclicO'Julian Corrections of antiquity. 

We have now traced the Primitive equable calendar among 
the ancient Rhodians, to the first of the lunar corrections 
derived from it, the Third Type of the Hellenic Octae- 
teris, B. C. 542 ; and from that to the Metonic correction 
of this Type, B. G. 382 ; and lastly from its proper Metonic 
oorrection, B. G. 382, to its proper Julian one, A. D. 76. To 
complete its history it remains to inquire whether there was 
ever an earlier correction of it, peculiar to the island of 
Rhodes ; and if there was, of what kind, and when made ? 
No testimony indeed is extant to which we could appeal 
directly in answer to this question ; and though reasons and 
mrguments a priori can never be decisive on questions of 

t See our Orig. Kal. lUl. ii. 793 338. 



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236 Rhodian "AA^ia and TKrjtrok^fjLda, diss. vii. 

fact — still there are some considerations which may render it 
probable that the island of Rhodes would have a correction 
of the Primitive solar calendar^ much older than the Lunar 
correction of B.C. 542 ; and there are certain matters of 
fact from which it may even be inferred that it must have 
had. These we shall proceed to lay before the reader; 
leaving him to judge for himself of the degree of deference 
which is due to them. 

i. It has been already ascertained that there was one 
cyclico-Julian correction in the island of Crete, as old as 
B. G. 1301, and we hope to shew hereafter that there was 
another of exactly the same antiquity in the island of Cyprus; 
and both these islands were so near to that of Rhodes that it 
may well be considered probable their example would influ- 
ence their neighbours and contemporaries^ the Rhodians, to 
adopt the same kind of correction also, if not as early as 
B.C. 1301, yet at the beginning of the next cyclico> Julian 
period, proper to it, B.C. 1181. 

ii. We have often had occasion to observe that these 
cyclico-Julian corrections were closely connected with the 
opinions and doctrines of antiquity, on an important and 
interesting point. They were associated with the cosmogo- 
nies of antiquity : they were signs and seals of the belief of 
the time concerning the origin of the existing system of 
things. They are seen to have been founded on certain pre- 
conceived notions^ respecting the circumstances under which 
it came into being, and the powers, or agents^ to the interven- 
tion of which that effect was due. And these in particular 
are observed to have been everywhere divisible into two great 
principles, an active and a passive^ a masculine and a femi- 
nine ; to the union of which, in the first instance^ every form 
of life^ from the lowest to the highest, was ultimately attri- 
buted. The Egyptians were the first who introduced such 
distinctions, and gave them the attributes and names of per- 
sons, calling one of them Osiris, and the other Isis. They 
were the first who ventured to define by a proper calendar 
date the epoch of the first actual exertion of the energies of 
these two principles, in their proper relation to each other, 
and to everything else ; and the first who instituted signifi- 
cant rites and ceremonies, founded on these assumptions^ and 



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CH. 2. s«i . Opinions connected with Cy el- Julian Corrections. 287 

iDtended to be a memorial of them perpetually. And these 
theories and these assumptions, thus received and established 
in Egypt, with the practical consequences to which they led, 
speedily passed to the rest of the ancient world, who did little 
more than accept them implicitly; merely changing the Egyp- 
tian names of the cosmogonic principles in question, and of 
their characteristic services, for others more proper to their 
own languages ; and in particular retaining, with scrupulous 
fidelity to the original precedent of this kind, the month and 
the day of the month, consecrated in the first instance to 
such institutions and such services ; which, having been the 
17th of the primitive Athyr among the Egyptians, is seen to 
have been the 17th of the primitive Athyr in the majority of 
these instances everywhere else. 

iii. It is observable, with respect to the antecedent state of 
things, up to the time when the present system was supposed 
to have come into being, that the tradition and belief of an- 
tiquity appear to have been everywhere the same, and every* 
where in accordance with what may be collected from Scrip- 
ture itself, just before the epoch of the Mosaic creation. This 
antecedent state of things is represented everywhere as that 
of a chaos ; and this chaos simply what Scripture briefly but 
emphatically describes as the ante-Mosaic state of the present 
world — darkness and the deep, an earth, but without form 
and void. It was everywhere believed that darkness was 
prior to light , night was older than day — the confusion of 
chaos, than the order and harmony which the ancient Ghreeks 
expressed by their K<(<r/Aos : and in particular that the first 
principle of things was water ^ ; that chaos itself was only the 
universe of matter in a state of dissolution, and that all the 
actual forms of things came into existence out of the ele- 
ments of this primeval mass, before indiscriminately mixed 
together. 

It is therefore a good a priori argument of the probable 
existence of a cyclico-Julian correction in a particular in- 
stance, to find the assumptions and principles, which gave 
occasion to such corrections in general, in this particular 

i See oar Fasti Catholid, ii. 35-. ^ Ibid. ii. 348 note. 



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288 Bhodian ''A^^ml and Tkrjvok4iJL€ia. diss. vii. 

instance also embodied in a definite form^ and antlienticated 
by local traditions of a corresponding nature. And this is 
eminently the case with the island of Rhodes, both as to the 
supposed origin of the island itself, and the circumstances 
under which it took place, and also to the powers or prin- 
ciples to whose particular cooperation the effect was attri- 
buted. The ancient Bhodians had their cosmogony, con- 
sistent not only with the testimony of Scripture respecting 
the origin of the world in general, but also with that modifica- 
tion of primitive tradition on this point, which was first intro- 
duced in Egypt, as specially applicable to the case of their 
own island. This we shall proceed to shew somewhat more 
particularly. 

Section II. — On the local tradition and belief concerning the 
origin of the island ofBhodes, 
In the first place, it may be collected from the testimony 
of antiquity, that this island was believed to have been in 
some manner or other the creature of the sea. Clarse jam 
pridem insuke Delos et Rhodes, says Pliny *, memorise pro* 
duntur enatse — Ut in Asia Delos emersit, et Hiera et Ana- 
phe, et Uhodus, Ophiusa et Pelagia prioribus seculis dictitata, 
aureo quondam imbri perfusa ^. And that this did not mean 
simply that Rhodes was thought to have been a volcanic 
island, thrown up some time or other by an earthquake, 
appears from the viith Olympic ode of Pindar, one of the 
finest of that class of his odes ; which though written nomi- 
nally in honour of an individual citizen of Lindus, in Rhodes, 
is in reality a panegyric on the island in general, and em- 
bodies in a poetical form the local traditions of the Rhodians 
respecting their own origin : for which reason, as we are told 
by the Scholiast, it was considered worthy to be inscribed in 
letters of gold on the walls of the temple of the Lindian 
Athena, the oldest and most sacred in the island: AtayJp^ 
*Po8t(|> viKTjjl viKri<r(um riiv 06' *Okvinniba ravrriv rriv t^briv ivof 
K€iaOal 0^0*1 r6py<av iv r^ rfjs AivbCas 'AOqva^ l^P<P^ XP^^^^^ 
ypi^AfAairt, What then is the account of the origin of the 
island, which is given in this ode P 

^ H. N. ii. 89. ^ Ammianiu MaroeUimis, zvii. 7. 137. 



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CH. 2. a. 2. TVadilionary origin of the island (/Rhodes. 239 

^turr\ d* avBftimwf ftakcuai 

prfauf, oihr» Srw 

xB6va dariorro Ztvg r* koI aBmwroi 

'F66ov efifiev irovri^, 

akfivpois y *¥ /Scv^ccriy vatrop K€Kpv<l>6ai ^. 

That is, Rhodes was not vet visible when the gods were 
dividing the rest of the earth among them ; but it was even 
then in existence, in the sense of growing up from the bottom 
of the sea. 

Every one must perceive that this part of the traditionary 
account of its origin must have been imagined icar' oUovo- 
fiCav^ in order to account for another circumstance in the 
same traditionary history of the island from the first — its be- 
coming the territory, the property, the peculium, of the sun, 
in contradistinction to any other part of the earth, from the 
first. For this purpose it was necessary to suppose two 
things ; one, that the sun should be absent when the rest of 
the gods were dividing the surface of the earth among them, 
and consequently should have no part of it assigned to him 
along with them, by lot ; the other, that Rhodes should not 
yet be visible, when this division of the rest of the surface of 
the earth was going on ; and consequently should be assigned 
to none of the gods at that time, that so it might be assigned 
to the sun, extra sortem, afterwards. 

And such was the actual tradition of the island in both 
respects, and «uch the supposed consequence of that state of 
the case, according to the ode of Pindar ; which continues as 
follows. 

'Awwms y oOrit tp- 

dti(€P \dxog *ArX(ov. 

Koi pa fup x^P^9 dtckdpW' 

TOP X/irov ayp6p &€6p. 

fumrBtPTi dc Zfvt i/iirtiKop /mX- 

Xcy BtfiMP' dkkd lup ovK 

ttoirtp' cirri iroktag 

thci rtp tntrhg 6p^p «Vd&y Bakaaaat 

avfofupop ntddOfp 

woKvffoa-KOp yauur avOpi^ 

irouri KOi €(kl>popa fiaXots, 

f KffXfuaw d^ avrUa 

* Yen. lOO. 



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240 Rhodiaa "AAeia and TKrjvokifjifia, diss. vii. 

XpvadforvKa fiiv AM}(€criv " 
X^ipas mrrtlvai, Ot&v ^ op^ 
Kov fuycof fxri vapi^ayitv, 
aKKa Kp6vov arifv iratSi v€v<rai 
^€vhv cV alBfpa fup 
n«fA<pB*ura¥ i^ xc^oXj 
€(oni<rti ytpag ta-trfcrBm, 

It is clear then that, according to the local fable, the island 
was already in being, only not yet visibly so, at this very 
time ; and that this was the reason why it became at last, 
extra aortem, the property of the sun, in contradistinction to 
the right and interest of any other of the gods in any other 
part of the surface of the earth, obtained by lot. We de- 
mand therefore, Were the rest of the gods making this divi- 
sion of the rest of the earth, when the earth itself first came 
into existence, or only some time after ? for on the answer to 
that question it must depend, whether the local tradition, re- 
specting the origin of the island of Rhodes, was anything 
different from the general one, respecting that of the rest of 
the earth. And the answer to this question too is supplied 
by that to another; Which must have been supposed the 
older of the two, the gods, or the earth, in its present state? 
and whether there was ever a time when the former did not 
already stand in their proper relation to the latter, as the 
owners and lords of all parts thereof? For if not, then this 
division of the rest of the earth among the gods must have 
been as old as the origin of the earth ; and the origin of the 
island of Rhodes too must have been as old as that of any 
other part of the earth : its actual appearance upon the sur- 
face of the earth only must have been somewhat later than 
that of any other part of the earth. 

It is clear therefore that this particular fable of the origin 
of Rhodes was but a modification of the common tradition 
and belief respecting the origin of the rest of the earth ; pur- 
posely invented to account for the fact of its having been 
from the first in some particular manner sacred to the sun. 
It was the popular cosmogony of the time applied to the case 
of Rhodes in particular ; as bom of the deep and of darkness, 
like the rest, but for a particular reason, and with a view to 
a particular effect, somewhat later than the rest— as the last 
of these births of the deep and of darkness themselves. 



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CH. 2. s. 3. Cosmoffonic Duad of Rhodes. 241 

Section III. — On the local tradition concerning the Cosmo- 
gonic Dtiad ofKhodes. 

The same Ode of Pindar proceeds to relate how the island 
of Rhodes having been already aUotted to the sun, before it 
was yet visible, became his as soon as it appeared above the 
surface of the sea^ and continned to be his ever after — 

TtXfvra- 
trup dc \6y»v Kopvifiai 
€v aXa&€u^ TTcroAcrai. 
ffkaoTt IMP i( aXos vypds 
vdaos, c;^€t t€ yav o- 
^tav 6 yfvtffkiof axrlvrnv narrip, 
nvp wtovTOiP dpx^s tinrwv "*. 

!Nor is any ancient fact better attested than that of this 
consecration of the island of Rhodes to the sun — 
Phoebeamque Rhodon et lalysios Telchinas ^. 

Pelagique potens Phoebeia donis 
Exomata Rfaodo8<>. 

Tnmque domns vere soils, cm tota sacrata est p. 

Rol avT&v ye Tovruiv t&v $€Qv 'Prfdoff iiiy 'HkCov "^Oyxtjcrrb^ bi 
Tlo<r€i^vos^ — Tfjs *HXt(i8os &^ifi€voi 'P0601; to (rvv€)(€S rov ijlc- 
Tofw vXov biavairavaai irpis dkCyov iKpLva^ev ' — ^*0 b^ *HXtos tc- 
XtvraTa iff rrfre iirikaixTt^ tt)i; iavrov itSKiv* — OifK alfTyiv^trO^ rhv 
"Yikiov^ ft; ToXs fikv &Kkoi,s Ocarris i(m rQv yiyvoyAv(dV, vyJAV Vk koL 
dpxiyyerijs ; ov\ tKatnos vfi&v rfiv irapova-av fjijJpav fiyrj<T€Tai ratf- 
rrjv TrpArqv etvai Tjj vrfo'f^ ttjs ycj/^crccos St iK Trjs OakdTrris ivfjei 
b&pov rf 0€^ ; ^ The celebrated Colossus^ one of the seven 
wonders of the world ^y was an image of the sun. The oldest, 

* OpQscula Mythologica, Anonymus, De Incredibilibus, Cap. 2 : The 
twrh ^avfAora : the seventh, 'O cV 'Pdd^ KoXoa-a-bs vnjx'tfy o, tp (iFoirjat 
Xdpris 6 Aufdtoff. Anthologia, i. 75. Simonides, Ixxxiii : Poets Minores, 
kzzv: 

T6p €p *P66^ Ko\oa'a6p oktokis dcica 
Adxris €VoUi mfx^^v 6 Aipdtos — 
Cf. Strabo, ziv. 3, who reads inrdKis dc«ea. Also Eostathius, ad Dionys. 

* Ven. 114. ' Lacisn, Opp. ii. 405. De Amoribns, 
n Odd. Metam. vii. 365. cap. 7. 

o Lucan, Phanalia, ▼. 50. cf. vii. 147. ■ Aristides, "Poiuuchs, xliii. i. 804. 3. 

9 MaoiUiu, Astron. iv. 765. * Ibid. xliv. Ocpl 'O/MPoiat, i. 840. 

« Dio Chrys. Coiinthiaca, zxxvii. 13. 
106. 35. 

KAL. HELL. VOL. V. R 



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242 Bhodian ""AAcia and TAt^troX^fi^ia. dibs. yii« 

the moat sacred, the principal and most solemn, of the na- 
tional observances of the Bhodians^ was their ''AA€ta or feast 
of the sun. The ancients have remarked on a certain pecu- 
liaritj of the climate of Rhodes, which would appear to have 
been only in character with this its relation to the sun ; viz. 
that the sky was never so cloudy there, but that the sun 
could be seen some time in the course of every day of the 
year: Bhodi et Syracusis nunquam tanta nubila obduci ut 
non aliqua hora sol cernatur^ — ^Nunquam ita caelum nubilum 
est ut in sole Rhodos non sit '. Hence the epithet of clara 
in Latin, applied to it not so much for its ancient renown as 
for the brightness of its sky, and this property of its atmo- 
sphere — 

LaudabuQt alii daram RhodonT — 



Clanunque ralinquit 
Sole RhodoQ * — 



Aut claram Rhodon K 

It appears too that at Rhodes Hehus, Apollo, and Dionysos 
were considered to be the same person under diflferent names^: 
KaCroi rbv iiiv 'AirdXA» km rbv 'HAiov Koi rbv ^u6w<rov tvioC 
^tourw €tvai, rbv avrbvy icol ifAus vofdC^rt' voAAol h\ Koi h'nkm 
rovs Oeovs vivras ck fitav Tivh luyiv Kot hvva^av (Tvv&ycfV(nv' 
&<rr€ iiribiv bia<l>ip€i,v to tovtov rj iK€ivov rifiqv ^, 

That the Rhodian fable then concerning the origin of the 
island recognised one of the two Principles, which made up 
the Cosmogonic Duad everywhere, and that the active or 
masculine one, in the person and under the name of the sun, 
is evident; and an active and masculine principle of that 
kind must vouch for a passive and feminine one, in some 
manner or other associated with it. The only question can 
be. What could that have been? and What was it called? 

Perieg. 504 : Featoa, iii. 87. Colossus . . . fuit enim apud Rhodam insu- 
1am status Jovis alta pedes ceutum et quinque : Seztus Emp. vii. Advenus 
LogicoB, i. § 107, 108. 391, 393 : Anthologia, iv. 166. 'Adcdnrora, cozxxviii. 
ii. 30. Antipater Sidonius^ Iii. 3 : cf. Suidas in Kokotnrann. For the date 
of ita beiog thrown down» see our Originea Kalendariae Italicse, iv. 137. 

" Pliny, H. N. ii. 64. • Martial, iv. 55. 6. 

X Solinw, Polyh. xi. 34. b Dio Chrysost. Rhodiaca, xxxi. 570. 

7 Horaoe,Od. i.Tii. I. 51. 

z LucaD, Pharsalia, viii. 947. « Ibid. 



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OH. 2. 8. 3. Cosmoganic Duad of Rhodes. 243 

And here we mast again have recourse to the local tradition 
of the island, in which every thing appears to have been spe- 
cial of its kind ; the cosmogony of the rest of the world in 
general, modified and circumstantiated so as to apply to the 
island of Rhodes in particular. 

It appears from the testimony of the same Ode of Pindar, 
that this local tradition invested the island itself with the 
attributes of personality; so that *V6bos in this fable, though 
the name of the island, was as much a person, and as much a 
reality, as the Egyptian Isis, the Eleusinian Demeter, or the 
Cretan Rhea: and what is more, a feminine reality of its 
proper kind, and a cosmogonic reality, the proper coordinate 
of the masculine idea and impersonation in the cosmogony 
of Rhodes in particular ; out of whose union with it sprang 
the first and oldest of the races, next to the Telchines, which 
occupied Rhodes in succession — ^the 'HXtddat, the children of 
'HX(o$ and *P($5os. 

T€ic€P ifrrh trotl>^' 

rara vo^furr cir2 nporifmp 

mudas^ — 

Ttip hi *V6dop rh ijiiv apxalov Kabs avrSxOtov iviyudvro^ &v i}px^ ''^ 
*HXtadttj; yivos k , t. A ® — Xpovif 5' ihrepov TtpocuffOofUvovs rovs 
T€KxjLPas rbv ixiXkovra ylpfoOai KaraKkva-fjibp ^fcAtircu/ r^v pfjaop 
Kol buunFafjfjpai..,.Tov hi KaTOKKva^ijov y€PotUpov roht ijip AX- 
Xovf hicuffOofnipai, Ttjs hi pifjaov bih t^p iirofxPpCav^ imTToXcuriproiP 
r&p iypwfy XnwAxrai rohs htivihovs tSttovs ... /HXiop hi Kara flip 
TOP fivBop ipcurOipTa ttjs 'PoSov ti}v tc pij<rop im axrnis dpofidoai 
*PAop Kci rh imvo\6(op nai>p ixfxivCacu . . . . iiKoko^Otas hi toiStoi^ 
poiiurOfjpai riip ptjaop Upop 'HXfov, koL tow p^rh ToSra y^poiii- 
POPS 'Vohlovs tiartkia'ai ircpirrcfrcpoi; t&p &XXa>v 0€(op Tiii&ptai 
Tip "HXioy, &i ipxjryop tov yipovs air&p ^ The flood here al- 
luded to is the Flood of Ogyges ; which Diodorus himself s 
distinguishes from that of Deucalion, later than the time of 
these Heliadse. Consequently it was the flood of Noah ; the 
proper terminator of the antediluvian and the postdiluvian 
state of things : and the Telchines, the last before the flood 

* Pindar, Olymp. yii. 131. « Photins, Bibl. Codex 186. p. 141 : Conon, 

AiirHk«<t, zlTii. t Diodonit Sic. y. 56. f Ibid. 57. 

R 2 



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244r Rhodian *'AActa and TAijvoX^/uicta. diss. yii. 

of Noah^ representing the last of the antediluvian race of 
men^ the Heliadse, the oldest of those after it^ represented 
the first of the postdiluvian. It is no objection therefore to 
this Ehodian cosmogony, that it did not pass beyond the 
Deluge, if it went as far back as the beginning of the post- 
diluvian state of things. 

Section IV. — On the etymon and meaning of the name of 

There was then in the Cosmogonic Duad of the Rhodian 
fable a proper feminine principle which it called *F6tos ; cor- 
responding to the masculine, which it called "Hkios or ^HAo9. 
The question therefore which next presents itself is, What 
was the meaning of this name? The ancients have handed 
down no satisfactory explanation of it ; and the name having 
been commonly treated by them as that of a person, the ex- 
planations which have been given of it are genealogical 
rather than etymological, and tell us who the person so 
called was, not why she was so called. 

According to some of the authorities of Diodorus ^, 'PJftos 
was the daughter of Uoaetboiv and *AX^ a sister of the 
Telchines; according to Apollodorusi and others she was 
the daughter of no<r€i,b&v and ' Aiixpvrplrri : according to others 
of Tiod^Mv and 'A(l>pobCTrj, or a daughter of ''ilKcavos by some 
mother or other'^ : *Hp6(f)iKos hi UoatibQvos koI ' AippobLrris rriv 
*P6bov €waC (fyqaiv^ ^EirififvCbrjs bi avrriv *Q.K€avov y€V€akoy€l, iuf} 
fjs rijv TTokw ivondaOai. The first of these genealogies, it is 
easy to see, must have been invented to connect the post- 
diluvian Rhodus with the antediluvian world ; the rest are 
such as might easily have been imagined for an island regarded 
as a person. 

It is observable however that, if we again refer to Pindar, 
(the oldest and most authentic authority for these popular tra- 
ditions of the Rhodians,) we shall perceive that he must have 
known of *F6bos under no other genealogical relation than 
that of the daughter of Aphrodite, nor under any other per- 
sonal one, than that of the miijupri or bride of the sun, or 
•'HXto9. 

h ▼. 55. 1 Bibliothecs, i. iv. § 6. ^ Schol. ad Find. Ol. tu. 34. 



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cn. a. 8. 4. Etymon of the name of *Podoy. 245 

Kal wvv xm dfttl)oT«pav 
a-inf Aiayopq. Karificuf, tov irovriav 
vfiviiov ncuit 'A^podtrar, 
'AcXioMJ re irv/i^ay, 

Hellanicus too, referred to by the scholiast «», knew of her 
simply as *P6bos the wife of Helius and the mother of the 
Heliadae. 

Let it therefore be assumed that, according to the oldest 
and most genuine form of the popular Rhodian tradition 
concerning the origin of their island^ Bhodos was simply the 
daughter of Aphrodite^ and the bride of Helius. This con- 
ception of the Aphrodite of antiquity came into being in the 
island of Cyprus along with the correction of Kinyras, to 
which we alluded supra ", B. C. 1301 : and no explanation of 
this traditionary relation of the Rhodian 'V6bos to the Cyprian 
*A0po$frT7 would be more natural or more probable than that 
which would be supplied by the fact that Rhodes also had its 
Cyclico-Julian Correction, ultimately founded upon, and de- 
rived from, that of Cyprus ; and even its proper passive and 
feminine principle in its proper Cosmogonic Duad, derived in 
like manner from that of the Cyprian. Nor would anything 
more be implied by the traditionary account of this relation, 
than that the first idea of the Rhodian Rhodes was borrowed 
from that of the Cyprian Aphrodite; the first idea of the 
Rhodian correction was suggested by the Cypris^ ; and the 
proper Rhodian cosmogony, associated with it, mtUatis mu- 
tandis, was the counterpart of the Cyprian. 

To come however to the etymon of the name itself. The 
most obvious explanation^ at first sight, would be to derive it 
from ^bop — and this appears to have occurred to the scholi- 
asts and commentators of antiquity ^'c Tti;^9 hi avrriv (riip 
vfj<r6v) <l>aai KXriOijvai ofooo bih rb (nrovbaXa Ix^w p6da. But 
though this would be admissible in point of etymology, yet 
for ought which is known to the contrary it would be objec- 
tionable in point of fact : for it does not appear^ (from testi- 
mony of any kind at least, at present,) that Rhodes was 
more famous for its roses than any other of the islands in its 
vicinity. The scholiast on the same place ^ proposes another 

• vii. 13. m Ad. vers. 135. " Page 236- 

o Schol. in Find, ad 01. vii. 24. 



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246 Rhodian ''AA.€ia and TAf^roA^^ia. diss. vii. 

and a very different explanation : 01 5^ bih rb po4hi ehai ra 
Ttfpi airriv : i. e. because the sea in its vicinity was rough and 
surgy — po^^s or fluctuosa — which would derive the name 
from pios pov^, fluctus. Yet to this too it might be ob- 
jected that it was no more applicable to the island of Rhodes 
than to any other, because all islands in this respect are 
more or less situated alike ; all are washed by the sea, and 
the sea about them all is more or less billowy and surgy. 

It may be inferred however from this latter explanation in 
particular that, in the opinion of those who proposed it, it 
was no difficulty that while the etymon itself was p6os pov$, 
the name derived from it was pilo^ ; i. e. in passing from the 
form of pios to that oi pitos, it assumed the 2 between the po 
and the os. And with respect to this letter itself; it ap* 
pears from the grammarians and lexicographers, that in one 
or other of the different Greek dialects it was interchange- 
able with various others ; in the Ionic with ( (Acis for ZA$, 
A6p$ for Z6p() ; in the JSolic with /3 (2ifiPa)iov for Sdi^oAoy, 
"ObtXoi for *Op€kos) ; in the Doric with y (Aa for To, 'Afiipb^ 
for *AiJLipY<t>, Av6<l>09 for TvSifMsP) : and this last is that in- 
stance of the substitution of the letter h for any other, to 
which we would direct the attention of the reader, in expla- 
nation of the name of *P({dos. 

The name of the Pomegranate in some of the Greek dia* 
lects was ICbri or 2Cpbri*^ 

^Q K&pai t6 If tp9\t$o£ atfidpofit, wpAuuf maw 
fl p6boi» 9 trlfidas KSmcof ?x*t XP*'^ ^* 

And (rCbiov was the name for the peel of the pomegranate'. 
But the common name of the pomegranate in Greek was ptfa* 
and pia in the Attic dialect, as we learn both from Moeris 
and from Ghilen, was pronounced and written ^)ui ; a distinc* 
tion which, though apparently slight, is of importance to the 
present question : because it proves that something was 
necessary to obviate the unpleasantness of the concurrence 

* For instance in the Boeotian, Athenffus, xiv. 64, Henoe the name 
given to many places anciently ; Sid^ in Boeotia, Sidiy in Pamphylia, 
Si^Sf in the Corinthian territory., 

V Cf. supra, ▼ol. iv. 172. Diss. ii. 4 CaUtmachus, In lavacrum PklladiB, 37. 

r Diosoorides, De Materia Medica, L pr/. 



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CH. 2. 8. 5. BaXcaiirriov or Mystical Emblem of Rhodes. 247 

of the vowels and a, which come together in p6a with 
nothing between them: but in the Attic was corrected by 
inserting the t^ and in the other dialects might have been so 
by the interposition of the digamma, p6Fa for pJa, and in the 
Doric in particular, by the interchange of T with A^ 'Po5a 
instead of 'P<;f a. 

Sbction v. — On the Bokaitniovy or Mystical Emblem, of the 
Khodian cosmogony. 

And here it is necessary to remind the reader of that 
peculiar device to which we alluded before" as discovered 
both on the remains of the Bhodian Diot»^ and on the coins 
of Rhodes : and therefore, for some reason or other, a cha- 
racteristic of the island. The learned have given it the 
name of the Balaustium ; and we must now proceed to ad- 
duce what the ancients have told us in explanation of the 
Balaustium. 

BoXcnMrriJif ivriv ivOos iypla^ pom' €t^ ^i toriv abrov 
irXcfoi^a. €vplirK€T€u yhp ical \€VKbv kcu trupphv kcX p6M%pavp. 
ioiK€ hi KvrCiHf powsr yyktfrra^ hi «>s tf vKOKurrk. Mfa/Luv de tx€i 
orvmiKfiv, irotovaav irpAy h kclL rj iiroKiaTis Kal 6 iciTiP09^ — 
Sed drca Carthaginem Punicum malum cognomine sibi vin- 
dicat (Africa); aliqui granatum appellant ▼ — Mos balaustium 
vocatnr, et medicinis idoneus, et tingendis vestibus, quarum 
color inde nomen accepit ' — Primus pomi hujus partus flo- 
lere indpientis cytinus vocatur Oraecis ; mirse observationis, 
multorum experimentor — In hoc ipso cytino flosculi sunt, 
antequam scilicet malum ipsum prodeat erumpentes; quos 
balaustium vocari diximus * — 

Gaxpite, Narcissiqiie comas sterilisque balaiuti ^ 

It appears from these testimonies that BakaCortov was the 
name in Oreek for the flower of the wild pomegranate, not the 
garden pom^ranate ; of the pomegranate in a state of na- 
ture, not as the subject of training and culture : and that too 
is a significant distinction, as we may see by and by. It 
appears too that the BaXaiariov was that part of the wild 

> Pkfe 178. 7 Ibid, zxiii. 59. 

t DioMcxrides, De Matoria Medics, i. * Ibid. 60. 

Kfft.jM|a'. « Colomella, Res Bust x. De Hor- 

▼ Pliay, H. N. xiii. 34. tor. Cultnn, 297. 
< Ibid. 



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248 Bhodian 'AXaa and TkyfTfoXiiuui, diss. vii. 

flower which ultimately produced the fruit ; corresponding in 
that, to the part called toirivos in the garden or domesticated 
tree*>. 

There can be little doubt^ in our opinion^ that a mystical 
meaning was concealed under this emblem^ in its peculiar 
relation to the island of Rhodes : and in order to discover 
what this was^ we may refer first of all to the correction of 
the primitive calendar^ at Damascus^ on the opposite conti- 
nent of Syria, and to the proper style and title of the Oosmo- 
gonic Duad, which appears to have been introduced along 
with it there. For though this Damascene Correction was 
certainly late in the chronological order of such corrections, 
yet this too was founded on the Egyptian prototype of the 
same kind, and was accompanied with the recognition of the 
same Cosmogonic Principles, a masculine and a feminine one, 
as any of the oldest before it : differing from the rest in this 
respect only, that the Cosmogonic Duad at Damascus, instead 
of two distinct persons with two different names, one for 
each, appears to have consisted of two distinct persons, under 
one name common to both, or two distinct names in one, 
as if belonging to one person : Hadad-Bimmon. Now Ha- 
dad, it is agreed, was the Syrian name for the sun, i^Ato; in 
Greek ; and Bimmon was the Syrian name for a plantation of 
pomegranates, poiiw in Greek — which in its secondary sense 
might be transferred to the idea of a multitude of pomegra- 
nates ; and (if there was any thing in the pomegranate to 
make it the type of fecundity or productiveness) to the idea 
of the impersonated principle of productiveness and fecundity 
itself. 

It is clear then that if we may suppose the name of 'Pddos 
to have been really derived from the Greek p6a^ a pomegra- 
nate ; this name of Hadad-Rimmon in the Syriac could have 
been neither more nor less than *HAtoppodo9 in Greek — no- 
thing more nor less than the sun, and the pomegranate- 
power, or principle, in a certain relation to each other. And 
if there was no difference, but that of name, between Hadad 
and Helios, or between Rimmon and Rhodos, and Hadad 

^ Cf. Hesychiufl, in VLinivoi. r^y rlvtf rh &v$os (rrjs ^s): Nicander, 
^lar rk wp&ra i^wH/Jtara : Theophr. Theriaca, 870. and the Scholia in loc. 
I>e Causis, i. 14 ad fin. iy yhp r^ kv- 



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CH. 2. 8. 5. Baka6<rTwv or Mystical Emblem of Rhodes. 249 

and Bimmon were the two principles of the Cosmogonic 
Duad of Damaacns ; Helios and Bhodos must have been the 
two constituent principles of the Cosmogonic Duad of 
Rhodes. The sun and the pomegranate-power composed 
the Duad of each. The pomegranate was the type of the 
partner of the sun^ in each ; and no doubt for the same rea- 
son, that no other emblem in nature was so well qualified to 
denote the Cosmogonic principle, especially the passive or 
feminine one, in the abstract, as this. 

The pom^ranate was distinguished from other fruits of 
trees by the multitude of its seeds, as was implied in its 
name of the malum granatum itself; and each of these seeds 
being the germ of a future plant, it was so far a lively type 
of productiveness, both in the principle and in the effect ; 
both in the lifegiving power inherent in the proper subject, 
and in the number and variety of its energies and operations. 
Another peculiarity of this fruit was that these numerous 
seeds, all instinct with life, all embryos of a future living 
thing, lay embedded within it, in a natural pulp or matrix, 
which resembled externally an animal much more than a 
vegetable substance ; being of a deep blood-red colour, like 
that of the flesh of animals. And hence probably another of 
its names in the Latin language, that of the meJum pumcumy 
as well as the malum granatum^ the purple apple, as much 
as the many-grained apple; for punicus has in Latin the 
sense of puniceus, or purple, as well as that of Punic ^. Colu- 
mella insists on this peculiarity in the flower of the pome- 
granate also — 

Mox ubi sanguineiB te floribua indirit arbos 
Piiiiica<i — 

but it is more striking in the fruit, or the pulp within the 
rind, in which the seeds lie embedded. 

These two peculiarities, the multitude of the seeds of this 
fruit, and the animal-like substance in which they lay embedded, 
were weU qualified to designate it as the type and symbol, 
Kar iio\riv, of the life-giving principle in a twofold capacity ; 
both as diffusing and propagating itself on the largest scale, 
(intimated by the multitude of the seeds of this fruit,) and as 

c Ct ForceUini Lex. in voce. ^ De Re Rust. z. De Hort. Cult. 343. 



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250 Rhodian "Akfia and TAijiroX^/mcia. diss. vii. 

banning its energies in the regetable or lower forms of life, 
yet consummating them in the animal or highest — implied 
by the appearance of the natural bed in which these seeds 
lay buried. It is no wonder then that we find it in more 
than one instance selected to be the type of the passive or 
feminine principle in the work of universal production, and 
associated with the mysteries of antiquity every where*. 
And this mystical construction of the symbol sufficiently ex- 

* The eariiest recognition in classical antiquity of the poc^, or pome- 
fpranate, in its proper mystical sense, makes part of the fable of the 
Raptos ; in which a single grain of this fruity tasted by the lUpiy, was 
supposed to have the effect of renderiDg her permanent restoration to the 
upper world an impossibility ^ According to the tradition of Cyprus', 
the pomegranate was planted by the Cyprian Aphrodite herself, that is, 
the feminine principle in the Cosmogonic Duad there; and it was the 
only one wont to be planted in hononr of Hera'. It is ennmerated among 
the mysticsl symbols by Clemens Alezandrinus ^ : OvxJL dc potaX wp^ rour" 
dc Kol KpalUtu; and abstinence from it was strictly enjoined both pre- 
paratory to and daring the mysteries : ^ikantp dfUkti kclI ai Bttrito^piir 
Cofwroi xijs poias tovs k.6kkovs wapaKfniKarrovo'W c<r^icty, rovs dnoirtirmK^as 
XOfuil cV rcby rot) Amwvo-ov aiparos irtay6v9iv /Sc/SXcum/iecMU popiCovin rits 
potas^i which is corrupt, but may be corrected by reading, vt air6 rw 
wanwK&rwf xa^tdi rov Lmvwtov tufunos Qray6v»v fitPkaorffK€pat pOfdCovtrai 
T^f potdf—Kal (rika p4¥ taditadai ^if(m, ptniis dc owcen, icai prjjka wp6s rov- 
Tocr* — 'Potitt dc «ff ^vrdy j^yior wap g r r iir a To ^, 

The pomegranate is said to have been sacred to Hermes also 8. Ancient 
Greek mythology recognises a 'Poicb — ^which would be the literal version 
of the Hebrew or Syriac Rimmon — as the supposed mother of Anius, king 
of Delos, and priest of Apollo there, and the daughter of Staphylus, son 
of Dionjrsos — 

^Or O09* 6 *Poiovff hns cMfvv lUwog^ 
ax4<rr«— 
.£schyhis has an allnskm to the pomegranate, in Incertis fobulis — 

*0{pykuK.tuuf rSpa kokkuU p6a» — 
Probably one of his Satyri. See Dindorf, Fragments, 318. But nothing 
m]rstical appears to have been intended by this allusion. 

1 See snpm, toL It. 299. 306. Dissert 6 Julianus Imperator, ▼ : In Mutrem 

ii cf. ApoUodoms BibL i. ▼. § 3. Denm, 1 74 B. 

3 AtheDKVi, iii. 17. 7 Ibid. 1 76 B. cf. Porphyry De Ab- 
8 Philostrstns, Vita ApolL iv. 9. stinentia, ir. 16, 353. 

186 B. 8 Clemens Alex. Strom. vL xt. § 13a. 

4 Protreptioon, ii. % sa. pag. 19. p. i8a7. 

1. 14. 9 Lyoophron, 570. cf. the Scholia. 

& Ibid. ii. % 19. pag. 1 7. 29. 



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OH. 2. 8. 6. CycUco-JuUan Correction of Rhodes. 261 

plains the reason why the symbol itself should have been re- 
stricted to the Ba\a:6aTiop, the flower of the pomegranate in 
its natural wildness; and not have been extended to the 
Ki^rtifos also, the same flower altered and modified by the hand 
and art of man. 

We have no donbt therefore that the ultimate explanation 
of the name of ^Pobos, in the Cosmogonic Duad of Rhodes^ is 
to be found in the same association of ideas as that of Bim- 
mon in the Cosmogonic Duad of Damascus ; that each was 
the proper name of the passive or feminine principle in its 
own system ; that the etymon of each was the same in its 
own language as that of the other, the vernacular name of 
the pomegranate; that as so derived^ and in its secondary 
sense, each was the name of an idea and a person^ whom we 
may call the pomegranate-power or principle ; the life-giving 
principle, both in the vegetable and in the animal world, as 
characterised by difiusiveness and fecundity on the largest 
scale. 

Sbction VI. — On the probable date of the Chfclico^vlian 
Correction of Rhodes. 

To apply these conclusions to the question which we are 
considering, that of the proper cyclico- Julian correction of 
the ancient Rhodes ; i. We have shewn that there was a 
proper cosmogony among the ancient Rhodians which as- 
sumed the production of their own island^ like that of the 
rest of the world, originally out of water, ii. It has been 
seen that in this cosmogonic system there was both a proper 
masculine and a proper feminine principle, to the cooperation 
of which every form of life^ both vegetable and animal, within 
their own island, owed its existence, iii. It has been seen 
that the masculine principle in this Duad was the sun, the 
fiwninine was one which itself bore the name of Rhodes, 
and gave the name of Rhodes to the island ; a name which, 
when it comes to be analysed and traced up to its first prin- 
ciples, is found to have been taken from the property of pro- 
ductiveness, and of the diffusion of life, on the largest scale 
which could be supposed to have characterised such a power, 
within the sphere of its natural operation. 

Now these are strong grounds of inference a priori that so 



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252 Bhodian ''AActa and TXvproAc/uieia. diss. vii. 

peculiar a cosmogony^ at the time when it was first intro^ 
duced and embodied in a fable like this, must have been ac- 
companied with a Correction of the calendar; because the 
history of such fables and such systems in other instances 
demonstrates that they were never considered to be complete, 
or calculated to answer the end and purpose designed by 
them^ without such Corrections, which served to keep them 
in mind ever after. Nor is there any reason to suppose that 
the Rhodian system of this kind, though limited in its scope 
and comprehension to the particular case of the island of 
Rhodes, would be any exception to the general rule which 
regulated the course of these proceedings in every other in- 
stance ; that of commemorating the first introduction of such 
principles and doctrines, and fixing and perpetuating them in 
their practical effects and consequences, by some correspond- 
ing affection of the calendar. 

What then, it may be demanded^ was the probable date of 
this correction in Rhodes ? In answer to which, we observe, 
that if we have reasoned rightly from the mythological gene- 
alogy of Rhodes, according to Pindar, as the daughter of 
Aphrodite^ the earliest date of this Rhodian correction could 
not have been earlier than the Paphian correction of Kinyras, 
Athyr 17, ^ra Cyc. 2706, September 23, B. C. 1301 ; nor 
in fact earlier than the second cycUco-Julian period proper to 
that correction, Athyr 17, Mm Cydica 2826, August 25, 
B. C. 1181. But if the first idea of the Rhodian Rhodes was 
really derived from the Paphian Aphrodite, and the Rhodian 
correction of the primitive •calendar was really modelled on 
the Paphian one of Kinyras, it might, and very probably 
would, be made at this very time, Athyr 17, ^ra Cydica 
2826, August 25, B.C. 1181. It would as naturally bear 
date at the beginning of the second cyclico- Julian period of 
the Cyprian correction, as that itself at the beginning of the 
first. 

And here the date of the Rhodian "AAcca, the principal 
solemnity in Rhodes, comes in critically to confirm this con- 
dusion. It is by all means to be supposed that, if Rhodes 
had a cyclico- Julian correction of its own, which came into 
being along with its peculiar cosmogony and cosmc^onic 
Duad, the proper date of this correction, and the stated date 



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CH. 2. 8. 6. CycUco-JtUian Correction of Rhodes. 253 

of the proper solemnity in honour of the masculine and ac- 
tive principle in this Duad in particular, the sun^ in the first 
instance, must have been the same. Now in the lunar calen- 
dar of later times, as we have seen, this stated date was the 
24th of Hyakinthius. Let us then, through this later lunar 
date, endeavour to recover the original Julian one, from 
which even this was sometime taken. 

For this purpose, the only state of the lunar calendar, 
which can with propriety be assumed, is the rectified or 
normal one ; and beginning with that of the Metonic correc- 
tion of Rhodes, adapted to the epoch of B. 0. 382, we have 
the first four months of the calendar at that time as follows. 

Metonic Calendar of Rhodes, 
Period i. i. Cycle i. i: B. C. 382. 



Aitamitius May 6 30 days Pedageitnyus July 5 Ex. 3. 
PanaxnuB June 5 30 Hyakinthius Aug. 3 



34 Hyakinthius August 26. 



Secondly, if we go back to Period i. 1, Cycle i. 1, of the 
third type of the old octaeteris, B.C. 542, we have the scheme 
of the calendar at that time also, on the supposition that the 
months alternated 30 and 29, not 29 and 30, days in length 
respectively, as follows. 

Octa'c'teric Calendar at Rhodes. 
Period i. i. Cycle i. 1. B. C. 543. 



Agrianius Jan. 7 Artamitius May 5 

Badromins Feb. 6 Panamus June 4 

Theudsesius Mar. 7 Pedageitnyus July 3 

Dalius April 6 Hyakinthius Aug. 2 



24 Hyakinthius August 35. 



It follows that in the first year of the proper Metonic cor- 
rection of the Rhodians, the Julian date of the 24th of the 
lanar Hyakinthius was August 26, and in the first year of 
the proper octaeteric correction it was August 25 ; from 
which coincidence we may reasonably infer that it must have 



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254 Rhodian "AXeia and TKrptoXifJL€ia, dibs. vii. 

been one of these two Julian terms, either August 26^ or 
August 25, from the first. And having to decide between 
them^ we cannot hesitate to conclude that it must have been 
August 25y before the adoption of the lunar correction, if it 
was Hyakinthius 24, in that correction, ever after. The 24th 
of the first lunar Hyakinthius, B. C. 542, we see coincided 
with August 25 ; and if it coincided with August 25, B. C. 
542, in the first year of the first cycle of the old octaeteric 
correction, when first coming into existence, it is easy to see 
that B. C. 882, when the epoch of the correction was raised 
one day, in the first year of the first cycle of the Metonic 
correction it must coincide with August 26. 

It follows that the stated Julian date of the 'AXcia, at 
Rhodes, older than the lunar correction there itself, must 
have been August 25, precisely the same to which we have 
determined the date of a cyclico-Julian correction, which 
might have come into being there, Athyr 17, Mra Gyclica 
2826, August 25, B. C. 1181. And this is too remarkable a 
coincidence to have been produced by chance. But there 
is still something more to be said on this point, preliminary 
to which we must begin with collecting the testimonies of 
antiquity to the colonisation of Rhodes by Tlepolemus, and 
to the institution of the TkrjvoXdfitictj and to their association 
with the "AXcto, there also. 

Section VII. — On the IUu>dian Colony under Tlq^olemu9; and 
on the Rhodian Tkrivok4fjL€WL. 

i. tkiprSktftog d* 'HfNueXc/dijff, tfvs r« fieyas n, 

^K 'P<$dov €W€a Vfjas 3yty 'Po^Utv ay€p^xmift 
o2 'F6doy dfjuiPtviftopTO dui Tpixp. Koa'fui6€vrtg, 
Aufdov 'li|XiMr«Sy rt ml apyuf^tpra Ko^ipov. 
rwm flip Tkipr6Ktiios dovpcicXvr&ff ^f«(iwvcy, 
tv TtK€y *Axnv6xtui $ijj 'RpaKhf€ijf, 
r^ cEyrr' ^{ ^E^vp/ifs^ wcra/iov Saro ScXXi7cinro9, 
wipvas Sicrrta iroXXa ftiorpc^«if ojfi/ttir. 
TXi^irdXc/iOff V krti oZv rpaifaf iw litydp^ ivnifKr^p 
aOrUa iraTp6s ioio <l>[kop lUfrpwi KonKTOf 
rfdri ytjpcurKoifTa Aucvfurcoy, HCop^Aptfog, 
iw(ni dc y^ff ^inj(€, mlKify d^ ilyt Xadv aytipas 
fill i^tvywv hn n6vrotf' airctXiycay yap oi oXXoi 
vUts vlmvol T€ Plfft 'HpoKkrfwiris, 
aiMp ty it *P6^ l(tp ik^kfitvot, SKyta trdtrx^p' 



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CH. 2. 8. 7. The Khodian TAfproX^/uicta. 255 

tK Ai^r, 6g re Bwouri xal avBp^iiroia'tv avcurarwi' 
Kol ir^H9 ^(Tfrc crtoy irkovrou Ktrrixfvt Kpopi»y, 
k\t.\* 

ii. 'E^Xi^M ToUrw if 

apxag air6 Tkjproktfiov 



aicXripag ikaiag HKTOjf* 4p Ti- 

f>vp$i AtKVfUfioy A- 

36pt ix 3dkdfi»9 MMas 

raiM tnrt x^^ oUiarrjp xo^»Btis '. 



Tf fMF 6 XpiwroK6itas 

€v6d€os i$ ildvrov po&p n\6w 

thn AMppoUu air OKTOf 

OTfXXfy €s ofi^nBakaxfvw 

yofi^s Ma iroTC 

fip^X^ ^^ /Soo-iXf^ 6 luyas 

Xfiwrait Fi^ddcotri wSKtv, 

a»ix 'A^oiiTTOv rixyaun 

XoXiCiXdry ircXf Mt 

irartpos 'A^ayaui Kopvt^kif kot ArpoF 

apopowraar* dkaXa-' 

fcv vntpfuuui fio^ ic\ r. X. ^ 



T60i Xvrpoif avfufiopas 
oUrpof yXvKv TkawoKtp^ 
urrarai, TipwOUnr apx" 
ayrr^y Aan^p 69^, 
pSKav re K»iair6taaa iFopnrk 



ill. 'O yhp TXiprJAc/AOs Auciiuftov rhv ^H\€KTp6<opos iraiba 
p6$0Pf ftf iy{p€ro Ik Mtidias ^pvyCas riv^s yvpcuKhs^ i4>* fjs 
Kei ^ viKis fc^icXi^rcu ^, iKatv^ <rKvriXf^ vX^far lucwv dvotpci' 
M yhp Pcvv Pov\6iuvo^ iLKovrlacu ri aicvriKwv tppv^t Karh 
Tov Aucvfiyfovl-— TXf/irdXcfioff oiv KTiCvas oirx ^f^^^ Auc6fiPiOP^ 
(rp fioKniptq yhp airov $€pivopTa vKriinropTos ivibpaixt,) 
Vfip i^tkStiP airr^p ix UtKovopprjtrov, i^€&ymp oip ijl€t* ovk 

9 Iliiid, B. 653. f Find. Ol. Tii. 36. t Ibid. 49. 

)i IlMd. 58. 1 Ibid. 141. k Cf. ad Ten. 5a. 'Exearr* itc 9aK^p, 

I 8ehoL ad T«n. 36. cf. Schol. ad Iliad. B. 66a. 



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256 Rhodian "AAeta and TKrjTrok4fx€ta. diss. vti. 

6\Cy<iiV ificcr cis *P6bop, kiK€i *car<pic€i™ — Aiyerai J^ Kara tj)v 
paaiXfCav Tkifno\4fiov fidXtara eibaiiiovfjiTai 'FobCovs, m koI 
"O/xTj/ws fjLOfyrvpel^ ... fori d^ avrov Upov ica2 rd0o9 ^v *PoJy. ol 
yckp (rvo-rparevcrcifxci/oi avr^ bn/fyayov rh Jora &iro r$; *lK(ov tk 
TTiv *P6bov . . rcAeirai d€ ical &ya»v iinTiff>tos iv rfj 'ir6\€i TKif- 
voK^fjuf, Kara bi hipovi Upos *HXf<p' iyoavCCovrai ii vaCb^v 
fiXiKiat, Koi crTi<j>ovTai ix Xet/jctys^ — QvaCai yhp avrt^ bii4>^pot 
yCvovrat, Koi Ay&vfs rcXovvraiP — "'EtcXcito yap air^ iyi^v rb, 
Tkq'noXip.€ia, 6 b\ viKTiiras avrh ktvKriv ikdfifiavc <rTi<l>avop, l<rro- 
pCa, 8t€ ol "Ekkrjvfs €k Tpolav karpir^viravy J^v koL TAt;7r<$Af/uu>s 
oiros fxtrh ^VobCo^v. iLitoOavdvros oiv iKtl ijyayov rh dara airov 
els 'P060V, &s olKitTTOv ratJrrjs, «cai vaov avT<^ 'noi'Qa'avT€s ttoi^- 
yvpiv KaT hiavrbv 6,yov(ri rh keyopuva TAij^oA^/xcia. larri bi rh 
T&v iy<&v<ov aBkov k^VKtvhs <TTi<l>avos k , r. A. 4 — 'Effct <^ao-uf Sri 
iyutv iK€i iy€Tai Tkrptokifxeia. ol b^ ^HpiKkcia^ — Kpitriv clirc 
t6v iy&va t&v 'HkicCoiv, bv bianSiaaiv ol *Po8ioi. hlreia-aTO bi 6 
nCifbapos. ov yhp TkriTtokifxia 6 ayiiv eirircAcirai, rf tH *HA^ 
TiOiaa-t rhv iy&va, &S "{(rrpos <l>rf(rlif iv rep irtpl tQv 'HAtbv iycS- 
vo*/' 'F6bioi TiSiafTiv *HA^ iv *P6bi^ yvpLViKOV irrtilxivCTrfv iy&va* 
— *Ev bi Tois YlLvbipov laropuiLs eipov 8ti ol tov Tkrivokiiiov 
^^^(rdOrjiTav els *P6bov, rriv air&v irarpCba. koL ff yvvil Tkrptok4- 
fxov ^LkoCdriy p.€yAka baKpya-atTOy iy^vas iTfl r(j> rd^^ tov ivbpbs 
l$€To, Kci vaib€s riy<avl(ovTOf koL ol vik&vtcs keiKrjs ^AAois 

iaT€<l>0VT0 *. 

iv, TkriTTokfixov bi rdv ^Hpaxkiovs iv "Apytt KaroiKovvra A^- 
yova-iv &v€k€lv Aiicv[iviov rhv 'HAcicTpvwos, ipCtravra ircpC tiv<ov, 
bth bi rbv <l>6vov tovtov i£ '^Apyovs <l>vy6jrra els ^PiSbov KaToiKrja'ai. 
riiv bk vTJaov ravrriv t6t€ KarifKovv "EAAjyi^es ol xmh Tpudra rod 
^dppavTOs KaToiKiaSivT^s. tov b"* oiv TkrfnSkffiov koiv^ ixerh 
T&v iyyidplfAV TpifjLfpfj iroirja-ai t^v ^Pdbov, Koi rpcis iv avrjj icara- 
oTtia-ai Tr6k€is, ACvboVy 'ItJAvctov, Kifitpov^ — Bpa^^ bi Ttp6 rw 
TpmiK&v TAY77rdA(fio9 6 ^UpoKkiovs (f>€iiya>v bih t^v Aiicvfivlov 
SivoTov, bv iKOvaUas rjv ivuprfKias^ ii^vy^v i( "Apyovs iKOVtrlmf 
XpTfaiihv bi kafi&iv iirip ivoiKCaSi /xcrd Tivf^v kcuav KaTivk€wr€if 
tls TTIV *P6bov K, T. A. » — Mcra bk Toifs T€k\was, ol 'Hkiibat 

^ Apoliodonis, Bibl. ii. viii. 2. cf. 4 Ibid. Schol. recention. 

Schol. ad Nubes, 1367. & fficKfiph r Schol. Vet. ad 145. 

^cutwy. ■ Schol. Vet ad 146. cf. ad 147 et 

n Iliad. B. 670. vide supra, page 339. 

o Scholia Vet. ad Pindar. Olymp. * Tzetzes, in Lycophron. 911. 

vii. 36. ' Diod. Sic. iv. 58. 

P Ibid, ad 141. > Ibid. v. 59. 



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CH. 2. 9. 7. The Bhodian TAiywoX^ieia. 257 

ItttBtiovrai Karatrxtw rriv vrjaov, &v tvioi K€pKi<t>ov kcu KvUisvtis 
ytvioBai itaXbas rdv^ rhs v6K€i,^ nrCaavras dfuaviljfjLOvs avrw' 

AMoy *lffXv(r(r6p re Koi apyivotvra Kafttipop' 
tpioi 5^ Tov TKriTT6K€fjLOv KrCaou (f)a(Ti, $i<r6aL b^ ra dvSixaTa 6fi(oir6' 
fiMS T&v Aavaov OvyaT€pa>v TKrCJ—Atapuls d' daiv^ &<nT€p Koi *AXi- 
Kapvaffo-^is, Kci Kvibiot^ kclI K&ot, ol yhp Atapul^^ ol ra Miyapa 
KTUrturr€Sf $uTa rriv Kobpov rcAevr^v, ol pLfv ipL€ivav avroOi, ol b\ 
aiv ^AkBaipAv^i rep *Apy^U^ T^y efe Kprjrqv anoiKlas iKOiv<ivr}aav, 
ol b* cfe Tri» 'PdW Koi rhs \€\0€itras ipT(<»9 tt6\€IS ipL^pia&rjaav. 
ravra bi v€<iT€pa t&v v<I>' 'Ofi'qpov k^yopLivmv ttrrC ^. 

We learn from these statements some important facts. 
i. From the testimony of Homer, (in which, it is evident, 
Strabo also concurred,) that the first Grecian colony which 
settled in the island of Rhodes was led thither by Tlepole- 
muB, son of Hercules ; and that he in reality was the oIkkttijs 
of the island, and the founder of the only three Grecian 
cities in it, known in Greek history before the avvoiKurpibs, 
B. C. 408, Lindus, lalysus, and Cameirus. ii. From the 
testimony of Pindar, in some of his lost works, referred to 
by Tzetzes, and virtually confirmed by the scholia on the 
▼iith Olympic ode of Pindar, that though Tlepolemus him- 
self fell at Troy, his foUowers returned, and brought back 
bis bones to Rhodes, as those of their founder as much as 
their captain ; and that his wife (whom Tzetzes calls TlokvCdri 
and Pausanias^ noXv^ia) both built a tomb and a temple, 
and founded games, in honour of him ; which games con- 
tinued to be celebrated ever after under the name of the Tkn- 
voXifjL€ia. And we may infer in like manner, from the testi- 
mony of the viith Olympic ode of Pindar itself, that these 
games were so near to the ""AAeta in point of time, that they 
might be considered identical with them ; i. e. both must have 
been celebrated simultaneously. On this point it is not credible 
that Pindar could have been mistaken, as some of the scholiasts 
incinuate that he was. The just inference from his mode of 
speaking of both these institutions is, not that one was actu- 
ally the same with the other, but that both were celebrated 
at a common time and on a common occasion : from which 

y 8tnbo, zW. 2. 196, 197. V. 59. De Althcmene, &c. : Scholia in 

■ Ibid. 195. cf. Apoll. BibL iii. ii. Theocrit. Idyll, xvii. 69. 
I I : Conon, Anry^^^h 47 • Diod. Sic. " iii. xix. 10. 

EAL. HELL. VOL. V. S 



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258 Bhodian 'AAeta and TXri-noXificia. diss. vii. 

it will follow that if both were not instituted at once, one of 
them must have been associated with the other. 

And with respect to the question, which was the older of 
the two, the "AXeia or the T\rjvo\4ii€ia — ^the latter, it is evi- 
dent, could not have been older than the return of the Rho- 
dians from Troy ; and the date of the capture of Troy, as we 
hope to see hereafter, having been October 19 B.C. 1181 — 
the return could not have been earlier than the spring of 
B.C. 1180. But as to the'AAcia; we have already shewn, 
that as dedicated to the sun, one of the two principles in the 
Cosmogonic Duad of Rhodes, and as the sign and seal of a 
proper correction of the primitive calendar, made at the same 
time, they must have been one year older at least. It is 
therefore in the highest degree probable that, if the "AAcui 
were instituted B. C. 1181, the T\rjTro\4fjL€ia were added to 
them B.C. 1180, and both were celebrated in conjunction, 
for the first time, on the stated date of the former, Aug. 26, 
B. C. 1180. 

And yet there is reason also to believe that the association 
of a solemnity of another kind, and for a difierent purpose, 
with the feast of the sun, so soon after its institution, had an 
important effect on the Correction, appointed for the latter at 
first ; and that though the founders of the "AX^ia, whosoever 
they were, having taken its date in the first instance from 
the primitive Athyr 17 of the time being, intended it to have 
been regulated by a cyclico-Julian calendar, the addition of 
the T\riTTo\4fi€ia, the very next year, led to the adoption of a 
Julian calendar, for the regulation of both in conjunction. 
The Julian principle, as we have often had occasion to ob- 
serve, was well understood among the Oreeks in general at 
this time. It could not, at least, have been unknown to the 
followers of Tlepolemus to Rhodes, from the Peloponnese, 
where a strictly Julian calendar had been instituted and 
brought into existence, sixty years at least before that migra- 
tion, in the shape of the Cronian or Olympic calendar of 
Pelops, the 22nd cycle of the proper leap-year of which co- 
incided with this year of the return from Troy, B.C. 1180, 
itself. 

We thus account for the fact, which has been already 
ascertained from the traditionary date of each of these cere- 



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CH. 2. 8. 7. The Bhodian TkrrnoXiiAua. 259 

monies in the lunar calendar of later times, that they mast 
have had a stated Julian date, the same mutatis mutandis^ 
both B. C. 542 and B. C. 382, August 25 ; the proper repre- 
sentative of which in the lunar calendar, from cycle i. I. of 
the old octaeteris downwards, was the lunar 24. It is mani- 
fest that of a simply Julian date this was possible, but of a 
cyclico-Julian date, except at stated times, it was not pos- 
sible. A given Julian date, in a simply Julian calendar, 
would be every year the same ; in a cyclico-Julian calendar 
only once in 120 years. There were five periods of 120 years, 
from B. C. 1181 to B. C. 581 ; and 39 years of a sixth, from 
B.O. 581 to B.C. 542. Though therefore the regular date 
of the 'AXcia and the TAf^iroXe/icta, B.C. 581, might have 
been August 25, as at first, B. C. 542, in a cyclico-Julian 
calendar it must have been August 15 ; and as transferred 
from such a Julian calendar at that time to the lunar, its 
date in the lunar correction, both B. C. 542 and ever after, 
must have been the 14th of the proper lunar month, not 
the 24th. 

The supposition therefore of a change in the nature of the 
Correction of the primitive calendar, made at first for the 
regulation of the "AAfia, in consequence of the association 
with it of the T\7\Tfo\iii€ia so soon after, is absolutely neces- 
sary, in order to account for the identity of the Julian date of 
the institution with itself ever after. And though it might 
perhaps have been expected a priori that, if both these ob- 
servances were subjected to a Julian calendar in common, 
the cycle of both would be a cycle of four years, (the proper 
cycle of the Julian leap-year,) that was no necessary conse- 
quence of the adoption of a Julian calendar. A Julian calen- 
dar was as proper for an annual as for a quadriennial ob- 
servance ; and we may add, if the date of the observance was 
to be always the same with itself, as indispensable. The tes- 
timony of some of the passages, produced above, is express 
that both the ""AXeca and the TATproX^/Acia of the Bhodians 
were annual ; and it is almost self-evident, from the nature 
of the case, that as a kind of parentalia to the memory of 
Tlepolemus, these latter must have been annual. The 
"AAcux must have been in course B. C. 542, when they were 
transferred to the lunar calendar, and attached to the 24th 

s 2 



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260 Rhodian "AXcio and TATyiroXeVf la. diss. vii. 

of the month in that ; yet the interval between B. C. 540 
and B. C. 172», is not measarable by the cycle of four years. 
We may presume then that each of these solemnities was 
annual, and had the same date in terms of the Julian calen* 
dar, from B.C. 1180 to B.C. 642 at least; August 25, in 
every year of the cycle as dated from B. C. 1180, except the 
fourth, which coincided with the first year of the proper Ju- 
lian cycle of the same kind ; in which consequently it would 
drof pro tempore from August 25 to August 24. 

Section VIII. — On the confirmation of the preceding conclu- 
sions by some general considerations. 

To these difierent arguments of the truth of the preceding 
conclusions, we may add some considerations of a more 
general nature, which nevertheless lead to the same infer- 
ences, i. The sun being the principal, if not the exclusive, 
object of worship in Rhodes^ and the ''AXeia the principal 
festival in the Rhodium calendar, it might have been ex- 
pected a priori that the stated time of this Rhodian solemnity 
in particular would be one of the cardinal points in the 
natural year ; and especially, if circumstances had allowed 
any room for preference, the vernal equinox, or the summer 
solstice. We can discover nothing in such a Julian date as 
that of August 25 to connect it beforehand with such an in- 
stitution as the "AAfta. If then there was a connection be- 
tween them de facto^ it must have been accidental in its 
origin; and we account for that coincidence in the most 
natural manner, if we resolve it simply into the prevailing 
rule of such cyclico- Julian corrections, along with such insti- 
tutions, whereby they were necessarily determined to the 
Julian term, which was coinciding at the time with the 17th 
of the primitive Athyr. 

ii. The stated date of this Rhodian solemnity in honour of 
the sun, August 25, in the sphere of Mazzaroth was only 
one or, at the utmost, two days later than the ingress of the 
sun into Virgo »», August 24, before B. C. 672, August 28, 
after. Moreover, in the astrological scheme of the decania 
of the sphere, the sun itself was the decan of Virgo «. We 
need not therefore be surprised that in the astrological divi- 

» See inpis, 205 n. b See our Fasti CathoUd, iii. 304. c ibid. iiL 485. 



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CH. 2. s. 8. Confirmation of the preceding Conclusions. 261 

•ion of the surface of the earth, which subjected every part 
of it to some proper planetary influence^ the island of Rhodes 
was assigned to Virgo, npoo-^fce^oin-ai b" avrfj (scil. t^ itapOivi^) 
X^poi, Karh }»kv tov^ Alyvmiovs kcu t6v A(dp66€ov, 'Pd5os koI 
KvKXddes V7J<roi^ — 

Virgine sub casta felix terraque manque 
Est Rhodos*. 

There can be little doubt that the astrological geography, 
in this particular, was influenced by the notorious fact that 
the "AAcui of the Rhodians^ and virtually the birthday of the 
island, were attached to the second or third of the Parthenon 
of Mazzaroth. 

iii. If the explanation which we have given of the name of 
*P<(8o9 is founded in truth, it must follow from it that no such 
name for the island could have been in existence before B. G. 
1181. What then was its name^ (if it had any^ at least,) 
older than B.C. 1181 7 The ancients have assigned it various 
names, both diflerent from this of 'PJdo;, and older too — 
TcXxir^ 'Oi^iotkro-a, Sroda^a, UeKayla, AWpaCa^ Asteria, Tri- 
nacria, Corymbia, Poeeessa, Atabjrria, and the like' : all 
which we may dismiss as nothing to the purpose, in answer 
to the present question. The true answer is ultimately sup- 
plied by the fact that, next to the Phoenicians and the 
Garians, the first settlers in Rhodes were Tlepolemus and his 
followers from Argos. The three cities which fable attributed 
to the three sons of Helius^ Lindus, lalysus, and Gameirus, 
were in reality founded by him. Nor is there anything in^ 
credible a priori in the fact which is mentioned by Strabo, 
that the names of these three cities were taken by Tlepolemus 
from those of three of the daughters of Danaus. The com- 
ing of Danaus to Argos was nearly 150 years older than the 
migration of Tlepolemus to Rhodes ; and tradition appears 
to have handed it down among the Greeks, that Danaus 
and his daughters, before their coming to Argos, had thought 
of settling in Rhodes; had landed at least at Rhodes, on 

d Hepluettio Thebanus. cf. Meunii ad Diodts. Perieg. 504: Aromian. Mar- 

Rhodns, iL cap. 2, Opp. iii. 687 D. ceUinus, xvii. 7. 137 : Chron. Arm. Lat. 

Phidiis, Iq Tetrabiblam. ii. 85. adann. 276. Jerome, in Chro- 

c Blanilioa, iv. 763. nico, ad ann. 276. Steph. de Urhibus, 

' Cf. Diodor. v. 58: Pliny. H. N. ?. in nomine. 
36: Strabo,ziT. a. 196 b: tSostatbius, 



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262 Bhodian "AXeia and TAf^iroX^/mcta. diss, vf i. 

their way to the Peloponnese, and had founded a temple 
there, on what was fafterwards the site of Lindus, in honour 
of the Egyptian Isis, and according to the tradition of poste- 
rity^ under the name of the Lindian Athena^: and that while 
they were there, three of them, according to Diodorus, died 
there, after which three, most probably, Tlepolemus called 
his three settlements. 

Now of the three original settlements of the Oreeks in 
Rhodes^ this of Lindus appears to have been the principal 
one. Strabo has described^^t more particularly than either 
of the other two ^ ; 'Eari HI irpdrri fikv ACvhos^ iirb rfji Tr6K€<os 
TtXiova-a;, €V bc^iq Ixovat rriv vrjaov, iroXis M opovs i^pvfjuimf, iroKv 
vpb? iJL€a7}fi^ptav ivaT€Cifov(Ta.,,,Upov bi i(rnv ^AOrfvas AufbCas 
airrSOi i'7n<l>aifh, r&v Aavatbtav tdfiVfiaK It is far from impro- 
bable therefore that it was the metropolis of the island in 
Tlepolemus' time; and the seat of his own residence. It was 
in the Acropolis of Lindus at least that the first sacrifice to 
Athena^ according to tradition, was ofiered by him and his 
followers. Lindus therefore having been the principal of the 
first three cities^ founded by the Greeks in the island, and 
the seat of the temple of Athena herself, (the oldest and most 
sacred of any in the island^ and almost anywhere else among 
the Greeks^) it would be nothing extraordinary that it should 
have given name to the island itself. A gloss occurs in 
Suidas, *P6bos' ^ 1^0-09, ryris koL ACv^s Ka\€iTai^, We may 
infer then that the most ancient name of the island was this 
of ACvlio^ — given it probably by the daughters of Danaus; 
though, as an older name than that of *P6^s, it would be 
quite sufiicient if it was due simply to the foundation of Lin- 
dus by Tlepolemus, twenty-five years at least before the in- 
troduction of the Cosmogonic Duad^ and the correction of 
the Primitive Calendar, B. C. 1181 — out of which the name 
of *F6bos for the island itself appears to have arisen. 

K Parian Chron. Epocha ix : Herod. k Cf. Heflychiua in A(y8of also, and 

ii. i8a : iii. 47: Schol. in Iliad. A. 41. the MS. gloss there quoted in the 

Aayml : Diodor. Sic. v. 58 : Strabo, notes : Aly^os . . . x«^po ^f '"j 'P^8^, ^ 

ziv. a. 198 b. iced rtjaos. If Lindas was the name of 

^ xiT. 2. 198 a. an island, it must have been that of 

* Cf. Ettstath. ad Iliad. B. 656. 3 ( 5. 1 .^ the island of Rhodes. 



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CB. 2. s 9. The Athena o/Lindus. 263 

Section IX. — On the Athena oflAndus^ and the local tradi- 
tion concerning the first sacrifice in Rhodes to the lAndian 
Athena. 

1* T6r€ Koi if>avarifipoTO£ 
lialfi»v 'Yirrpiovidat 
fieWo¥ ci^ctXcy (fnfXd^a' 
irBcu XP^^ irauriy <^tXois', 
mt i» Bt^ npSnw. Kritraup 
fi«»fjt6y €papy€a, Koi 
irw/ipop Bwriav Bifuyoi 
trarpi t« Bviibv uateutv K6pq, t ry- 
Xei/3pd/i^^ 

'Eirt fuof /SoiWt ri xal k,t.\. 

KoL roi y^p alBowras txovT€s 

4nr€pfA dptfiav <l>\oy6s oC' 

T€v(ap ft dtrvpots Upois 

Skiros €w wcpoirSkwi, tctipouri flip (op- 

6ap ayayt^p vc^^cXay 

nokvp if<n xpv<r6p, avra 

^ frxfHortp flSiracre r^xPfiv 

nacop emxBopUbP 

rXavKwiris apurTov6poLs x*P^^ Kpartlp, 

tpya dc (jfaoUrip ipfr6p- 

Ttaari Spoia KtktvBoi 

ift€pop, ^p d< jcXcoff 

fiaBv' daipTi dc Koi avt^ia 

fuiCnp S.do\oS T€kf0€l ^, 

ii. 'Airvpa hi m^xP* vvv ol ^F6diot Ovova-iv iit iKtCprj^ rrjs ipxrjs 
TJ 'AOrivq,,.. oi fAovoi H *Podioi iiriipois Upois xpQvroi ikXa Kal 
'AStivaioi'^ — *Aifbp(»$€lai ii roU 'HXuidats c^^cii; rbv^Hkiov, ori 
oliwts hv ^AOri»^ Swrwci vpQtoi vap iavrois l^vai rriv 6€6v, rb 
d' avrb dicurcu^^o-ai Kiy^rai rols r^i; '*AmKJ)i/ xaroucoOo-i. bih kqI 
i^cun roifs fiiv *H\uibas bih rriv (nrovHiv iirtkajBofUvovf iveyK€LV 
mp ivtdtlvat TrpoBvfiaTa' rbv b^ t6t€ /ScuriXciiiorra r&v ''AOtival^v 
KiKpova M Tov mpbi Bvaai i<n€pov* hidistp ifKMX hwiiivuv fi^i 
rev vQv ri Korh riiv Ovtriav lbu>v tv rfj *Pd5^, icoi rifv 6€hv iv avrfi 
KoBijbpfMa^, ittpX pip aiv tQv ipxcuokoyovpAv^p vapa *PohCois 
oSrm Ttvis pwBoXoyownv^ iv ols ^ort xoi Zqv^v 6 to, Tt€pi ravrris 
4nfPTa(6§A€Pos ^— Koi Ovovaw ifbri rfj 'AOrivq d^fioi bOo M bvolv 
ixpontiKtiAVf 'AdrpfOAOi koX 'Podioi, yr) fcoi OaXiLm)^ Kal ipOpo^irot 

i Pindar, Olymp. tu. 71. <" Ibid. 82. ^ Scholia cetera, ad yers. 86. 

o Diodor. Sic. v. 56. 



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264 Rhodian ''AXeia and TKr)ifoK4ix€ux. diss. vii. 

yriy€V€hy ol fi€v iirvpa Upa Koi ir^krj, 6 b^ ^Adrjvri<n b^fAOS irvp 
l\€t, K<u KvC<r<ras UpSv <'. 

i. The preceding fable, curious as it is^ and hitherto un- 
explained, was evidently invented to account for a seeming 
inconsistency between the reason of things and the matter 
of fact; viz. that the recognition of the divinity of Athena 
was as old in Rhodes as in Attica, and yet that Attica, not 
Rhodes, was sacred to her. And it answers this purpose by 
explaining that, through an accidental oversight on the part 
of the Rhodians, the Athenians were the first, if not to re- 
cognise the divinity of the goddess, yet to acknowledge it, 
and to do honour to it, by the first complete and perfect 
sacrifice. 

ii. Some things in the preceding accounts may be set aside 
at once ; as, for instance, the supposed coincidence of this 
contest between the people of Attica and the people of Rhodes, 
which should be the first to do honour to Athena, with the 
time of the HeliadsB at Rhodes and that of Eecrops in At- 
tica. The contest between Athena and Posidon for the pos- 
session of Attica was dated in the time of Kecrops too 9; 
and that is sufficient to explain why this contest between 
Rhodes and Attica for the possession of Athena herself should 
have been dated in his time also. Not to mention that the 
Heliadse, supposed to have been his contemporaries and his 
competitors in this contest, were the first race of men, ac- 
cording to the Rhodian tradition, which occupied Rhodes 
after the Flood, and Eecrops, according to the Attic tradi- 
tion, was the link of connection between the world before 
and the world after the Flood ^. 

iii. The remainder of the fable in substance amounts to 
this : That the recognition of the divinity of Athena after 
her birth took place in Rhodes as soon as in Attica, but that 
the first proper act of religious homage to the new-born god- 
dess, owing to an accidental mistake, was later in Rhodes 
than in Attica; and therefore Attica, not Rhodes, became 
thenceforward the peculiar country of Athena. And for thus 
much of the fable, there is no reason why we may not sup- 

P Philostratus. Icones, ii. 823 B. 'A&ri»as To¥aL 
n Seo supra, Vol. iv. 111 sqq. r Ibid. ia6- 



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OH. 2. 8. 9. The Athena of JAndue. 266 

pose there was some foundation in the matter of fact ; for 
the distinction itself, that Attica and not Rhodes both was 
and had been from the first the favoured country of Athena, 
is certain : and the fable does no more than assign a reason, 
in its own way, for that distinction. 

IT. In order then to the explanation of this^ historical 
foundation ; the first thing necessary is the date of the colony 
to Rhodes under Tlepolemus. Tlepolemus was one of the 
heroes of Troy ; and we have often had occasion to remark 
that the age of Homer's heroes, in the last year of the war, 
was more or less the same (with some few exceptions), viz. 
from 40 to 55. The Trojan expedition began to be set on 
foot B.C. 1200 ; but actuaUy set sail only in B.C. 1190 : and 
Tlepolemus must have been settled at Rhodes considerably 
before that time at least. Let us assume then that he was 
not more than fifty-five in the last year of the siege, B. G. 
1181, when he was killed by Sarpedon, nor than forty-five in 
the first, B. G. 1190 : and consequently that he was bom 
about B.G. 1235. 

There is no allusion to Hercules his father, as still alive, 
when he was obliged to retire from his native country after 
the death of Likymnius; and Hercules, as we hope to see 
hereafter, must have been born about B. C. 1260, and must 
have died about B. C. 1208 or 1209. It must therefore 
have been later than B. C. 1208. It is clear too from the 
same account that he himself was arrived at man's estate 
before the same event, and therefore that it could scarcely 
have happened before he was 20 or 30 years of age. It 
is clear also that there were grandsons as well as sons of 
Hercules, already grown up, at the time of the event ; and 
there could not have been grandsons as well as sons of Her- 
cules, arrived at man's estate, (i. e. twenty years of age at 
least,) in less than 50 or 60 years after his own birth, B. C. 
1260 : on which principle, the actual date of the migration of 
Tlepolemus from Argos to Rhodes could not have been earlier 
than B.G. 1205 or 1206: but it might have been about that 
time, when Tlepolemus himself must have been 30 years of 
age, i. e. old enough to take the lead of a colony to a distant 
quarter ; and sixteen years before the commencement of the 
siege of Troy, B.C. 1190, when he would be only forty-six : 



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266 Bhodian ""AXfia and TAiproAc/xcui. diss. vii. 

by which time too the colony planted in Rhodes might 
already have taken root, and increased in numbers so fisur as 
to be able to send out a contingent to the assistance of the 
rest of the Greeks before Troy. 

y. Now though the Athena of the Oreeks^ as the same with 
the ^OyKoSa of Cadmus, must have been as old among them 
as the coming of Cadmus, and as the same with the Isis of 
the daughters of Danaus must have been as old as the 
coming of Danaus*, and as the same with the Neith of 
Erichthonius must have been as old as the coming of Erich- 
thonius ; yet as the daughter of Zeus, as the TpiToy4v€ia or 
TpLToy€vriSy adopted into the family of the Olympic gods and 
goddesses, she could not have been older * than B. C. 1260, 
even in Crete; and in reality not even there much older 
than B. C. 1206 — the date of the (rvi^ouio-pid; of Athens, and 

* The best explanation of the tradition that the worship of the Grecian 
Athena was introduced into lindus, and the oldest temple to her was 
founded there, by Danaus, and the first sacrifice was offered to her there 
by the daughters of Danaus, would be the fact that Danaus and his 
daughters, on their way from Egypt to Greece, stopped at Rhodes, and 
possibly intended at first to have settled there : for if they brought the 
Isia with them from Egypt, they must have brought the Egyptian Isis 
also, and would introduce her worship into Rhodes as much as into the 
Peloponnese. This tradition is clearly recognised in the Parian Chronicle, 
Epocha iz : and in Diodorus, v. 58 : Karh dc tovtovs tow xP^^^vt ^cwabs 
cd^trycp e( Alyvnrov furii Bvyaripmv' Karawktvaas dc rrjs *PodiOff th Acvdov, 
Kol wpoadtx'^^s vir^ r&v ryx«piW, Idpvattro rjjt' AOrfvat Up^p, Koi t6 fytkpa 
r^s Btov KoBupwrtp, That there was an ancient statue of Athena at Lindus, 
attributed to Danaus, appears from an epigram of Callimachus, restored 
by Bentley as follows : 

OC^oi iKfXfuos tpyov iv^oow aXX* ctrt rtBpov 
drjwaiov yka^vt^ cf^oor fi<r6a aravis, 

&dr yiip lipvovro Otovs t6t€* koI yiip *A^in;r 
€V AMUp ^apo/bs kLov ^BrfKitp tdof, 

Epigr. cv. vol. i. 478. 

That the Egyptians were aware of a close connection between this lindian 
Athena and their own Neith or Isis, may be inferred firom what Herodotus 
relates of the Thorax dedicated to her there by Amasis : ii. 182 : iii. 47. 
Tradition adds that some of the daughters of Danaus were the first priest- 
esses of this Athena at Lindus ; and that three of them (as we have seen) 
died and were buried at Lindus, before the rest with their father migrated 
to Argos. 

• Supra, Vol. iv. 137 Bqq. 



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CH. 2. B. 9. The Athena oflAndm. 267 

of the institation of the Panathensea of Theseus. Let ua 
therefore be aUowed to assume that the recognition of the 
Hellenic Athena^ in this capacity, in Crete, the avvoiKifr^^ of 
Athens and the Panathenaic institution of Theseus, and the 
migration of the colony under Tlepolemus from the Pelo- 
ponnese to Rhodes, all took place about the same time — the 
two latter very possibly in the same year, B. G. 1206, the 
former not long before that year. We should have in these 
assumptions every thing necessary to account for the fable 
relating to the contest in the recognition of the divinity of 
Athena between Attica and Rhodes, which must have been 
invented sometime or other afterwards ; and why, with little 
difference in the actual time of the recognition^ the palm of 
priority in it nevertheless was to be assigned to Attica. 

For it has been seen from the history of the Panathenaic 
institution itself ^ that it was known and believed that the 
birthday of the HeUenic Athena herself was that of the 
Egyptian Isis-Sothis, the heliacal rising of Sirius^; pro- 
perly indeed for the latitude of Heliopolis or Memphis in 
Egypt — but still the heliacal rising of Sirius. The heliacal 
rising of a given star, as astronomers are aware, is a pheno- 
menon which must vary for different latitudes ; so that a dif- 
ference of 1^ and a little more in excess or defect in latitude 
may be generally assumed to make a difference of one day in 
excess or defect, in the date of a given phenomenon of this 
kind K And the latitude of Lindus in Rhodes having been 
seven or eight degrees more to the north than that of Heli- 
opolis in Egypt, the stated date of that kind for the latitude 
of Heliopolis would be seven days later for that of Lindus. 
On this principle the stated date of the heliacal rising of 
Sirius being July 20 for the latitude of Memphis, it would 
be July 27 for that of Lindus *. 

* There was but little difference between the latitude of lindus in 
Rhodes, and that of the city so called, in after-times ; and the Greek 
astionomers themselves (Hipparchue and Geminus) recognise this differ- 
ence of seven days between the heliacal rising of Sirius for the latitude of 
Memphis, and that of Rhodes, respectively, the difference of July 20 and 
37. See our Fasti Cathotici, iii. 17. 

* Vol. iv. 52 sqq. i 129 sqq. v Cf. Ibid. 129, 

X See oar Futi Catholid, iii. 69 n. 



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268 Rhodian ''AK^ta and Tkr]Tro\4^€uu diss. vii. 

Here then is the secret of the difference between the first 
recognition of the new-bom Athena^ at Athens in Attica, 
and at Lindus in Rhodes, respectively. Both took place, or 
were supposed to have done so^ on the birthday of the god- 
dess herself^ the heliacal rising of Sirius ; but the former on 
the date of the rising for the latitude of Heliopolis, the latter 
on the date of the rising for the latitude of Lindus : the 
former consequently seven days before the latter. The first 
sacrifice to Athena at Athens was performed on July 20, the 
first at Lindus on July 27 ; the former on the stated date of 
the heliacal rising for the latitude of Heliopolis, the latter on 
the same day for the latitude of Lindus ; the former conse- 
quently more truly on the birthday of Athena herself^ if 
she came originally firom Egypt — the latter more truly on 
the birthday of a Lindian Athena, of one who was bom in 
Rhodes and not in Egypt. The difference in time between 
the two acts of recognition — between the performance of 
the first sacrifice to the new-born goddess in the citadel of 
Athens and in that of Lindus respectively — was itapa ^uKpoif 
even in this case ; and so it is supposed by the fable itself to 
have been : but slight as it was, it made a difference of seven 
days between the recognition of the new-born goddess at 
Athens and at Lindus respectively. And Athena having 
thus been publicly recognised as the goddess of Athens 
seven days before she had yet been so as the goddess of 
Lindus ; Athens in return must already have been acknow- 
ledged by her as the city of Athena, seven days before Lin- 
dus could possibly have been so *. 

* The fable indeed seemed to resolve the precedence assigned to Attica, 
not into the prior recognition of her divinity, but into the nature of the 
first sacrifice offered to her, after her birth, in either case-^hat the one 
was perfect of its kind, the other was not; the difference between them 
consisting in this, that the sacrifice in Attica was a burnt-offering, that in 
Rhodes was not. But that this could not have been the true explanation 
of the resulting effect, may be inferred from what the scholiast on tbe 
same place of the ode of Pindar tells us ; viz. that tbe absence of fire in the 
sacrifices to Athena was not more characteristic of her ritual in Rhodes than 
at Athens. If these Hnntpa Upii denoted simply such offerings as were 
made without the shedding of blood, (vegetable offerings rather than ani- 
mal,) it is far from improbable that such was the character of the service 
appointed for the Egyptian Isis, (or any object of worship the same with 



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CH. 2. s. lo. T€Axir€9 ofKhodian Mythology. 269 

Section X. — On the T^kyjivts of Rhodian mythology. 

i. Toiavny ^ iarXv iv Toiy kSyois tovtoh iroiKikla, t&v fikv roh$ 
cArohs T0i9 Kovfnjtn roi/s Kopipavras kqI Kaptlpovi Kal ^IbaCov^ 
Aatcrvkovi Koi T€k\ivas iito(paiv6vTav' r&v bi (Tvyy^vM AAA?}- 
Xwi'^ kclL ixiKpAs Tivas airrQv irpo? 2\Ai}\ot;( dia<^op^9 dtaorcA^ 
Xo/ifWi/y — Oi h^ TckxCvtav iv *Po8y ivv4a SvT<av tous *P^a 
(rvvoKokovOria'avTas €ls KprJTr}V, Kci rhv ACa KovpoTpoif>ri(Tairras, 
Kovfnjras dvoiioaOfjvai* KopAfiavra bi roirtav iralpov ^UpoinjTvris 
Svra KrCarqv k, t. A.* — 'EkoAcito 8' rj *P6bos trpSrcpov ^Ocptovaa-a 
Kol Arabia, flra T^Axii'iJ, airb tw oUriaivTaiv TekxCpoiv rriv 
VTJaov ots oi ii€i; PcutkAvov^ (paai koX ydtfras, 6ti<^ KarappaCvov- 
ras rb ttjs arvybs W«p, (diav re Kal (pvr&v SkiOpov \ipiv* ol bi 
riyjfois biatfUpovras rohvavriov virb r&v ivTirixvav PaaKovBrj vai, 
fcoi TrJ9 bv<r<l>riixla9 rvx^iv ratJnjy ik$€iv b* tK Kprjrris eh Kvirpov 
vp&rov, €tr €& *P6boV mpirovs 8' ipyitraa-Qai aibripSv re icat 
XoXkov kclI Hi Kol rriv ipTrqv tw Kp<$VG> dr^jitovpy^o-ai « — 'EicAiy^ 
bi iroT€, ifHXirXVy "^O^iovo-a, tlra T^kyjiui^, bih tovv ^*f KpTynyy 
T^k^lvas olK^fToirras iK€lj ivbpai yorfra^ ical fiacrKivovs. KaCroi 
TUfis ixdrriv bv(T(fiTip,r]$r]vai toiHtovs <f>a(TC' Paa-KavOfjvai yhp pMkkov 
vno T&v ivTiTixyiav avrovy, ipC<rTovs virip^avras ipyiras xakKov 
Kol (rMipovj o\ Kci Trfv ipmr)v r^ KpSvif^ ibriiJLioi)yrj<Tav^ — And as 
we may add, the Trident of Posidon — 

H &£ TonpvTttrra lUyat Btos oCp€a BtLvtav 
Aopt rpiyXaxipt, t6 ol TtX^ivts crcv^v, 
in^<rov£ WvaXiOff Wpydfcro ^ — 

iL Ttjv bi inj<Tov TTiv ivopjaCoyAvr\v *F6bov ttpmoi Kan^Kriirav ol 
vpo<rayop€v6pL€Voi Ttkxives. oCroi b* ijo-or viol fiiv &akiearjs, 
&s 6 ixvOos vapoJbibiAK€* jjvOokoyovvToi bi /Acrct Ka0€^9 rrj^ 
•*ilK!€cufm) Ovyarpbs jic^p^^at Hofr^tJb&va, *Fia9 airols Trapafcara- 
09iUinj9 rb pp44>09, y€V€<r$ai V avrohs koI t€xv&v riv&v evperas^ 
jrcd iAAa rw eb rbv fitov XPl^^'^^ €l<njyi/i<ra(r6ai rols ivdp^Trois, 

Ib8, 4M1I7 under a difimnt name,) every where — owing to the same com- 
mon conviction, that nothing was lees becoming the great mother of all 
Uring beinge — animal as well as vegetable — than the shedding of blood. 
Tlie tme explanation of the distinction is no doubt that which we have 
aatigned, in the dates of these first sacrifices ; July ao and July 27 
respectively. 

f Strabo, z. 3. 355 a. s Ibid. 365 a. • Ibid. ziv. 3. 196 b. 

^ Bnstatbiitt, ad Dionyi. Perieg. 504. « Callimachns, in Delum, 30. 



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270 Rhodian ''AAcia and T\rjTroK4ti€ia. diss, vii . 

iyikfiaTi re OiQp itp&roi KaTcurKtvia-curdai \4yoPTMy Kal rwa rCiv 
ip\aUiv <i<f>td^fAaraiv iif iKtlvtAV iiroivofiia-Sai. vapa fiiv yhp 
Awblot^ 'Air<$AAtt>i;a TcK)(l^^^^ TrpocayopevSrjvai^ iraph b^ 'loAv- 
(rCois "Hpav koX viyLt^MS TeAxw'fas, i:aph h\ Kaixetpevaiv "Hpau 
TeXxivlav. Kiyovrai V oiroi koX yorjre^ yeyovdvai^ Kci irapi- 
y€iv, Stc povKoiVTo^ vi<f>ri re ical Spfipov^ koI x9\dC^^t 6pjoiuii 
h^ KoX \i6va i<t^iKK€(r6ai ... dAAdrreiv b^ Koi rhs IbCas fAopf^dv, 
Kot ttvai <f>6ov€povs iv r^ hihao-KoXlq, tQv t€\v&v^ — Xp6v<f V 
fiarcpov itpoaL(T6opivovi toi^s TeAxii^as rov pAkKovra yiif€<r6ai 
KaroKkva'phv iKKiirclv riiv vrjcov koI buKnraprjvai. Aukov d' ^k 
Toimav^^ TTOpaycvopLfvov €ls riiv Avkuiv, 'AirdAAoiroy AvkIov Up6v 
ldpv(T(ia-$ai itapa rov EivBov iroTapiSv. rov bk KaTaKXvafwv y^vo- 
^ivov Toifs filv oAAovs buKl>6aprjvai k,t, A. ^ 

iii. 'EKkrjOri bi irort (^ 2iKi;a>i;) koX Te^xivia, bih ri Tois 
^boixivovs TeKxivas koI airoOi oUrjiraiS — ^^On b^ iK tov toiovtov 
OiKyfiv ol T€Axu'C9> brikoviTW oi iroAaioi, irap oh koX 0€\yiv€s 
ol airrol Kiyovrcu. tv yovv prfropiK^ Ae^tictp Kara otoix^wj^ 
irpoCovTi ypi(t>€Tai 0€\ylv€S, y6rf€Sj ^apyuOLKoL — ©cAyiws^' ol 
T^\}(jLV€Sy yorjTcs iravovpyoi <f>apfiaK€VTaC — TeAxiv^J^' irovripoi 
balpMvcs, <l>Oov€po\f pduTKOvoi — Ral iK rov rotot/rov OiKyav «cal 
TeAxti'as, i? koL iv ^Obvacrelq, ippiOrj, irXdrrovinv ol pivSoi, balfJLO* 
1*6.9 rivas KaKonoiovSy kcu ovk ^Tri icaAtp Bikyovras^ — 0€Ay64™ ... 
^EvofiCbris b^ 6 TCL OcXa yp&y^as kol tovs Tekyjivas irviiokoyriiras 
cJtt^v bn &€kyuf€9 Jjaav — T^ky^Cv " • oi piSvov 6 l(rxyp viikp iv- 
Optoirov ixfi^v pnapbs Koi xaKovpyos, AAAa koX tov9 vvv KprJTa^, koI 
Trfv Kprjrrjv T€k\ivCav kiyovai.,. kiyovrai bk TcAxtvcs oi if>Oov€pol 
Koi TTOvripol Kal fiiaKavoi balpiov€S, irapa to Oikyia to iiMOVpQ koI 
<tkotCC(o, @€kylvis Tiv€s SvT€S, ff TTapoL t6 Oikytiv KoX dirarov rohs 
ivOpti-novs — ^TcAxtvcs*^* piaKOVoi, yrfrjrcs, <f>6ov€pol, rj irapa riiv 
Ttj^iVy rj Ttapa to Oikyeiv — MvAasP* ets tQv TeAx^wwr, 65 ra iv. 
KofACtJpo) Upa MvkavT€Uav ibpvaaro — Tikxavos^ (TekxCvtos)' i 
Zeis Ttapa Kpi(rli^ (KpriaCv) — Kal fj Kpi^rri TfkxivCa ikiycTO, icol 

' JDiod. Sic. ▼. 55. V Eastathias, ad Iliad. B. 571. 291. 

« Cf. Uesychiu8, A6kos . . . «ral ^Js «8. cf. Steph. Byi. in TcAx^f. 

rStp TeXx^yuy, Also Nonnus, Diony- h ibid, ad Odyss. A. 54. 1391. ii. 

riaca, xiv. 36-39, where the names of * Ilesychius. 

three are enumerated, ACkos K4kfus ^ Photii Lex. cf. Suidas in voce. 

Ao^o^crc^t. See also the Schol. ad > £u8tathiiu,ad IUad.N.435.941. 2. 

Apollon. Rhod. i. 1136 K^A^ut in <° Etym. Ma^n. 

Nonnus, supra, page 266, note, was n Ibid. 

Xxd/ifiis in Callimachus. o Hesychius. 

t Diod. ▼. 56. p Ibid. 1 Ibid. 



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CH. 2. 8. lo. T€kxiV€s of Rhodian Mythology. 271 

oi Kfnjfr€9 TcAxiycff' — "lytnirfs^' oCto)? &vofiji{ovTo ol /uicto tovs 
T€\xjafas ^iroim/o-avrc; rriv *P6bov — Tprjs' (Bpo^ olKfja-av r^r 'Po- 
boVf iv6€V xal Vvrjrts ol Way€V€ls- kiy^Tai b^ fAcri tov i "'lyi/iyrcs* 

(fcoXcirai 6' oih-6>9, sc. fd^, ^ ^<lAo<r<ro.)^ — '"Avralt] haiii<dv^' tj 
*P€o ovroD A^yeraft, diJri ivavrla toIs T€X\i(nv iyivero — Kal fid- 
Xurra 6 irtKpo; Aav«r£a9 TfAxti'Off fjv fxoi fiaaKaCviav ^apVTepo^l, 

iv. Ka2 'A^Tyyas ^v Tev/xTycro-cp TeAx'^^^^ ^(ttLv Uphv^ iyaX^jia 
ovK i\ov' is Vk rriv iTtUkria-iv avrrjs iarlv c^jcci^cii^ &s Tav iv 
Kvvpif^ TTori oUrjaivTOiV TeXxCvcov arf}iK0iJL4vrj fwlpa is Boudtovs 
Upov ibpvaaro 'AOrivas TfXxivCas^ — ^Ams (son of Phoroneus) 
...ovoixia-as i<l> kavrov Trfv UeKoTrovvrjaov ^Airiav, virb &€\(ioros 
Kol T€X.\wos iiTiPovKevOels, iirais iitiOavt^ icoi vQp.i<T6€\s 6w 
ikktiBri SapaTTiv^ — TeAxu/ey iK'n€<T6vT€S W€Ko-novvri(Tov 'PrfSoy 
i!^Kj\fTav vTJaov rriv KoKovpAirqi; ^Ofpiovaaav^ — Telchines victi 
Rhodum condideriint^ quse prius Ophiussa vocabatur^ — Tel- 
chines ... Rhodum insulam quae Ophiussa antea Tocabatur, 
quasi tutam possessionem ceperunt^ — Ante annos conditse 
urbis MLXX (B. C. 1823) Telchines et Carpathii pervicax prae- 
lium adversus Phoroneum...gesserunt ^ And sometime after 
that^ their migration to Rhodes, 80 years before the flood of 
Ogyges* — Telchines et Caryatae adversum Phoroneum et 
Parrhasios instituunt bellum^. 

V. Ac'yci 6^ 6 Fecoypii^o; koi Sti T€X\iv€s ivvia iv 'PoSy t^ 
^Piq avvaKo\ovOT^<ravT€s els KprjrqVy koI ACa KOvpoTpo(l>ri<ravT€s, 
KovpfjTts ivofjidaOria'av. iroXis d^ 6 irept TcAxiVci)!/ AJyos koI 
itapb. ?roAAot9. cio-l yhp di koL Kprffras airrovs <l>aaij kcu QeXylvas 
6vofiji{ov(Ti nrapa to 64\y€iv^ koL yorjras etvaC <l>a(rL Kal <l>apiiaK€lSf 
Kol hvo yhfri avT&v ctvaLf r6 pJkv fiavavaov koI \€ipoivaKTiK6vy t6 
a XvpMvrrjpiov Tmf KoX&Vy ijyovv t&v €vp.6p<l>(i)V. Koi ol p,iv Ba- 
Kiaaris ircubas airovs clvaij ol b^ iK riav tov "^AKTaCtavos kvv&v 

' Steph. Byz. T^Xx^s. * Apollodorus, Biblioth. li. i. i . 

■ Hesychins. ^ Syncellus, 282. 3 : £uBebiu8,ChroD. 
t Steph. Bys. rvrjs. It seems to be Arm. Lat ad ann. 276. 

a contraction for rnytpiiSy Tr^r. '^ Jerome, Tbes. Temp, ad ann. 276. 

^ Clemens Alex. Strom. ▼. viiL § 48. ^ Orosius, i. 7. 

pi«.35lii- • Ibid. p. 45. 

■ ApoUon. Rhod. i. 1141, and the f Euseb. Chron. Arm. Lat. ii. 83. ad 
Scholia. ann. 229, in the 19th of Phoroneus, 

y Alkiphron, Epp. L xii. p. 19. loi i years before Olym. i. i, i.e. B.C. 

" Pan&anias, ix. zix. 1. 1787. cf. Syncellns, 238. 12. 



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272 Rhodian ''AAeia and TAfyiroX/jieia. diss. vii. 

IJL€rafjLop(P<a$7Jvai €ls ivOp<iiTovs' tovto bk, bia to iypCfas fx€Uf, m 
Kol tAv6€V€(r6at cKri'ttTovs i<l>Uv(u, km -noj'fipiov hoK€iv Ix^iv ip <^ 
pCCas kvkQvt€S i<piptia<r(rov yoi/rct/riKws. ^varCOtroi tk avrols kcH 
^ KaTaarK€vii rrjs Korh t6v Kpdvov ipitrfSy jj top Ttaripa Ovpavitf 
tvifovxi(r€. Kol iyaXiiaTOTrodav bk €vpfw ^b6Kovv koL fi^roXXa, Kai 
ipL((>Cpi,oi ttvai, Kol l^aXAoi tois fiop(f>aL9, m ^/x^^cpciv r^ fiiv 
baCpxxri Th bk ivOpd-noi^ to. b€ IxOvai tcl bi oif>€<Ti, pLvOos bi k(u 
ix^ipas ivlovs aitr&v ttvai, kcX imoba^^ koX iLvifX€aov t&v daim$- 
\<av bippjaTa i^fiv KQTh x^^as. fjaav bk, <^a<ri, Kal ykavK<^vol kcU 
p€\ai;6(ppv€S, oi bk tMirres rpcts avrois €ivai 6v6paTa koiiCCovo-w 
avroi9 xpvcriv koI ipyvpov koI xoKkov, 6p<avvpL(as vAjy ^v iKoaros 
€ip€. KaTop,ppf]6ivT€^ bkf (paalv, vnb Aios rj To^tvOivres inrb 
'"AirSKkoiifos &\ovTo. lorop^tTai bk kcX tf 'Podos Aw avT&v TcAx*- 
via Ka\€ur6ai. ^ bk irapoi/xca Tohs (f>0ov€pois kqI \lfoy€pov9 TeAxi- 
vas ... KoAci. ^TrjaCxppos bk^ (jxjurl, tcls Krjpas Kot Tas a-KOTtiatit 
T€k-)(iLvas Trpo(T7iy6piV(r€ 8 — 

Phcebeamque RhodoD et lalysios Telchinas, 
Quorum oculos ipso vitiantes omnia viau 
Jupiter exosus firatemis subdidit undis ^. 

It might well be observed by Eustathius that the singular 
race of beings^ described in the preceding accounts^ had been 
an object of much curiosity, and had given occasion to many 
conjectures. The substance of those explanations however^ 
we may presume, is contained in these statements ; and as- 
suming that to have been the case, we shall proceed to make 
some remarks upon them. 

i. Though these Telchines appear to have been more 
closely connected in the apprehension of antiquity with the 
island of Rhodes, than with any other quarter ; yet it must 
be evident from these accounts that they were not supposed 
to have been confined to Rhodes. They are recognised as 
some time or other inhabitants of Crete, of Cyprus^ of the 
Peloponnese, and of Boeotia, before their first appearance in 
Rhodes; from which it may be inferred that the light in 
which they were most generally regarded must have been 
that of the representatives, in some sense or other, of a 
former race of beings, which in the order of time and place 

f Eustathius ad Iliad. I. 535. 771- 5^. 
^ Ovid, Metam. vii. 365. cf. Lartantius, ad Thebaid. ii. 274- 



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CH. 2. 8. lo. TcXxtwy ofRhodian Mythology. 273 

had preceded any other, known to have afterwards occu- 
pied the same parts of the earth; and in that respect 
resembling the Pelasgi of Greek tradition, and the Abori- 
gines of Italian. 

ii. Some particulars in these accounts may be set aside ; 
such, for instance, as profess to assign these Telchines a time, 
and to define both the cause and the date of their migration 
to Khodes^ from any other quarter: as, for example, from 
the Peloponnese^ in consequence of their war with Phoro- 
neus. We may set aside also those accounts which made 
them contemporaries of Kronos and Rhea, and the same with 
the Corybantes and the Curetes. All this was easy to be 
imagined, especially after the rise of the national fable in 
Rhodes^ analogous to that in Crete, and that in Cyprus. 
The Cretan origin of this addition to the traditionary account 
of the Telchines is plainly implied in the course which it 
took, to bring them into Rhodes ; supposing them to have 
migrated first of all from Crete, with Rhea^ to Cyprus, and 
then from Cyprus to Rhodes. These two fables, the Cretan 
of Cronos and Uhea, and the Cypriot one of Aphrodite and 
Adonis, were synchronous in their origin / and the Rhodian 
one of Helius and Rhodes, though later than both, was 
connected with each, especially with the latter. And as 
the eflfect of this circumstantial addition to the history of 
the Telchines was merely to connect both the national 
fable of Cyprus and that of Rhodes with the Cretan one of 
the same kind, we may presume such was the end intended 
by it ; and consequently that it was most probably invented 
in Crete. 

iii. But even after allowance has been made for such addi- 
tions as these, certain particulars, attested more or less by 
all the preceding accounts, will still remain, for distrusting 
which, as professing to be the real traditionary representa- 
tion of these Telchines, and the real opinion and belief of an- 
tiquity concerning them, no good reason, so far as we know, 
is discoverable. And these we shall proceed to state. 

i. These Telchines, though an extraordinary race of men, 
and one which at first sight might be taken for something 
different from human, were after all a particular class of the 
same kind of beings in general, which were known or supposed 

KAL. HELL. VOL. V. T 



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274 Bhodiaii *AAeia and Thrnokififia. diss. vii. 

to have lived aod died on the face of the earth ; differing 
from all others in that respect only in the order of time — ^in 
having preceded the rest, and having disappeared to make 
way for the rest — ^in the occupation of the same parts of the 
earth, ii. The origin of these Telchines was not different 
from that of the rest of mankind. The rest of mankind, in 
the common belief of antiquity^ came into existence out of 
chaos, out of the sea, out of water ; and so did these Tel- 
chines, for these too were the children of the sea. iii. These 
Telchines, in respect to their disposition, i.e. their moral con- 
stitution, agreed with the rest of mankind, in being neither 
absolutely good, nor yet unmixedly evil; but partly the one 
and partly the other, yet with a bias to evil rather than good: 
a bias which in their case shewed itself in an inclination to 
do evil to other things without provocation ; and particularly 
in a certain antipathy to the youug and beautiful, which im- 
pelled them to seek their destruction, iv. These Telchines 
were eminently distinguished by their ingenuity and their 
powers of invention. They were the discoverers of the handi- 
craft and mechanical arts, especially the art of metallurgy, 
the working in gold, silver, or brass ; and not only of the 
necessary or useful arts, but of the elegant and ornamental 
— such for instance as the art of the sculptor — the practice 
of which too was attributed to them. v. These Telchines 
disappeared at last, not in the ordinary manner in which one 
race of men after another disappears from the face of the 
earth, but through an express interposition of the gods, to 
whom for some reason or other they had become obnoxious ; 
i. e. either through the arrows of Apollo, or through a deluge, 
vi. These Telchines were nine in number: for that appears to 
have been the genuine tradition concerning them, and not that 
they were merely three, the number simply of those among 
them who were supposed to have discovered the art of working 
in the hard metals, gold, silver, and brass, and each to have 
derived his name in particular from one of these subjects of 
their art in common. 

Laying therefore these different intimations together, we 
can come only to one conclusion ; viz. that if this traditionary 
order of beings represented any actual race of mankind, it 
must have been one which had once an actual existence on 



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ca. :2. 8. 1 o. TcAxiy^s of Bhodian Mythology. 275 

the face of the earth, and yet had some time or other, and for 
some reason or other, been all swept away by the waters of 
a deluge. That is, though an actual race of the former in- 
habitants of the earth, it was an antediluvian one. 

Now^ as the readers of Scripture must be aware, there 
were two classes of the antediluvian possessors of the earth, 
which had a common origin indeed, and yet from the first 
were discriminated and kept distinct; the descendants of Adam 
through Cain^ and the descendants of Adam through Seth. 
Of these the latter had still their representatives in the post- 
diluvian worlds but the former had passed away with the 
deluge. The question however is. Whether the memory of 
this one of the two great divisions of mankind before the 
deluge^ passed away with them also ? or Whether the succes- 
sors of the other division^ the surviving representatives of the 
antediluvian world, still retained the recollection at least of 
the other great branch of the human family, which had 
divided the possession of the earth with their own progeni- 
tors, down to the flood ? for if they did^ then, as every one 
must admit, it might be expected a priori we should find it 
embodied in some of the traditions of the postdiluvian world; 
more or less different from the truth indeed, yet retaining 
the general features and outlines of the truth. 

And this in our opinion is the true explanation of this 
Rhodian fable of the Telchines. It is the traditionary his- 
tory of the antediluvian race of mankind^ in that one of its 
principal divisions, which we have learnt from Scripture to 
discriminate as the line of Cain, in contradistinction to that 
of Seth. The intelligent reader, as soon as this clue is put 
into his hands, cannot fail to perceive how competent it is to 
explain the above accounts in their most important circum- 
stances, and to reduce these Telchines from a merely ima- 
ginary and impossible class of beings^ to a real and historical 
one^ differing from any other at present only in the circum- 
stance of their having lived before the flood. 

In the first place, with respect to the origin of these Tel- 
chines, it is consistent with the Scriptural account of the origin 
of mankind, that even these Telchines, in the opinion of anti- 
quity, came into existence out of the sea; that being the 
Scriptural account of the state of the earth, as nothing but a 

T 2 



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276 Bhodian ''AAeia and ^XrjiroXipkfia. diss. vii. 

sea, before the creation of the first man. Secondly, with 
respect to the moral character and disposition of these Tel- 
chines; the first act of bloodshed, the first violent taking 
away of life, the first murder among mankind, was the doing 
of Cain, the founder, as we are supposing, of the line of the 
Telchines; and the subject of his violence was Abel, his 
younger brother, and his motive to it, as we collect it from 
Scripture, was envy and jealousy of his brother. It is 
scarcely conceivable that the first instance of homicide, and 
under such remarkable circumstances as these, would not be 
long remembered in the antediluvian world ; and would not 
even survive the flood : in which case the memory of Cain, 
and of the descendants of Cain, it is easy to see, might go 
down to posterity in the postdiluvian world, stamped with 
the peculiar mark which this tradition appears to have 
handed down as characteristic of the Telchines, that of a 
natural feeling of ill-will towards the koXoI, or ^vfwpffMi, to 
which the young and virtuous Abel had fallen a victim in the 
first instance. 

Thirdly, though these Telchines were really a particular 
race of men, yet in some of the preceding accounts they ap- 
pear to be represented as a kind of baCfioves, an order of 
beings between gods and men. And if tradition had pre- 
served in the postdiluvian world any recollection of those 
giants of Scripture, or those men of renown, the ofl^spring of 
angels and the daughters of men, before the flood, it would 
not be extraordinary to find the Telchines of this postdiluvian 
tradition identified with them, in some of the accounts re- 
lating to them. 

Fourthly, tradition appears to have uniformly attributed 
to these Telchines a peculiar talent for the mechanical arts 
and inventions. They were eminently a yivos pdvav(rov, and 
X€ip^vaKTiK6v. In particular, it seems to have been remem- 
bered concerning them everywhere, that they taught men 
the use of the metals, and the art of working in the metals. 
Now this must do much to identify them with the descend- 
ants of Gain, of whom Scripture, mutatis mutandis^ has re- 
corded the same things ; that these too were the invoitors of 
the useful arts, and of the elegant, as well as the useful ; 
that one was the father of those who dwelt in tents, the in- 



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CH. 2. 8. lo. T€k)(iv€^ ofRhodian Mythology, 277 

ventor^ i. e. of everything necessary to the Nomadic Life ; 
another was the father of those who handled the harp and 
the organ, i. e. the inventor of musical instruments ; another 
was the instructor of every artificer in brass and iron, and by 
parity of reason, we may presume, in gold and silver — the 
most characteristic and the best authenticated fact in the 
traditionary history of the Telchines also — ^from which it does 
not seem possible to draw any other conclusion, than that 
these Telchines and the descendants of Cain, as both the 
authors of the very same mechanical arts and inventions, must 
have been the same. 

Fifthly, these Telchines were nine in number ; and the 
number of the antediluvian patriarchs, in the line of Gain, 
according to Scripture '\ was nine also, including Gain him- 
self; Gain, Enoch, Irad, Mehujael, Methusael, Lamech, Jubal, 
Tubal, and Tubal-cain. Sixthly, these Telchines perished at 
last all at once, through an express interposition of the gods, 
the instrument of which was a deluge : and so did the de- 
scendants of Cain, in the antediluvian worlds, by the waters 
of the flood. 

Lastly, the name of T€kx^v€s, applied by tradition to this 
peculiar race, may be shewn to confirm our explanation ; 
and, on etymological principles, to denote neither more nor 
less than the descendants of Cain. For, i. the name itself is 
evidently a compound one; the two elements of which are 
TcX and x^^9 forming together Tckxlv in the singular, and 
TcAxu^ff in the plural, ii. It is evident that neither the word 
80 compounded, nor the elements of which it is composed, 
are Greek ; and therefore that both must have been imported 
into the Greek language from some other, iii. In the He- 
brew or Phoenician (on the opposite coast to Rhodes), Tel was 
the word for Dew in English, hp^a-os in Greek ; and bp6<ros in 
OredL was used metaphorically for the young of any animal. 
In Homer iiptniy which means the same thing as bpofrosy is 
regularly applied to the young of the sheep ; and by iBschy- 
ins bp6ac9 is applied to the young of all animals indiscrimi- 
nately. And though it must be admitted that Tel is not 
found so applied, at least in the Bible ; yet in the cognate 
language of Syria Teleh was actually used for a child or an 

*■ Geneais iv. 17-22. 



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278 Rkodian "AAeia and TKriiroXifieia. diss. vii. 

infant ^ : and the same word must have passed into Greek, in 
much the same sense, in the form of TaAi9, a young woman ; 
instances of which occur in the classical writers themselves — 

Tfj9 ficXXoyd/Ltov 
raXtdo9 ^ — 

on which the Scholiast ; ToAis A^yercu irop' AtoAcwtv 17 dvo- 

fiaa-Ofuri nvi ir6fx(f>ri. Ka\KC^ULX09' 

Avriira rrjv raXiv ncuSl avp dfi<f>tBciK€i °^ — 

T<tAts"* fi ix€\\6yayi09 irapOivoSy koX KaTtovoiiaa-fiipr) tivL oi ^ 

yvvauca ya^frriv' ol bk vvfi<lnjv. When we consider at what an 

early age young women were given in marriage in Greece^ 

we shall be convinced that there could not have been much 

difference between to^ls in the sense of a young girl, and 

ToXis in the sense of a bride : and the Talitha cumi of the 

Gospel History ° shews, in like manner^ that while Talitha 

(i. e. Teleh or Tel) was actually a vernacular term in the 

Hebrew^ as much as in the Syriac, of our Saviour's time, it 

was commonly so applied to a girl of eleven or twelve years 

of age. 

The first element of this compound word then was Tel, in 

the sense of child or son. With respect to the other, Kin^ it 

is evidently the Scriptural name of Cain itself, in the Hebrew, 

simply written without points; — y^p, in pronunciation. Kin, 

^n Greek characters, KIN. It is no objection that the K, in 

the actual compound form of the word in Greek, became X ; 

for it must have been just as allowable to change the K in 

TekKlv, into X in TcAxu/, as the X in Xp6voSy into K in Kpdvosj as 

the name of Kp6vos—or, as Aristophanes has done, to change 

Xtos into Kcios — 

Ov Xlog oXXck Kccor P. 

Nor could any one, who thought of deriving TtAxiP from 
OcAyiv, (as many of the grammarians of antiquity did,) object 
to this substitution of T^Axii' for TcAkii*. Meanwhile it con- 
firms this derivation, that the i in Kin, as the name of Gain, was 
naturally long in the Hebrew, and the i in Kii^, in Greek, in the 
last syllable of this word, was long also. The true explana- 
tion of the word therefore, as resolved into both its elements, 
and taking its meaning from each alike, is that of the chil- 

k Sec Gesenios in voce. 1 Sophocles, Antigone, ^28 m Fragm. cox. 

» Hesychius. o Mark v. 41 . cf. Luke viii. 54. p Ranc, 97a 



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CH. 2. 8. 10. TeAxu'^^ ^f Rhodian Mythology. 279 

DREN of Cain. This word TcAxti'c; is neither more nor less 
than a patronymic, equivalent to Kaci;cdai — so to say; the 
lineal descendants of the Gain of Scripture. 

From these various coincidences therefore it may reason- 
ably be inferred that if the Telchines of Rhodian mythology, 
represented, characterized, and denominated as they are, de- 
noted an actual race of men, it must have been the descend- 
ants of Cain, between the Creation and the Flood. It may 
consequently be justly contended that this singular fable^ in- 
explicable as it has hitherto been considered, was founded at 
bottom in truth ; and contained a real meanings eminently 
calculated to illustrate the Scriptural account of the common 
origin botli of the antediluvian and of the postdiluvian family 
of mankind. Nor is it more extraordinary per se^ or less to 
have been expected a priori, that the existence and name of 
the posterity of the first man, through this one of his de- 
scendants, should have been preserved by a genuine post- 
diluvian tradition, than the memory and name of the first 
man himself, the Adam of Scripture : which nevertheless was 
the case, as we hope to see on a future opportunity. 

With respect to the quarter from which such a tradition 
as this may best be supposed to have got admission into the 
island of Rhodes ; though in strictness we are not bound to 
answer that further question, (which has nothing to do with 
the fact of the tradition itself,) yet, as the name of the Tel- 
chines so evidently came from the opposite coast of Phoenicia, 
we should be of opinion, that the traditions connected with it 
came from the same quarter also : and in that case, through 
the Phoenician settlers in the island, to whom, as the first of 
the number, we had occasion to allude before^. And al- 
though, from the proximity of Phoenicia to Judsea, and the 
intercourse which there must have been between the Phoe- 
nicians and the people of Israel, it might be conjectured that 
these traditions, even among the Phoenicians, were to be 
oltimately traced to the Hebrew Scriptures; yet in reality 
they differed too much in their circumstances from the 
Scriptural account of the same things, to allow us to sup- 
pose they could have been derived from Revelation, through 
the Jews. They must be regarded as the antediluvian history 

1 Supra, 232 n. 



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280 Bhodian "Ak^ia ami TAi^oX^^ia. dibs. vii. 

perpetuated, in some maniier or other, without the light of 
Scripture ; and yet agreeably to the written accounts of the 
same things in Scripture, in substance at least — and there- 
fore very proper to be appealed to, not indeed in confirmation 
of Scripture, which requires no confirmation beyond itself, 
but to illustrate it, and to shew, by a remarkable case in 
point, that between the genuine tradition of primitive anti- 
quity, and the simple historical narrative of Scripture, there 
never was, nor ever will be, any contradiction. 

Section XI. — On the 'HAiibai of Bhodian Mythology, 

1* BXocrrc fUv c{ aK6£ vypas 

vatros, c^cc re fiiv o- 
(ccay 6 y€v«B\ios ojctivoov nar^p, 
nvp irvt6vr<dv dpx^s ttnrtov, 
IvBa '?6^ wort fuxOtU 

rara pwifutr cVi irpoTfp»v 

atfBp&v ir<tpad€i<ifi€VQvs 

iraidas, iw cic fiiv Kdfj^ipov 

rrp€tr&vTaT6p re *Io- 

Xvcroy trtKtv, /iiv^ov r . mrartpBt 8* *x°*'» 

hih yaUuf Tpixa dao*- 

crofAcvoi, warpmatf 

doTwnv fioipop' KMkktfVTOi dc oifiuf cdpai '. 

ii. *HXfov KCii 'Podov iyivovro Traidcs C'» 'coi dvyirtip '"HKtuTpv- 
4iii^" — TpCvoKiv vcurov^' iKyovoi hi *HA6>v, i^ &v oi v6km ivo- 
IkiffB^aav^ Aivtos, '"Irikwrbs, Kdfi€tpos9 vdSb€9 Kcpicd^ou rot) *HXlov 
KoX KybCmrris rfjs ^Oxiliov Ovyarpos. AfSv/uios bi ^<n ical Ttraprriv 
eZpoi voKw, rifv vvv 'Axaitav KakovyAvriv — ILlffl ik oi 'HA£ov kvrh 
iraiSc; oSror R€pK«u^os, 'Aicrls, Maiccv>cv9, Tct^dyi;;, Tpioviys:, 4^a- 
iOni^v 6 v^drtpo^/OxiiMs" — ^UKlav KoX^Vohov (oir^ yap air^v 
*EX\6»LKos KoXtl) ima iraib€s ytvovTai^'^OxHios, Rcpjccu^s, ' Aicii$, 
MoKopeifs, KdvbaXos, TpiSmis^ ^a^6»v 6 vcciraro;, hv ol iv r^ 
r^cTtt) dvopkiCova-i Tei/dyiyy. ircpi M rmv 6vofiiT<ov airr&v bub^fiptnh 
(Tiv, ov v6vT€S yip <l>a<n tovs avrovs^— ToO bi R<pic(i^ov Ati^9, 
'Ii/Avo-os, KijjLtipos * — 

iii. Mcra bi rovs Ttkxwas ol *HAuldai iivStvovrai xara^ccy 
Tfip vfiffoVf &v ivu)i, K€pKi4>ov Kci KvbCimris ytvinBox vaUbas row 
ra^ ir<$Af 19 terfffovras iv&ivifjLovs avr&v 

' Pindar, Olymp. vii. 127. » Schol. reten, ad vers. 14. t Ibid, ad 34. 
▼^ Ibid, ad vera. 131. " Ad vera. 135. * Ibid, 



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CH. 2. 8. II. 'HKiibai of Rhodian Mythology, 281 

Aipdoy, *lq\vair6» t«, km apyivdttrra Kdfutpov y — 
Tip ik 7tpoppri$4vTa Alvhov fcai tovs airov ddc\<^irv oi;ra) yci^coXo- 
ycwnv ol vaXaioi' *HXibv kcu *F6bov iru^if^s vio9 lLipKa<f>0Sy ov koL 
Avaimnis A&do9, 'liyAvad;^ Kci Kdfictpo;' — Quartus (sol) is^ quein 
heroicis temporibus Acantho Rhodi peperisse dicitur^ (pa- 
ter) laljsi Camiri et Lindi ^ — Quartus lalysi pater^ quern 
Bhodi peperit heroicis temporibas Acantho ^ — "Hkiov bk Kara 
fdkv rbv fwOop ipa&Oivra rrj^ 'F6bov, ic\r. A. €tvai be roifs hnh 
vUjvs ''0\iiwp, K4pKa4>op^ Mdicopa, 'Aktivo, TfviyriVf Tpidvav, koX 
KivbaXoVj Ovyaripa bi \dav '^HKtKTpvSvrjv <^. 

It thus appears that in the recognition of a race^ which 
came next to the Telchines in antiquity and in the pos- 
session of Bhodes^ in their descent from the sun, and in 
their number, tradition even before the time of Pindar must 
have been uniform. And though to these seven sons of 
''HAios> some of these accounts add a daughter also^ called 
'Hk^KTpviipri, there is no proof that this daughter was known 
to Pindar. And though the number also of these *HAi<idat in 
some of the same accounts is increased to ten, by the addi- 
tion of three sons of one of them, whom they call K4pKa<po9 ; 
this is so- clearly for the sake of the three earliest settlements 
of the Greeks in Rhodes, Lindus, lalysus, and Cameirus, in 
order to derive these too from the HeUadse — that we need 
not hesitate to set it down to the invention of later times. 
This part of the fable is contradicted by the testimony of 
Homer; who knew of no founder of those three cities but 
TIepolemus and his followers from Argos. 

The names of these Heliadse also, as something independ- 
ent of their number, we are told by the scholiast on Pindar, 
were so differently represented, that none can be supposed to 
liave been handed down by any genuine and authentic tra- 
dition ; like that which perpetuated the fact of their common 
detcoit from the sun, and of their common relation to the 
islmnd of Rhodes, as its first and oldest inhabitants next to 
the Telchines, and that of their number. The fictitious 
character of some of these names is betrayed by their ety- 
mon itself ; for instance, that of Ttviyris, from rivayos, palus 

f Stnbo, xir. i, 196, 197. z Eostathius, ad Iliad. B. 655. 315. 26. 

* Cioero, De Natura Deorum, iii. ai, 54. b Arnobius, iv. 135. 

c DiodoruB, v. 56. 



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282 Bhodian "AActa and TkrjTrokiiieia. diss. vii. 

a marsh ; implying that this Tiviyrjs was merely the per- 
sonification of the superficial state of the island itself — as it 
was left by the waters of the deluge : and likewise that of * Aicri9| 
the Greek for a sunbeam, which being personified also might 
well have been supposed the name of one of these children of 
the sun. And to this "AktW Diodorus Sic. ^ and Stephanus 
Byz.e attributed the foundation of Heliopolis in Egypt, that 
is, of the city of the sun; under the very natural presumption 
that the city of the sun could have had no founder so pro- 
perly as 'Aktij, the sunbeam, the son of the sun. 

It would seem then that in this Bhodian fable relating to 
the HeliaddB, nothing can be depended upon, as expressive of 
the genuine tradition of antiquity concerning them, except 
these three things : i. That they were next to the Telchines 
in the order of time, and in the. possession of the island of 
Bhodes. ii. That they were the children of the Cosmogonic 
Duad of the island, Helius and Bhodus. iii. That they were 
seven in number. The inference from the first of these facts 
is obvious. That as the Telchines represented the antediluvian 
race which inhabited Bhodes before the flood, so must these 
Heliadse have represented its postdiluvian occupants and 
possessors. The deluge was the boundary between the two. 
The existence of the Telchines was terminated at theFlood,that 
of the Heliadse began immediately after it. With respect to 
the second ; that this first race of the postdiluvian possessors 
of the island should have been represented as the children of 
Helius and Bhodus, the two principles of the Cosmogonic 
Duad of Bhodes, was simply in unison with the assumptions 
and doctrines of this cosmogony itself — according to which 
everything in the island, both animate and inanimate^ lanst 
derive its existence from the sun and the pomegranate«power 
in conjunction. 

But with respect to their number, and why it should have 
been handed down from the first as neither more nor less 
than seven ; it is difScult to account for it satisfactorily on 
any principle of explanation but one, that of the Hebdomadal 
division of Time, and the connection between that division, 
and not only the first but the second beginning of things, 

•J V. 57. « In voce, 'HXioviroXtf. 



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CH. 2. 8. 1 1. 'HAiddai o/Rhodian Mythology, 283 

the second natale mundi^ as well aa the first. It was well 
known and long remembered even in the postdiluvian worlds 
that the present system of things was brought into being in 
the seven days of the Heptaemeron, and that the Natale 
Mundi of the world before the flood, April 25, was the feria 
prima of the first Hebdomadal cycle ^: and it might have been 
equally well remembered, that the second Natale Mundi, the 
day of the descent from the ark, in the year after the Deluge^ 
was the feria prima of the Hebdomadal cycle also. The date 
of that day. May 16, was still remembered, as late as the 
time of Erichthonius and the institution of his Athenaea s ; 
and it is just as probable that this character of the day, its 
place and order in the first Hebdomadal cycle in the second 
decursus of mundane time, which so strikingly identified the 
second Natale Mundi with the firsts would be long remem- 
bered also. The fact at least is certain, that May 16 was the 
feria prima, A. M. 1658, B. C. 2347, as much as April 25, 
A.M. 1, B.C. 4004^. It is also observable that this day. 
May 16, the day of the descent from the ark, was the 8th of 
the moon, which was new the same year on May 9 ; and 
the first week of hebdomadal time, dated from the second 
beginning of things, and the second lunar quarter, dated 
from the same epoch, were so far the same. It is far from 
improbable that this fact too might have been perpetuated 
by tradition in the postdiluvian world, as much as that of 
the full moon of the deluge ; proof of which we saw supra \ 
And as these seven Heliadae of the Rhodian fable were as 
much the children of the moon as of the sun, this renders it 
only so much the more probable that they were the type 
and impersonation of the first week of solar time in the sense 
of hebdomadal, and the first week of lunar, from the first 
quarter to the full, of the second system of things — from 
May 16, the day of the descent from the ark, to May 23. 
The reader however will judge of this explanation for him- 
self. If true, it is important in many respects ; and espe- 
cially as recognising both the Hebdomadal cycle in general, 

t See our Fasti Catholici, iv. 368- g See Vol. iv. 92. 1 28. 

383. Cf. also our Origines Kal. Ital. h See our Fasti Catholici, ii. 1 72. 

Prolegomena, lizzi-zcviiL * Supra 1 59. 



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284 Calendar of the Argonautica. diss. vii. 

and that of the Heptaemeron^ and that of the second begin- 
ning of things^ in particular *. 



CHAPTER III. 

On the Chronology of the Argonautica of Apollo7iius Rhodius, 
and the testimony to the Calendar of Rhodes, rendered by it. 



Section I. — On the interest attaching to the Argonautica, 
as one of the few surviving Epic Poems of classical anti- 
quity. 

Among the numerous epic poems^ (all later in their com- 
position than the Iliad and the Odyssey,) which once existed 
in the Greek language, and contributed^ each in its turn, to 
the delight of contemporary readers, the Argonautica of 

* It is however to be observed that, forasmuch as the Hellenic branch 
of the human family, in the postdiluvian world, was certainly descended 
from Japheth, and the name of Japheth in connection with the well known 
fable of Prometheus, Pandora, and Epimetheus, was always preserved among 
the Greeks in the form of 'loirrro^ ; this circumstance of the number of 
the'HXiadai in particular, after all, may have been founded on the fact that 
the children of Japheth also, as we learn from the Hebrew Scripture, 
Gen. X. 3, I Chron. i. 5, were seven in number; though the o in both these 
places adds one more, which does not appear in the Hebrew, nor in the 
Samaritan, vis. that of Elisa; in the Hebrew a son of Javan, and a grand- 
son of Japheth. The Heliadse, as the representatives of the postdiluvian, 
in contradistinction to the antediluvian, race of men in general, might have 
been purposely represented as seven in number, because the sons of 
Japheth were seven also. 

It is observable also that, as among these sons of Japheth, Javan appears 
to have been more especially the father of the Greeks, and his name too 
was perpetuated among them in that of 'Io«y or^lmp, so, if we adopt the 
reading of the o' — and of the Samaritan, at Gen. x. 4, and that of the Hebrew 
itself, I Chron. i. 7 — the name of the fourth of the sons of Javan was 
Rodanim, and according to the o, the *Podtoi or Rhodians were descended 
from him. But this is a very uncertain point. The true reading of this 
name was more probably that of the Hebrew Vulgate, Dodanim — reflected, 
in the Hellenic tradition itself, in the very ancient name of Dodona. 



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CH. 3. 8. h. Calendar of the Argonautica. 285 

ApoUonias Rhodius is almost the only one which has de- 
scended to posterity. And this consideration ought to give 
it a pecaliar interest, as being at present the sole surviving 
specimen of a very numerous class of productions, all belong- 
ing to the noblest order of poetry, and all written in imita- 
tion and even in emulation of the Iliad and the Odyssey ; so 
that in the contest of excellence in the highest walk of genius, 
there is scarcely one of his countrymen now left to dispute 
the palm with Homer, except Apollonius. Time has removed 
every other competitor, between the author of the Iliad and 
the author of the Argonautica; and Proximus huic may 
literally be said of the latter, relatively to Homer, from his 
chronological position alone. 

And yet though no one could think of setting the Argo- 
nautica on a par with the Iliad or the Odyssey, the second rank 
at least, among the poems which have anywhere aspired at ex- 
cellence in the most exalted department of their art, may be 
assigned it. The judgment of his contemporaries placed the 
author in his lifetime in that constellation of genius to which 
they gave the name of the Poetical Pleiad — Theocritus, 
Nicander,Callimachns, Homerus Tragicns, Aratus,Lycophron, 
and Apollonius ; and it is no slight testimony to the intrinsic 
worth, and to the numerous beauties, of the Argonautica, that 
Virgil, the most judicious imitator among the Romans of the 
Greek poets, has borrowed more freely fron^ this poem than 
from any other of classical antiquity, so far as we know, ex- 
cept the Iliad and the Odyssey. The conception of his Dido, 
and the description of the passion of love, which interest our 
feelings so much in his fourth book, were copied from the 
Medea of Apollonius ; and there are many passages of the 
^neid besides, confessedly imitated from the Argonautica, 
of which a fair and impartial comparison would show that, 
with all the advantage of second thoughts, Virgil has not 
surpassed Apollonius, nor by the beauty of the imitation made 
up in the copy for the defect of originality. 



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286 Calendar of the Argonautica. diss. vii. 

Section IT. — On the Chronology of the Argonautica in par- 
ticular^ and the point of view in which it is proposed to 
regard it. 

There is reason at least to believe that no epic poem of 
antiquity was ever written with greater attention to the rules 
of art, (those especially which Aristotle laid down and ex- 
plained in his Poetica, before the time of ApoUonius,) than the 
Argoaautica. It is agreed that the first effort of the author 
on this subject^ (whether because it was made at too early an 
age, before the powers of his genius had yet been fully de- 
veloped or his judgment had attained to its maturity, or 
from whatsoever cause,) proved so signal a failure^ and ex- 
posed him to so much raillery from his contemporaries, aud 
even his own master, Callimachus, as to drive him from 
Alexandria into seclusion ^, until he should have written his 
unfortunate poem over again. And it is agreed also^ that in 
this attempt at an amended production, he succeeded to the 
utmost of his desire; and the second hho<ris, as it was called, 
was received with as much applause, as the first had been 
with ridicule. Longinus himself admits that Apollonius is 
Sirra>ro9^ ; and though he never soars to the height of Horner^ 
yet neither does he fall so low, as Homer sometimes does. 
The characteristic excellence of the Argonautica is a well 
sustained dignity, which never sinks below the just standard 
of elevation proper for the epic, though it seldom rises 
above it. 

To enter however on the critical consideration of the poem 
would be altogether foreign to our proper purpose. We will 
observe only, that a composition so artificially constructed as 
this is allowed to have been, and so attentive to historical as 
well as poetical propriety in all other respects, could never 
have been regardless of chronology. It is the chronology of 
the Argonautica which we propose to investigate — to bring to 
light, and to illustrate, if possible— at present. The chronologi- 
cal beauties of the poem, (if we may give the name of beauty 
to the perfection of its chronology,) the nicety, minuteness, 
and consistency of its chronological details, have hitherto 

k Vita. I De Sublimitate, sect, xxxiii. 



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CH. 3. 8. a, 3. Chronology of the Argonautica. 287 

escaped the observation of its editors and commentators; and 
that is the desideratum which we hope to supply in the re- 
mainder of this Dissertation, the subject of which is the 
calendar of the ancient Bhodes, as closely connected with 
that of the Argonautica. For it is agreed that the poem^ 
which we possess at present, under this title, the second 
production of the author himself, was written at Khodes; 
and that being the case, if he made use of any calendar 
at the time, and adjusted the details and circumstances 
of the action accordingly, it is naturally to be supposed 
it must have been that of the island where he was com- 
posing his poem^ the island which adopted him among its 
citizens, and the style of which, as the Bhodian^ he him- 
self assumed in preference to that of his birthplace^ Alexan- 
dria. This very natural presumption turns out to be true; 
and the business of this concluding chapter of the present 
Dissertation will be the proof and illustration of its truth. 

Section III. — On the length of time taken up by the Action of 

the Argonauticuy and on the two classes of notes of time 

discoverable in it. 

The action of the Argonautica is purposely so contrived as 
to extend over the space of one lunar year ; and so exactly^ 
that it ends only the day before it began ; i. e. on the very 
last day of this one year. The proofs of this assertion will 
appear as we proceed : at present it may suffice simply to state 
the fact. It is further observable that the action has been 
purposely distributed into two parts ; one comprehending so 
much of the whole as belonged to the interval between the 
departure from Thessaly and the arrival at Colchis; the 
other, so much as was comprised between the arrival at Col- 
chis and the return to Thessaly again ; the first two books 
being devoted to the former, and the last two to the latter. 

Kow, in the entire poem, thus divided, two classes of notes 
of time are discoverable, which have hitherto escaped the ob- 
servation of the commentators upon it ; one of them derived 
from the solar Parapegmata of the time of the author^ the 
other from the lunar. Each of these is as important to the 
proof of the conclusion which we have in view, as the other ; 
and (what is the strongest proof of the truth and reality of 



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288 (7a^d^ar o/ /A€ Argonautica. diss. vii. 

each) though liable in themselves to have run one into the 
other, and indiscriminately mixed in the body of the poem 
as they are, they are kept distinct — they are never con- 
founded — they can be traced and considered separately, and 
they are found to be consistent, and to confirm each other. 
In order to obtain the first insight into the chronological 
structure of the poem, we will be-gin with the former. 

Section IV. — On the Solar Calendar of the Argonautica. 
i. First Criterion. 

The first criterion of this kind is the length of the summer 
quarter, the interval between the summer solstice and the 
autumnal equinox, recognised in the poem, compared with 
that of the Parapegmata of the time. In the Parapegma of 
Meton and Euctemon this interval was one of 92 days. The 
stated date of the summer solstice in that calendar was June 
27, and that of the autumnal equinox was September 27 ™, 
between which the interval was just 92 days. 

Now, the voyage of the Argonauts being supposed to have 
begun on the morning of the first day ^, and the course of 
the navigation being followed day by day °, and the length of 
time spent at Lemnos P only being left out of sight — their 
arrival at Samothrace, and their initiation in the mysteries 
there % are seen to have taken place on the evening of the 
eighth day. And this date being assumed as a fixed point ; 
if the succession of days and nights is followed thencefor- 
ward by means of the notices supplied in the Poem itself, 
(which are as minute and circumstantial as the necessity 
of the case can require,) down to the arrival in the river 
Phasis f, this will be found to have taken place on the even- 
ing of the 91st day; i. e. having left Samothrace on the 
morning of the 9th day, the Argonauts came to an anchor 
in the Phasis at Colchis on the evening of the 99th day ; so 
that the morning after their arrival (the morning specified 
in so many words in the last line of the second book) was 
the 92nd from the morning after the initiation at Samo- 
thrace. And this 92nd day being the regular interval be- 
tween the summer solstice and the autumnal equinox, in the 

™ See Vol. i. 461. ^ i. 519. * 519-910. 

p 607-910. q 910-921. r i. 92i-iL 1289. 



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ctf. 3. 8. 4. Solar Calendar of the Argonautica. 289 

parapegmata of the time, and certainly in that of Meton, 
Eactemon, and Gallippus ; every one must allow it to be a 
Tery probable inference from this coincidence, that the Chro- 
nology of the Poem was purposely so contrived that the day 
of the departure from Samothrace should be the summer 
solstice^ and the day of the arrival in the Phasis^ reckoned 
from the morning after, (the arrival itself having taken place 
in the evening,) be the day before the autumnal equinox ; and 
the length of the voyage from Samothrace to Golchis, be the 
length of the summer quarter — from the summer solstice to 
the autumnal equinox. 

ii. Second Criterion. 

The second criterion of the same kind, supplied by the 
Poem, is still more significant, and more decisive, than this 
first. 

The date of the arrival at Samothrace, as before, being 
assumed as a fixed point, and the voyage from that quarter — 
thus supposed to have begun on the 9th day of the action — 
being followed, as before, from day to day^, the arrival in the 
country of Phineus, over against Bithynia, 

(which the Scholiast understands of Salmydessus, on the 
Thradan or European side of the Pontus,) is determined to 
the 26th day from Samothrace, the 84th of the action. Two 
days after this, including the day of the arrival, are clearly 
recognised as spent with Phineus, from morning until night ▼ ; 
and on the tkirdy when the Ai^onauts should have resumed 
their voyage, the Etesian winds set in : 

*Hpt y rr^o-uu aSpat Mxpoop, tu r a»h iraaap 
ycuav 6fA&s roijdc Al6s nv^U/wrw avayKQ '. 

And by this impediment to their further progress, it is sup- 
posed they were detained forty days longer ; all the time at 
least for which these winds were continuing to blow: and 
that, according to ApoUonius himself, could not have been 
less than forty days. 

Toio y liajTi, 
yauof ^t^x^'v^ irrfcuu cVe Ai^r a^pai 
^funu rtavap^ovra J. 

• L 911— ii. 177. * ii. 177. ' ii. 175-306 : 307-450: 45»-^99- 

* ii. 500. ef. 502-519. ^ ii. 526. cf. Vol. ii. 582. 

KAL. BBLL. VOL. V. U 



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290 Calendar of the Argooaatica. diss. yii. 

On these suppositions the Etesians set in on the morning of 
the 28th day from Samothrace, and lasted untU the morning 
of the 68th, when they must be supposed to have ceased, 
and the voyage to have been renewed >. - 

Let us reckon then 28 days from June 26. They bring us 
to July 24 ; which, on this principle, should be the date of the 
Etesian winds. In the Apparentiae of Ptolemy ^, opposite to 
Epiphi 29, there is an entry, Evbolio irqalai itviownv^ i. e. 
flare incipiunt — and this, reckoned by the rule of Ptolemy \ 
would be July 24. There is another, opposite to Thoth 4, 
KaXX(7nr^...^Ti7(r^ai Ttaiovrai, — and that too denoting Sept. 2, 
it will imply that Gallippus also must have dated their com- 
mencement 40 days before, July 24. This entry in Ptolemy 
too, being intended for the parallel of 15 hours, would suit 
that of Salmydessus in Thrace, little different from that of 
Constantinople, where the length of the longest day is ex- 
actly 15 hours. On the 5th of Thoth, (Sept. 3,) for the same 
parallel, he has KcJ/^oivt krr\<rlai, k-fjyavaLy for the parallel of 15 
hours also ; which is only one day later than Callippus^ date 
of the cessation, and implies the commencement only one day 
later too, July 25. 

In the calendar of Oeminus<^, there is an entry, Parthenon 
5, KaXi7rir<^...^r J7<r£tu Trv4ov<n, in which the necessity of the 
case requires us to read Xifyovo-t, not irreovirt— and that too 
understood of the last morning, for which they continued still 
to blow, would agree to Ptolemy's date of September 2. On 
the common assumption that the duration of these winds, 
whensoever they began, and whensoever they ended, was 40 
days, Callippus' date for their termination, Sept. 2, must 
imply that his date for their beginning was July 24. And as 
this natural phenomenon, stated as it was itself, was still sup- 
posed to be only the consequence of another, the Heliacal 
rising of the dog-star ; if the date of the Etesise was supposed 
to be July 24, it will be thereby implied that the date of the 
Heliacal rising of Sirius was either July 24 also, or July 23, 
the day before. Accordingly, though we have in G^minusS 
MirtavL Kii^v iitlr^KKii k&os, opposite to Karkinon 25, July 21, 
we have also, EiicTritJLovi ici<av ^Trtr^AXci, opposite to Karkinon 

■ "• 5.W-570- ' Uranologium. 

*> See our Origines Kalendarie Italics, iv. 165. « Uranologium. 



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CH.3- 8* 4* Solar Calendar of the Argonautica. 291 

27, July 28 : and the same for Eudozus also — Evd<{£<|) k6<»v 
i&os firiTcAAci. 

Now if ApoUouius dated the Etesise July 24, there is no 
reason why he may not be supposed to have dated the rising 
q[ Sirius July 23 ; and if he really dated the former July 24^ 
he must have dated the latter either the same day^ or the day 
before. It is sufScient for our purpose however, and in il- 
lustration of the solar calendar by which he probably reck- 
oned, in this instance, as that of Euctemon or Callippus, that 
he dated the Etesian winds on the 28th day of the voyage 
from Samothrace — which being assumed to have begun on 
the day of the summer solstice, June 27, is actually deter- 
mined in that case to the 24th of July, the stated date of the 
Etesiffi, according to Euctemon and Callippus. 

iii. Third Criterion. 

There is a third criterion of the same kind, as clear and 
decisive as either of the preceding, yet distinct from both. 

The course of the voyage^ from the shores of Phineus^ 
being followed as before day by day; on the 20th day^ after 
leaving Salmydessus^ the Argonauts landed on the island of 
Mars<i^ the vrjao^ dprynas^ inhabited by the birds with feathers 
of iron. That is^ the day of the departure from Salmydessus 
being assumed as the 68th from Samothrace, that of this 
arrival at the island of Mars was the 87th : and the departure 
from Samothrace being dated June 27, and the departure 
from Salmydessus September 2 ; that of this arrival at the 
island of Mars must have been September 21. 

Now it is at this point of time^ and directly after the land- 
ing of the Argonauts on this island, that the narrative passes 
to the account of the.voyage of the sons of Phrixus, Argus 
and his companions ^ from Colchis to Orchomenus in Oreece: 
on which it is supposed they had only just set out when they 
were shipwrecked on this island. The circumstance to which 
attention should be directed in the history of this adventure 
is. That they are supposed to have been sailing on the mom- 

^ n. 533-1091. *Apt^9nfiffot, Cf. ftlso Uyginus, Fabb. 

• u. 1033. cf. Geognphi Min. iii. xx. StymphalideB, pag. 56 : zzz. p. 73. 

The Epitome of the Descriptio Ponti De Laboribua Hercalhi. 

Bnxini of Airian, pag. 13 : Affrtj if ' ii. 1092. cf. 384-393. 
'Apifri^t if^ffos A^crcu "Aptos, f/roi 

U 3 



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292 Calendar of the ArgontLuHcti. Di8t«vii. 

ing of the same day on which the Ai^nauts landed on the 
island ; and to have encountered the storm, by which they 
were wrecked at last, towards the close of the day, and to 
have been cast on the island in the conrse of the night, or 
the next morning : so that, if the Argonauts landed on the 
island on the morning of September 21, these sons of Phrixus 
must have been cast upon it on the morning of September 
22. This appears very clearly from the summary account 
of their adventures, which Argus himself gives to iBetes in 
Colchis, at the first interview between him and Jason, only 
four days afterwards s. 

AlriTTf, Ktltnfv fi49f Sx^ap hux'tvav SkWai 
(axpfl^U' aifrovt d* tm6 hcvpaxn mfmfviras 
yfftrov 'EyuaXiOio frorl (tp6v ttcfiakt KvfJM 
Xvyaiff vir6 wttri' Btbs d« ns Sfifi ^(rdoMrcy. 
oddf yap at t6 vdpoiStv tptiyMOfv xark v^otnr 
ffikidowT SpviBts *Apffuu, o^ Irt Ktipas 
wZpopMv, dXX* oiy Mp€S on^Xao-av, €(airopam£ 
pvf6s €^c nporip^ hn (fpari. 

Now among the ^m<njiJLaa'Cai, (the affections of the air,) con- 
nected with the risings and settings of the stars, which we 
had occasion to illustrate elsewhere \ there was none to which 
the ancients attributed a more regular and sensible operation 
than that which was supposed to attend on the heliacal rising 
of Arcturus. The particular concomitant too of this sidereal 
phenomenon was violent winds and rains. It is very ob- 
servable, and of critical importance to the determination of 
the sidereal calendar by which ApoUonius must have reck- 
oned, that the storm, which surprised the sons of Phrixus, co- 
incided with the heliacal rising of Arcturus ; and was in fact 
the direct imoTHAatrCa of that phenomenon. The testimony of 
the poem itself puts this out of question i — 

Kai di) 7<ra» prfiroio paka <rx€d6if (ffxari xcu^* 
Zfvs d* dy€fiov Bop€cu) pivo£ Kivrjaw dfjvai, 
vdari arfpaiprnp buprjv 6^v *ApKTOvpoio, 

On which the Scholiast : Tovro hi iipr], hnA Kara t^v i-nirokriv 
rov *ApKTovpov <ril>ohpol KaTaxeoincu ofifipoi, &s (^at Ariii6Kpiros tv 
T^ vepl ifTTpokoytai, kclL "Aparo^' 

^pdCta^ai d* ahnv ptpvrjpivot ^Aptcrovpou) ^. 

t ili. 320. h Vol. i. 465. ^ ii. 1099. ^ Cf. Ato^fi. 13. 



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CH. 3.8.4. Solar Calendar of the Argonautica. 208 

The aoeoant proceeds to describe the gradually increasing 
violence of this north-wind^ thus commissioned to blow, all 
the day^ and especially towards the nights 

Avrc^ &y fiinartot fuw iw oiTpeo-i <^vXA* erivaacrt 

rvrrl d* ifitj n6vToyd€ n€k»pios, hpvt dc icv/ia 
KfxXi/yax irvoigai. 

And, to shew that rain^ the invariable affection of the sym- 
pathy of the elements with this star^ was not wanting, it 
continues "™ — 

A{rrUa d* ippayrf S/ifipof aBifr^aroti tt df w6vto¥ 
Koi vijirov, Koi naaav Smiv KortvavrUi v^trov 
{vrja-6v T ^€ip6v rt, ntpahjg Qy^A6i viivov,) 
X^piv MoaawoiKoi vnipfiioi dfuPtvifioyro ^ — 

And this lasts all the night ^ — 

Tovs d* Sfivdis KpaT€p^ av¥ impart Kufjuvrot Spfirf 

vUjas ^pi(ou> ii€T ifl6vas fiaXt vrfcov 

pvx^ virA Xvyauiy* t6 di pvptov cic Aios vdai>p 

X^^ ifA rftXi^' rdxa If tyyvSw &imfiSkfitra» 

aXX^Xotff. 

All this is a clear description of the rising of Arcturus, and 
of its effects on the weather, according to the opinion and 
belief of the times. Let us then consider what dates the 
parapegmata of antiquity assigned to that phenomenon. 

Now though Euctemon^s date for the heliacal rising in 
question, according to Geminus P, was Parthenon 10, Sept. 6, 
and Callippas^ Parthenon 17, Sept. 13, and £udoxus^ Par- 
thenon 19, September 15; Ptolemy De Apparentiis has a 
date of the same phenomenon, for the latitude of 15 hours, 
Thoth 28, Sept. 21 <l : and this would agree so exactly to the 
parallel of the island of Mars *, (only half a degree less than 
that of Constantinople,) and to the date of the arrival of the 
Argonauts there, that no one can hesitate to conclude that, 
from whatsoever quarter Apollonins derived it, it must have 
been that which he had in his eye, in this part of his poem. 
It is dear, from his description, that the influence of the star 
began to be felt by the air and the elements on the morning 

* This island is placed by D'Anvilk dose to the ancient Kerasua, in 
ht. 4o'. 24 or as' N. 

> iL IIOS. ^ 1117-1 120. n Cf. II 15. ° 1 121. 

P Unnologium. 4 Ibid. 



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294 Oalendar of the Argonautica. di8s. vii. 

of this very day ; first in the rising of the wind^ and its gra- 
dually-increasing violence until evening or nightfall, when 
the star would first be setting ; and then, in the confirmed 
tempest, both of wind and rain, which set in and lasted all 
night. Yet this too is supposed to cease at sunrise, or just 
before it, the next morning, when the star too would again 
be rising in the morning dawn ; and this also implies that 
the iTTuniiJMaCa, having been true to its time, (that of the first 
appearance of the star the morning before,) was true to its 
duration also, from the rising on that morning to the rising 
on the next. And this being the case, one cannot but ad- 
mire the art and management of the poet, whereby the Ar- 
gonauts in particular, apparently without any design on his 
part, are made to land safely on the island early this very 
day, before the influence of the star could yet be supposed to 
have affected the weather, while the sons of Fhrixus, in the 
midst of the sea, are necessarily exposed to the violence of 
the storm, due to this influence at last ; in order that by 
being shipwrecked on the island they might, without any 
unnatural supposition, be brought into the company of the 
Argonauts — as the part which they were intended to take in 
the (economy of the rest of the action required them to be 
— before the arrival at Colchis. 

iv. General conclusion from the above premises. 
We have thus ascertained four different points of time in 
the action of the Argonautica, the dates of which must have 
been taken from the solar parapegmata of ApoUonius^ day — 
the time of the arrival at Samothrace, the day before the 
summer solstice, June 26 ; the time of the arrival at Salmy- 
dessus, two days before the setting in of the Etesian winds, 
July 22 ; the time of the landing on the island of Mars, the 
morning of the heliacal rising of Arcturus, Sept. 21 ; and 
the time of the arrival in the Phasis, as dated with the morn- 
ing after that arrival the evening of the day before, one day 
before the autumnal equinox, Sept. 26. No one can deny that 
these dates are consistent with each other ; and that any one 
of these being given, the rest are consequentially deducible 
from it. If so, they cannot be explained on any principle 
but that of the deliberate adaptation of the outline and de- 



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CH. 3. s. 5. CivU Calendar of ike Ai^onautica. 295 

tails of the poem to a scheme of chronology laid down for 
them beforehand, and of the disposition and arrangement of 
the intermediate events of the action accordingly. Enough 
therefore has now. been done to satisfy the reader that^ be- 
ginning on the day after the arrival at Samothrace, and end- 
ing on the day after the arrival at Colchis, the first two books 
of the Argonautica contain 92 days exactly ; the first of which 
was the date of the snmmer solstice, and the last was the 
date of the autumnal equinox, according to the solar para- 
pegmata of the time being. There are yet other chronolo- 
gical notices discoverable in the poem; which can be ex- 
plained only by a reference to the lunar calendars of the same 
period. And to these we shall next proceed. 

Section V. — On the Civil Calendar of the Argonautica \ and 
whether Solar or Lunar in general. 

Among the traditions connected with the voyage and ad- 
ventures of the Argonauts, one of the most remarkable was 
this ; That having been stranded on the coast of Libya, in 
the midst of the Syrtis, and having no other means of extri- 
cating themselves from the situation in which they were 
thereby placed, they transported the ship Argo on their own 
shoulders, twelve days^ journey across the desert, as far as the 
Pains Tritonis and the gardens of the Hesperides. 

The antiquity of this tradition appears from Pindar". 
Apollonius has adopted it, and given the fact a place among 
the other particulars of his fourth book ■ ; though, with a be- 
coming regard to verisimilitude, he does not venture to vouch 
for its truth himself, but appeals to the Muses, and rests the 
credibility of the story on their authority. 

vfiias, £ ntfiH d^ /uicya f^praroi vits mnucrvp, 
3 ^V» S T* «P*t5> AijSwiyff oph ffivas iprjfAovg 
ptja fAsraxpoplrpf, Stra r MoOi pij6£ 3yt<r&(, 
MtfJMPovt i^fwta-i, 4^p9iv ^voKoilkKa ndyra 
fhtaff 6/iov vvttras rt * — 

Now they are supposed to have arrived at this spot only 

' Pytiiia, iv. 44. cf. Herod, iv. 179. » iv. 1232-1380. 

* !▼. 1381-1395. cf. i537-«546: i55»- "566. 



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296 Calendar of the Argooautica. diss. vii. 

the day after it was visited by Hercules also in quest of the 
golden apples ; and to have found the remains of the dragon, 
sumamed Ladon, which had guarded the apples the day be- 
fore, still quivering in the agonies of death, and the vifufHn 
*Efnr€p(h€s still bemoaning their recent loss^ — 

*l(w y Uphv ircdoy, f h^i A6.b»v 
tla-fTi irov X^^&^ vayxpv<r€a pvtro fAtjXa 

'£<nrrpidffff iroifrwop, €<l>ifi4pop deidova-tu. 

d^ t6t€ y ffbri Mwoi v<f> *H/mucX$7 bdixBtis 

fi^Xciov p€pkfjTo itorX arvvos' oioOt d* &cpif 

ovplj ?T4 (nralpfaKfv — 

ayxov d* 'E<nr9plb€Sf ic«<^aX^ff fvi x^tpar txowrai 

dpyv<f>€tis $caf$§<rt, Xiy Z<mpop — 

And having been made aware by these of what had just oc- 
curred ^, five of their number (the two sons of Boreas, Zethus 
and Calais, Euphemus, Lynkeus, and Canthus y,) set out in 
the hope of overtaking Hercules ; for Hercules had been one 
of their body at first, and had accompanied them as far as 
the region of Kius, but had there been lost, and left behind, 
and along with him another of their number, Polyphemus, 
son of Elatus, the friend of Canthus. But the hero was 
already too far advanced on his way homeward. The far- 
seeing eye of Lynkeus only catches a glimpse of him in the 
distant horizon of the desert, which Apollonius compares 
to the first hasty and transient discovery of the new moon — 

*AThp r6T€ y 'HpcucKfja 
I10VP09 A/rtipta-iffs njKov x^t^s cToyito Avyicc^ 

And this is one of the passages of the Argonautica which 
Yii^ has imitated — 

Qualem primo qui surgere mense 
Aut videt aut vidisse putat per nubila lanam \ 

Primo mense here is either the first day of the month, or the 
first month of the year ; and in either case the first day of the 
civil or calendar month, or the first of the civil or calendar 
year. And this appears still more clearly from the vim id ^fuin 

» W. 1396. » iv. 1430-1449. J iv. 1 46 1. 

* W. 1477. ■ iliDeid. yi. 455. 



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CH. 3. 8. 5. lAsnwr Calendar of the Argonautica. 297 

of the Greek orginal; which is simply the idiomatic style of 
the first day of the civil lunar month, the vovixffvCa, or the 
first of the civil lunar year, the via tgixipa. The civil month 
then^ or the dvil year, recognised by Apollonius in this pas- 
sage, was the lunar, not the solar. And though it must be 
admitted that no other dear allusion of the same kind is to 
be found in the Argonautica^, yet even this is suffident to 
establish the point in question, if there could be any doubt 
concerning it, or if it could be considered probable a priori 
on any account, that the calendar recognised by Apollonius 
would be anything different from the Greek calendar of his 
own time in general^ which^ so far as we know^ was still 
everywhere, without exception, lunar. 

L First Criterion of the Calendar of the Argonautica, as 
Lunar in general. 

A criterion of this kind is discoverable early in the poem, 
very unquestionable and very predse, which we shall point 
out first of all. 

The final departure of the Argonauts from the country of 
the Doliones, the site of the Kyzicus of after-times ^, where 
they had been detained eighteen days ^, takes place on the 
22nd morning from Samothrace ^ The first part of this day 
is spent in a contest of rowing^ — 

"Etf^ tpis Mpa iKomop dpurrijmp 6pA6vP€v, 
ions mrokOtit navwmpros' a/*<^l yhp aWi^p 
P7pf€fto£ ior6ptvtp divas, koto, d* tlhftm ir6vToy, 

And this continues until past the point of noon, when the 
day having b^un to dedine, and a firesh breeze, as usual at 
that time of the day, having set in towards the sea, the rest 
of the Aii^naats were glad to take advantage of it, and 
repose on their oars for a while s — 

""Rfonft If iypofupoio cdkov {axpriMo-tP aSpats, 
id Moy ^K woTOfAmp inr6 dtUkop rftpt^om, 
nip6fi€ifoi Kap6enf fwrcX^t^or— 

And it should be here observed, that if we are right in the 
condasions already established, the date of the departure 

^ C& iu. 533 : W. 1615. « L 934'93<^* * 953-»«49« 

• 1x51. ' 1153- * "59« 



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298 Calendar of the Argonautica. diss. vii. 

from Kyzicas roust have been July 18, one of the hottest 
days of the year ; when the sea was most likely to be be- 
ealmed, and the Argonauts to be most completely exhausted 
by their own exertions in rowing : circumstances to which 
we draw attention^ merely to shew with what strict propriety 
the account was put together, and one thing adapted to 
another without any appearance of design. 

The sturdy Hercules alone continues to ply his task as 
vigorously as ever, and to row the ship on with his single 
strength, until at last, when they had got opposite to the 
mouth of the Bhyndacus ^, he breaks his oar^ which compels 
him also to desist ; and about that time of the day^ which is 
described as the usual season of the bSfyiroSf (the coena of the 
heroic age,) they all land for the night, in the country of 
Mysia, at the mouth of the river Kius \ 

After this, when the rest were preparing for their evening's 
repast^ on the shore, Hercules himself goes up into the 
woods ^ in search of another oar, and Hylas, his page or 
squire, sets out at the same time in quest of water^ to pre- 
pare his supper^ against his return ">. 

Td^pa y *Y\as x^^^O ^^^ KoKinhi v6<rf^ SfuKov 
Si(tTo Kprpfoifjs Up6v p6oV &9 kcv oI vdmp 
fftBaaj diPwnrdfUpov mrMfmunf, SKka rt napra 
6rpak€as Kara Koa-fiov nroprurvncv Upti. 

All this^ no doubt, was purposely contrived, whether agree- 
ably also to tradition or not *, in order to the disappearance 
of Hylas, and through that the separation of Hercules from 
the rest of the Argonauts, who was believed to have been one 
of their body at first, but not to have continued so to the 
end. There was another of their companions also, Polyphe- 
mus, son of Elatns, who likewise, agreeably to the received 
tradition, must, in some manner or other, be left behind in 
this part of Mysia, or Bithynia, where they now were ° ; and 
after founding a city there was to fulfil his destiny in the 

* Cf. Paroemiographi Gneci, e Ck)d. Bodleiano, 888. pag. 109. Tir 
"YXoy Kpavyd(ovaw k ,r. X. Koi tri de <f>acri Taii>£ Kwvoifs &purfM€inj¥ ^fJ^^pop 
Kor iros dvaicakfia^ai r^^YXap. Also Photii Lez.^YXoy Kpouydfcir. 

•» L 1161-1171. I 1172-1178. ^ iiSa-n86. 

1 1 187-1306. « 1307. " i3io->323. 



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CH.3- 8. 5* I^nar Calendar of the Argonautica. 299 

same quarter, by falling in battle with the Chalybes. And 
each of these events is broaght aboat first by the adventure 
of Hercules in breaking his oar^ and secondly by the loss of 
Hylas. 

The disappearance of Hylas however^ agreeably to the in- 
variable tenor of the fable^ wheresoever we find it referred to, 
was to be attributed to the sudden passion of the goddess of 
the spring, as soon as she caught a glimpse of the beautiful 
stranger, stooping to take out the water of which he was in 
search : and the circumstance here to be remarked is this, 
that as it must evidently have been the close of the day, 
when Hylas set out on his errand, so it is by the light of the 
moan that the nymph is supposed to distinguish his person^ 
and to be smitten with the sudden efi^ulgence of his youthful 
charms ° — 

'H dc P€Ov KpTivrfs dvcdvfTO KoXXivdoio 
Vfvfiffni €<l>vdaTl,Tj' t6v de ax^^^v €ia€v6tjae 
icaXXct KaX ykvKep^aiv €p€vB6fi€V€v \apiT€<T<n' 
irphs yap ot Ikx^pifi^ii car aWtpo9 avydiovcra 
/SdXXc ^Xfpnuf — 

It is a further intimation of a moonlight night that Polyphe- 
mus, the only one of the Argonauts who hears the cry of 
Hylas as he falls into the spring, and rushes immediately to 
his relief P, meets Hercules returning to the ship, and easily 
recognises him, though in the night 4 — 

"Epff eAr^ (fiitffKrjjTO Korh oripov 'HpaKkfp, 
im€px6fifVop pArh, wrja hik nn^tas — 

Nor is it any objection, that hi^ Kviil>as properly means " in 
the dark/' It stands here merely for ^^ in the night/' It is 
one of the most fitmiliar idioms of ApoUonius to use this 
term kp4<^ instead of vif(, simply to express the night — whe- 
ther otherwise dark, or not ; as no one who has read him 
with any attention can have failed to observe. 

Now, as the scholiast remarks on this passage, the proper 
sense of Ux^^paiPis is ir<ufai\rivoi. The same term is applied to 
the moon again in a subsequent passage, in order to describe 
the joy or the admiration of Jason, when grasping and con- 
templating the Fleece of Gold, by comparing it to that of a 

• i. isaS. P 1240. a 1253. 



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800 Calendar of the Argonautica. diss. vii. 

▼irgin, playfally catching the beams of the rising full moon, 
through the lattice of her chamber windows, upon the thin 
ground of her fine-spun robes, and admiring their brilliant 
hues as they mingled with the colours and tissues of the 
garment f — 

'Qs dc atkfivaUiP dixofXTfvt^ vapB^vos alyKfjv 
vyft63ev €(av€xov(Ta» vir»p6<l>tos Oakdfioto 
XcirraXe^ cov^ vnotaxfTM' iv 8c ol Tjrop 
^aipct StpKOfUvrff KOikhw <rcXaf* &s t&t *I^(rc0v 
yriB6frwos fuya kSm^ icut €va€iparo xtpiriif. 

But the proper sense of hix6iir\vis is also the full of the moon^ 
as dividing the month « ; on which principle, if the night of 
their arrival at the mouth of the Eius was the night of the 
22nd day from Samothrace— it was also the night of the 15th 
day of the lunar months the night of the 16th reckoned from 
evening or sunset, according to the common Greek rule. 
Now the day of the departure from Samothrace being as- 
sumed as June 27, the 22nd day after the departure must 
have been July 18 ; and the evening of that day being that 
of the full moon^ in this sense of hix6firivis also, must have 
been the evening of the 15th of the lunar, in the sense of the 
civil or calendar, month. 

This note of time is consequently as precise and definite 
a criterion of a lunar calendar as could be desired. It ascer- 
tains a lunar^ in the sense of a civil or calendar^ fifteenth on 
July 18, and a lunar sixteenth in the same sense on July 19^ 
or reckoned from evening, July 18 ; and consequently a luna 
prima, in the same sense, on July 5 or 4. 

ii. Second Criterion of the Calendar of the Argonautica^ 
as Lunar in general. 

It is in our power to confirm this conclusion by a still 
more remarkable criterion of the same kind. 

We have already observed that the date of the arrival in 
the Phasis was the 91st day from Samothrace; and i^ the 
end of that day: September 25 at sunset, if the date of the 
departure from Samothrace was June 27 at sunrise. The 
interval, supposed to have transpired between this arrival 
and the departure again, may clearly be ascertained, and 

' It. 167. • See Orig. Kal. ltd. L 338 n. 



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cfi. 3. 8. 5. Lunar Calendar of the Argonautica. 301 

tnms ont to be neither more nor less than/otir days exactly^. 
The Argonauts arrived in the evening of one day, and set out 
on iheir return at sunrise on the morning of the fifth day 
after. The task prescribed by .^Betes was all accomplished 
on the fourth day ; so criticaUy that the end of the task 
coincided with the end of the day ▼ : 

The night which ensues (ushered in with the beginning of 
the fourth book) is supposed to have been differently passed 
by the different parties in the recent transactions^ by iE^tes 
and his Colchians, in council^ plotting the destruction of the 
Argonauts *y by the Argonauts in carousing and keeping up 
bonfires on board their ship» to celebrate the triumphant 
issue of the late trial 7^ and by Medea in It state of continued 
anxiety and suspense *, which is terminated only by the for- 
mation of a sudden resolution to escape with the Argonauts^ 
no sooner conceived than executed \ Nor, after this, is any 
time lost in securing the fleece^ and hastening away ^ — 

'H de (T^iv €S Up6v SkiTos dveoyti 
pfja Borlv iXdav avroo';^€d6y, ^p* h-i vvKT»p 
K&as ik6pT€g SyoivTo irapix v6op Alrfreu}, 

The precise time of the night at which Jason and she set 
out from the ship for this purpose is thus described ^ : 

^Hfios d* avip€t vnvop air itfi&aKyi&v ipdXovro 
ayp&nu, di T€ Kvv^cra-i irtiroiB6T€s oC irorc vOkto 
Syxavpov nwaa-ovcuf, aktvdfgepoi {JMos ^ovr, 
ful n-plv dfiakdvvg Btip&v trrt^ovy ^dc Koi obpipf 
$ffp€liiw, XtvKJatv tpuTKifi^aa-a /SoXgo-i* 
TTJfios 3ip Ala-ovl^s Kovpri r anh vrfhs t^aav 
miTftrr dv6, X'»pop, Ufa Kpiov xoXcoyrai 
fvpoi, oBi wp&Top K€KfjLrf6Ta yovpcer IfKOfiy^t, 
Ptarouri <t>op€WP Munnfiop vV ^hBApcarrot, 

Where the scholiast observes on iy\avpov — T61; Koiphv rhv 
vkrjaloif fcai iyyvs rijs fffUpas, J><nrep to KoXoiipLCVov \vK6<f)ci)S' 
%€pL yhp Tov ToiovTov Kaip6v at aipcu mviovfn. That is, the time 
intended was strictly before the break of day, yet strictly 

t C£ n. 1388, 1389 : iii. i-8ai. The ^ iii. T406. cf. 417. x iv. 6. 

first day. r iy. 68. 

iii. %%%-\i 70. The second. > iv. 1 1. 

— 1171-1233. The third. * iy. 20-103. 

— 1133.1406. The fourth. »» Ibid. 100. cf. 103-166: 166-183. 
iv. 183. The fifth. ^ jy, 109. 



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302 Calendar of the Argonautica. diss. vii. 

also close on the point of daybreak. And that having been 
the case, the time of the arrival of Medea herself at the ship^ 
just before, though still more in the night, must nevertheless 
have been not long before the end of the night and the be- 
ginning of the day. 

Now, as she is supposed to be hastening from her own 
chamber^ down to the river, in all that confusion of mind^ and 
commotion and conflict of feelings, which the Poet describes'^ 
she is descried by the moon, just rising ; and the moon^ which 
had so often experienced the baleful effect of her spells and 
charms, is very naturally represented as exulting at the sight 
of her distress « — 

T^ de v€OV TiTTfvis cuf€pxofJi€vij irtparrfBfv 
<l>oiTdk€riv tcri^vcra Ota e/rfjffjpaTo M^vrj 
apnaXw^, koi rom fiera <t*pta)w fjaiv Retire. 

The meaning of these words lof^pxpiiivri vfpirriBcv is to 
point out the locality, from which tlie moon was now ascend- 
ing into the air, the extremity of the horizon in the east. They 
designate consequently the moment uf moon-rise. They are 
analogous to other phrases, in other instances, all more or 
less the same : 

H/iOff d* olpav6$€v xapoini xmoXdfiirfrai rfiits 
eV Trepan; ( dpiovaa, diaykmao'ova'i d* drapnoi^. 



^Hfios d* ffiXiof dpoatpiis rirrXofi^r Kokapas 
€K iTMpdrmf avUiv 8r — 

\Mi d' a>KVTtprj dpjapvypxnos, fft ffoXatav 
^eXi'ov, or apfuri ir€pairjs v^o^i yatrfs^. 



*Ho)s d* dfjfipoa-louriv dvfpxofuvrf (JMUcro'tP 
\v€ KeXaiyrfv vvxra * — 

AvrUa y ffw 
<f>€yy€v dif€pxofjJvrj ^. 

It seems then that the moon was just rising when Medea 
was beginning to make her escape to the Argonauts. This 
is sufficient to prove that the full moon could not possibly 
have been meant ; for the full moon must have been rising 
in the evening, and she was making her escape early in the 
morning. Besides which^ notwithstanding this allusion to 

* iv. 34-53- * Ibid. 54-56. ' i. 1280. « ii. 164. 

•• iv. 847. * iv. 1170. k iv. 1713. 



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CH. 3. 8. 5. Lunar Calendar of the Argonaatica. 303 

the mooD at this point of time, it is clear from the context 
that the night was dark, and there was nothing to direct 
Medea to the ship but the fires on board the Argo ^ And 
this state of things continues until the break of day, the 
moment when Jason and she, having succeeded in securing 
the fleece '"^ returned with it to the ship ^, 

*H«b( fUv p M, yauttf iidJbvaro, rol V is 6/ukov 

Now that the moon was rising so little before the dawn of 
day, is an infallible argument of the end of the lunar month : 
and that it was rising under such circumstances, and yet 
that the night was dark notwithstanding, is an argument of 
the last day of the lunar month, the rpioKaf itself. For if it 
was rising on this morning so little before daybreak, or Bun- 
rise, it is endent that the next morning it would rise at day- 
break, or with the sun, and therefore be in conjunction with 
the sun. The next morning under such circumstances must 
have been that of the iLTp€i^9 aiivo^os, or the vovixrjvta, pro- 
perly so called ; and therefore that of the day before must 
have been that of the rpiaKas, or Ivrf koL via, of the lunar 
month. Nor is it any difficulty that we are thus supposing 
the night to have been destitute of light, and yet the moon 
to have been rising. There is no inconsistency between 
these two things. The moon rises on the last day of the 
month, as much as on any other; only not visibly so. But 
the question is, not whether Medea could see the moon, in 
the act of rising, on the last morning of the month, but whe- 
ther the moon, rising at that time, could see Medea: and 
the moon being here personified, and treated as M^i/77 the 
Tirijwy, or sister of the Titans, there can be no doubt of this 
last fact. Let us then proceed to consider how far this 
conclusion, respecting the lunar character of the day of the 
departure of the Argonauts from Colchis, agrees with the 
former, respecting that of the day of the departure from 
Kyzicus. 

Now the day of the departure from Eyzicus having been 
the 22nd from Samothrace, and this of the departure from 
Colchis the 96th, there was just 74 days^ interval between 

I IV. 67-69. m 109. n 183. cf. 166-187. 



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804 Calendar of the AxgonsLXiticsi. x>i88. vii. 

them. And these must have been equivalent to one lunar 
b(^rivov of 59 days, and half a month more, of 15 days. If 
then the day of the departure from Kyzicos was the lunar 
15^ the day of the departure from Colchis must have been 
the lunar 30^ or rpuucds. The Julian dates of these respective 
days place this out of question. The departure from Eyxi^ 
cus^ and the 15th of the lunar month coincident with it, 
having been determined to July 18, the first of the same 
lunar month must have been July 5 ; the first of the next, 
reckoned at 29 days, August 3, the first of the next, Sep* 
tember 2, and therefore the 30th = 29th of that month, Sep- 
tember 30. And the date of the arrival in tbe Pharisb 
reckoned from the morning after, having been September 26 
— ^that of the departure from it again, on the morning of the 
fifth day after, must have been September 30 also. 

iii. On some other Criteria of the Calendar of the Argo- 
nautica, as Lunar in general. 

We have not however by these means been enabled to 
determine merely the true lunar character of two important 
dates, (one early in the beginning, the other close to the end^ 
of the first half of the action of the Argonautica ;) we have 
also done much to explain and illustrate the lunar charaeter 
of some of the intermediate dates, which will be found to 
confirm the same conclusion respecting the nature of the ca- 
lendar, followed in the Poem, in general. 

For example, i. In the description of the storm, which 
wrecked the sons of Phrixus on the island of Mars, though 
the stars are alluded to at the beginning of that storm tbe 
same night, the moon is not. 

Nvrrt d* tf^fj ir6pTOpd€ ntk^piot, ^pat dc jcvfui 
iCfieXi/ywff flvotgirc* KiXaunj d* ovpay6v d^Xw 
&piF€)((tVf ovdc fni Strrpa duxvyta <f}aivtT IhitrBat 
tK P€<l>€»p, a'KOT6fis dc frcpi C6<l>os ^p^pctoro ^. 

But this was the night after the heliacal rising of Arcturufi 
the night of September 21 ; and if the moon was new, as we 
have seen it must have been supposed to be, September 2> 
it was 20 days old September 21; and consequently could not 
have been visible, if at all, until midnight, or after midnight. 

■ ii. 1 104. 



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CH. 3. s. 5. LufUir Calendar of the Argonautica. 305 

ii. There would have been every reason a priori to eon- 
dude that the unfoitunate encounter between the Argonauts 
and the hospitable Doliones^ which led to the untimely death 
ai Kysicus, having taken place in the nighty and under such 
circumstances that neither of the parties in it were able to 
recognise the other, must be supposed to have happened on a 
vif ia^Krivo^, And though this is not asserted in so many 
words to have been the case, it may be proved, by means 
of the lunar dates which we have just determined, to have 
been so. 

The Argonauts arrived at Eyzicus at nightfall, on the 
third day from Samothrace**, (June 29) : they left it again 
for the first time the next dayP, (June 30), early enough 
(notwithstanding the events which had followed on their ar- 
rival and preceded their departure, including the battle with 
the Tifytvtis^) to accomplish almost a regular day^s voyage 
before they were driven back to Kyzicus by the change of 
the wind '' : with respect to which, the circumstance most to 
be noted is^ that they were driven back the same nighty and 
landed on the shores of the Doliones again, the same night ^; 
ftnd Kyzicus fell by the hand of Jason the same night ^ * : 
nor was it before the morning of the next day (July 1 ,) that 
the fiital mistake^ whereby friends had been confounded with 
foes, was discovered. 

dfinXaKifjv Siiixfa^ '. 

This contest with the Doliones then is determined strictly to 
the night of June 90, and July 1, the night of the fourth day 
from Samothrace : consequently to the night of the 26th 
Inna — for if the night of July 4-5 was that of the luna 
prima, then (the preceding moon being reckoned at 30 days) 
the night of June 30 to July 1 must have been that of the 
lana 26 ; at which period of the lunar month the moon must 

* Of the tradition relating to the presence of tbe Argonauts at Kyzicus, 
SM Stnbo, xii. 8. 69 a-71 b. De Kyzico ; and tbe Scholia on Clem. Alex. 
IVotreptiooD, ii. 10. vol. iv. pag. 96 : also the Scholia on the Argonautica 
inloe. 

* *• 934-^^ P 9S5-1019. 4 Ibid. 985-1010. r L 1015-1018. 

• Ibid. 1018, 1019. ^ ^^^^' 1023-1052. * 1032-1039. 

X Ibid. 1053. 

KAL. HSLL. TOL. V. X 



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806 Calendar of the Aigonantica. oias. vii. 

necessarily have been invisible, and the nights mnst have 
been iaiXrivoi throughout. In strictness this lunar term, 
reckoned from sunset, or nightfall, would be the lunar 27th 
— ^the first of the nights of the silent moon, according to the 
ancients themselves *. 

Section VI. — On the particular Lunar Calendar of the 
Argonautica. 

The two classes of chronological notices, which we pro- 
posed to consider, liave thus been examined and compared ; 
and they are found to agree so exactly, that no oiie can 
hesitate to infer firom both together that they must have 
been purposely adapted to each other—that Apollonius could 
not have sate down to the composition of his Poem without 
having a particular solar^ and a particular lunar, calendar 
before him^ each of which he must have intended to take 
along with him, and mustactuaUy have taken along with 
him. 

With respect to this solar calendar, there seems to be 
every reason to conclude it must have been one of these 
three, the Metonic, the Callippic, or that of Endoxns; or 
possibly none of them in particular to the exclusion of the 
other two : though we incline to the opinion that if he must 
be supposed to have followed one more than another, it was 
probably the Metonic, or the Callippic correction of the Me- 
tonic, which differed from it very slightly. Bat as to the 
lunar calendar; the first thing necessary to the determina- 
tion of that question is to ascertain whether any intimation 
can be discovered in the Argonautica, from which it may be 
inferred at what period in the natural year the civil year, as 
recognised in this Poem, must have been supposed to b^n. 

Now there is an intimation of that kind, which has not yet 
been produced. 

* Solon, quoted in the Oeoponica, dates the sflenk moons from tite aplb 
of one month to the second of the next; Geoponica, i. 13. cf. y. 10: Yii. 
6. p. 169. But Theophnstus dated them on the rtrpas tftBivovrot^ the 27tb 
of the month: De Sigms, vi. 5. 8. And so did Aratu8> Diosemeia, 1148, 
and the Scholia. On the silent moon, see our Prolegomena ad Harmo> 
niam Evangelicam, 378 note. 



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CH. 3. ». 6. Limar Calendar of the Ai^naatica. 807 

i. Beginiiiiig of the civil year, as recognised in the 
Argonautica. 

On the seventh morning of the action, (early at least on 
the seventh day,) the Argonauts arrived at Lemnus 7. 

AMip 6fi rf€\ioto jSoXoif Mftoi0 \ar6yroSy 
tlpttri^ Kpawa^ SunyiiSa AfjiAiww Ikovto — 

on which follows immediately — 

"Epff &fjLvbis WW brjfios xmtpfiao'iua'i ywam&v 
vtfkti&s dedfUTTo ir<ipoixofjJv^ \vK6ffam, 

And here the important circumstance is the last observation, 
that the murder of the male population of the island, old and 
young, by the female, was a recent event when the Argonauts 
arrived there, an event of the year just gone ottt, or rather 
jost going out ; for that is the proper sense of irapoixpiJi^via 
Xvfcd^avri, in contradistinction to itafH^)(r\yAvi^ kvKa^avn. It 
follows that the Argonauts must have come to the island so 
critically just before the end or just after the beginning of 
the year, that the new year could scarcely be said to have yet 
come in, or the old year to have yet gone out. 

The same thing is implied in the speech of Polyxo, an aged 
Lemnian matron, to the rest of the women of the island, when 
tliey were holding a council the same day, to deliberate on 
the kind of reception which they should give the Argonauts 2. 

yakof f^tratoOaif KTtptmv oird /JLoiptof ikowrap 
ourwf j 6€fus iari, irapos KOK^nfTa ircXoo-o-oi. 
SmXanpffo-i dc irdyxv TiSdc ^pa^ccr^ai Stwya K 

For here too this ii^^pyfiiuvov has is intended of a year 
either dose at hand, or only just set in; in the course of 
which, at her advanced time of life, as she says, she might 
mitmraUy expect to die, though alive at the beginning of it. 
It is clear then, firom these two allusions, that the arrival of 
the Argonauts at Lemnus must have coincided with the be- 
ginning of the current year. It makes no difference whether 

f i. 607. • i. 633-701. » Ibid. 689. cf. 668. 

X 2 



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808 Calendar of the Argonautica. diss. vii. 

that was the year of Lemnua, or the year of the Argonauts, 
both being evidently supposed the same. And as to the 
relation of the beginning of this year to the natural, it was 
certainly earlier than seed time in the latter at least \ The 
arrival of the Argonauts at Lemnus however being dated on 
the 7th day after their departure from Thessaly, (i. e. the be- 
ginning of their voyage itself,) it is manifest that the begin- 
ning of this year and the beginning of the voyage must have 
been nearly coincident^ and that if either could be deter- 
mined, the other would be so too. 

Here then it would be necessary to take into account the 
probable time of the year, at which a voyage like tbis^ (the 
first of its kind ever undertaken among the Greeks, and to 
such a distance from their own country,) might most natu- 
rally be assumed to have begun — ^in other words, what could 
be most properly considered the earliest date of the mare 
apertum, at such a period, and on such an occasion as this <^ ? 
To judge from the testimony of Theocritus, it must have 
been that of the nkeMayv imroXri^ the last of the three such 
epochs recognised by the ancients in general. It is critically 
on the morning of that phenomenon that he dates the com- 
mencement of the voyage, in his Idyll entitled "TAas ^, which 
takes up the account of the voyage with the arrival at the 
mouth of the Kius e, on the 22nd day from Samothrace, July 
18, at evening. To judge from the testimony of Valerius 
Flaccus also, it must have been the same; since he too adopts 
this date for the beginning of his voyaged 

Indeed^ there is reason to believe this must have been the 
traditionary date of that kind. In the Bibliotheca of Apollo- 
dorus, as we shall see by and by, the length of the voyage is 
supposed to have been four months exactly; and four months, 
reckoned back from the autumnal equinox, a certain day in 
September, as their latest term^ would bring us to a cer- 
tain day in May, as their earliest ; and the nAciado)!/ eTriroA^, 
in all the Parapegmata of the Greeks, and for every parallel 
of latitude, being dated on some, day or other in May, this 
mode of describing and defining the length of the Argonautic 

b i. 6S5-689 : 795, 796 : 8s5» 8a6. c See supra, page 196. 21 1 . 

d Idyll, ziii 45. • i. 1178. ' Lib. ii. 7ft. 



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OH. 3* 8.6. Lunar Calendar of ike Argonautica. 809 

expedition is Tirtually the same thing as saying it began at 
the UKtiiJbtiv ^troA^ and terminated at the autumnal equinox. 
It is not likely that ApoUonius at least would make choice of 
any other epoch for the commencement of his voyage^ than 
Theocritus for that of his. The UK^M^v htiroK^ was the 
ipy^i $4povs also ; and by beginning the voyage at that time 
the whole of the most favourable season in the natural year^ 
from May to September^ would be left open for the transac- 
tion of the first part of the action, at least ; which, as we 
shall see by and by, was purposely made to terminate at the 
avtumnal equinox. 

ii. Identity of the Calendar of the Argonautica with the 
Calendar of Rhodes. 

The calendar then which ApoUonius took along with him 
in the composition of bis poem must have borne date at the 
n\€iib<aif iiTiToKri. That such calendars existed among the 
Greeks we know from the testimony of Censorinus ; and that 
they were older than the time of ApoUonius is equaUy pro- 
bable. In this instance however we need not be long at a 
loss to discover the calendar, even of this description, which 
must have been adopted in the Argonautica ; since the poem 
itself was written at Rhodes, and the Rhodian calendar of 
the time of the author supplies the desideratum at once. The 
epoch of that calendar, as we have seen, from B. C. 382 
downwards, was May 6 ; and May 6, in the calendar of 
Meton and Euctemon, was the date both of the UAeiddc^v 
iitiToKri and of the ipxtf 04pov^, 

It is evident indeed that the beginning of the civil year, as 
recognised and assumed in the poem, could not long have 
preceded the arrival at Lemnus, on the seventh day after the 
▼oyage was fairly begun ; nor that arrival long have preceded 
the arrival at Samothrace, the day after the Argonauts left 
Lemnus again. And this having been June 26, the day be- 
fore the Metonic date of the summer solstice, June 27, the 
beginning of the voyage could not long have preceded the 
point of midsummer in the natural year. True it is, the 
length of the stay at Lemnus is left undefined, and to that 
indefiniteness all the uncertainty which besets this further 



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810 Calendar of the Argonautica. bibs. vii. 

question of the banning of the year of the Argooaiitica is 
in xeality due. Had the number of days past at Lemnus 
been as distinctly specified as the length of the stay at Kysd- 
cusj or the length of the sojourn with Phineus, or the interval 
past in Paphlagonia with Lycus^ in the country of the Mary- 
andyni, it would have been easy to determine how long the 
commencement of the voyage preceded the summer soktioe. 
With respect to this number however we shall see hereafter 
that it was either a very short term of 8 days merely* or <me 
comparatively much greater^ amounting to one lunar month 
of 30 days, and eight days more of another ; and this latter 
will turn out to have been probably the true state of the 
case. 

To revert then to the lunar calendar of the Argonautica ; 
a lunar 15th having been determined which coincided with 
July 18, and a lunar 80th which coincided with Sept. 80^ the 
calendar of which each of these made a part, firom July to 
October, must have stood as follows. 

Ltmar Calendar qftke ArffonauHca/rtm Jufy to October. 





Dtji. 






Days. 






1. 


39 


Julys 


lU. 


29 


Sept. 


2 


u. 


30 


Aug. 3 


IV. 


30 


Oct. 


I 



From which it will follow that the whole scheme of the 
same calendar, from May to October, must have proceeded 
accordingly. 

Limar Calendar qfthe Arganaaiieafrom May to October. 



DV*. 




Diys. 




I 39 


May; 


iy 30 


Aug. 3 


ii 30 


Junes 


v 39 


Septa 


lU 39 


Julys 


vi 30 


Oct I 



And what is this but the scheme of the Rhodian calendar for 
the first six months in the first year of every Callippic period ? 
only that, agreeably to the Metonic style, the details of these 
six months must have been somewhat differently digested. 



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CH. 3- B, 7. Voyoge of the Argonauts. 31 1 

Bhodian Calendar, Period iii. i,from May to October. 



1 
ii 
iii 



Artamitios May 6 B.C. 930 

Fuuiniu June 5 

lu PedageitDyna July 5 £z. 3 

iv HyakinthioB Aug, 3 

V Caraeus Sept. 3 Ex.6 

vi Thesmophorius Oct. i 

We cannot therefore hesitate to conclude that Apollonins' 
lunar calendar and this Rhodian one must have been the 
same. And that point being so far established, we shall now 
pass to the question of the absolute commencement of the 
voyage; which the conclusion thus obtained may perhaps en- 
able us to decide. 

SECTION VIL — On the date of the commencemefU of the voyage 
of the Argonauts. 



]. Suspension of the chronological rule of the Argonautica^ 
after the departure from the Phasis ; and course supposed 
to have been taken by the Argonauts on their return. 
It has been observed that the action of the Argonautica 
naturally distributed itself into two halves; one compre- 
hended in the first two books, taking in the particulars be- 
tween the departure from Thessaly and the arrival at Colchis ; 
the other, in the last two, including all that happened be- 
tween the arrival at Colchis and the return to Pagasse. 

It would not have suited the purpose of the poem to have 
taken the Argonauts home exactly by the same route by 
which they had been brought to Colchis. Such an oeconomy 
must have been totally destitute of novelty, and therefore of 
interest, if it led merely to the description of the same scenes, 
or the repetition of the same incidents, as before ; and if it 
studiously avoided that, it might have appeared to ofiEend too 
largely and systematically against the truth, or the necessity 
of the case, to appear consistent and probable. Nor would 
snch an ceconomy for the remainder of the poem have been 
calculated to fall in with the still current traditions relating 
to this fabulous voyage; the adventures of the Argonauts 
elsewhere than at Colchis, and the supposed vestiges and me- 



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81$ Calendar of the Argonantica. Disa. vii. 

morials of their actual presence^ in the course of their was- 
d^ngs, not only on the coast of Africa^ in the neighbour- 
hood of the Syrtis and the Pains Tritonia s, but also in the 
Mare Ligusticnm and the Sinus Gallicus'^ — 

*AXXc^ deal, irof ryja^ napi^ oKht, dfiKJii re yau» 
AiwopiTjv, tnfuxtvs t€ Aiyvaridag, cA Koktorrtu 
2Toixabf£, *Apy<fvjs irepti&o-ca o^fuira tnfbs 
prjfufyrh ire^arat ; rU atr^npoBi rScra-op avayKri 
Koi XP^*^ <^* tK6fiur<r€ ; river ot^ear rfyayov tiSpai ; 

For these Stoechades insulae were situated not far from the 
mouth of the Rhone, and the site of Massilia or Marseilles^ 
on the coast of Gaul ' ; and if the Argonauts were ever there, 
they must have passed by some means or other from the 
Pontus Euxinus into the Mare Celticum. 

Now it appears from the Scholia ^ that while there were 
various other accounts of their return, and of the course it 
took, there was one which they attribute to a geographer 
called Timagetus, according to whom they sailed all the way 
from the Pontus Euxinus to this Sinus Gallicus up or down 
the river Ister or Danube — entering it first by one of its 
branches which discharged itself into the Pontus Euxinus^ 
and sailing down it afterwards by another which emptied it- 
self into the Sinus Gallicus *. It is clear that this was the 

* TifiidyrfTos dc eV a irepi \ifi€v»v top "lorpov <f>fia\ Karai(f>€p€<rB<u ^k rAr 
KeXriKcav opaV flra €Kdid6vai etc KeXrtx^v \ifuniv' fura dc raCra €ls dvo 
ax^C**''^^ ro vdo>p, «cai t6 ftiv €i£ rov 'Ed^ivop ir6vTov wlirPdKKtiv, to dc e2s 
T^v KfXriKfjv OdKcuraav. 8ia dc tovtov rot) arSfiaTos nXtva-ai roift ' ApyoiHW- 
rag KOI ik$€i» etr Tvpprfviap. KoraKoKovBtl de avrm koi * AiroW»vios^ — Ovd- 
cir dc io-ropei bUi rovrov rovs ^Apyovavras tlawtrrXevKtyai eZr n^y ^fiMTtpap 
Bakaa-aav ?f o> TifuxytfTOVf ^ ^koXov^o-cv *AvoW«i»io£ . . . 6 de "larpos^ iccnra- 
<f>fp6fuvos c£ 'Yir€pfiop€»v, orav f^ouni cVt rhv fiera^v 2Kv6ias koi Bp^£ 
T^TTOv a-xiC^TOi eiff Bvo' kuI t6 fi€v avTov fit t6v Ev^etyov irSvrov jSoXXet* t6 
de €T(pov cif TT^p TvpptjpiKTjv BoKafraap^, This notion of a double Ister 
appears in the Periplus of Skylax ^—^Icrrpoi' Mera dc *Ep€tovs tlo'tp tBpos 
"loTpoi, Koi jrtyrafi6s''l(rTpos» ovtos 6 voTafA6s Koi th top Hoptop ticfidKkti — 

'Prjpt^ y i$(ifjs cVircXXcrai Up6s "lorpos ^. 
'O de y€^pd<f)0£ ^o-i nai 3k\op "lirrpop eV rovrov ray apx^s rxoym ipfidk" 

f Cf. ir. i6so. h ibid. 55 a. irpb rvp MaffffaKiOK&p w6k4a»p' oi pip 

1 Geographi Min. ii. Agathemerus, ^L9i(avs rp*ls, 8vo tk /u<icpai, uln^% iyy^s 

liib. i. cap. V. pag. 1^: Ai 8i Jiroixd- Mcur<ra\la5. Cf. Strabo, iv. i. 297 a. 

8cf, at ^pApvfMit li^s ht" Mtiat Kiiprtu ^ Ad iv. 255. 384. 

1 8chol. ad ApoU. iv. 259. 2 Ibid, ad 284. cf. 284-293. and the SchoLad 292. 

3 Geographi Minores, i p. 6, 7. 4 Dionyi. Periegetes, 298. 



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GH. 3. s. 7. Voyage of the An^onauts. 813 

coorae whidi ApoUonius too must hare fixed opon, as the 
beat suited to bis purpose M and very probably on the au- 
thority of tbis geographer. His Argonauts, after being left 
apparently in the Pontus Euxinus, at the mouth of the Ister, 
make their appearance again first off the region of Hyllis^ in 
the Sinus Adriaticus, and among the Aifivpv(b€9 vrjaoi,^, Issa, 
Pitysea, Corcyra Nigra, Melite, Kerossus, and Nymphcea (de- 
scribed as the island of Calypso) ; all which they pass in suc- 
cession, before they are driven back to the f^rja-os^UK^icrfis, or 
Amber island ^, situated, as Apolionius supposes, in the in- 
most recesses of the Eridanus or Po. And from the Po they 
pass into the Rhone ^ and so down that to the Stoechades 
Insulse at last P. We must not however criticise either the 
history or the geography of the poem too strictly ; especially 
in this part of its oeconomy, which, as if to guard it before- 
hand against any objections of this kind, is purposely attri- 
buted to a direction of the gods, who signified their will that 
the Argonauts should adopt this course on their return, by 
an heavenly meteor, or shooting star q : wherein Virgil also 
has imitated Apolionius, making use of the same phenomenon 
to intimate the will of the gods to Anchises, that he should 
accompany iEneas in his escape from the fires of Troy ^ 

X«y tit t6p *ASplav Kokimv, Kara rwaSi di ot xai doicct rois noKkoig 17 *Apy«l> 
€K Tov "Eif^ipov w6vTov huKTrftTtlv tls t6 *AdpiaTiK6v TrfKayof . . . rovro de xac 
^AptaroTtKrft oidtv iv oU Xcyci art *' ol rpixicu pdvoi avanXtovaiv ck tov n<$v- 
Tov (Is rbp^larpov, ctra, Sirov a-xiC^rai, KOTttirXiova-ip (Is t6p *Adpui»*" — OIk 
oXryoi yap tS>p rt apyamp <rvyypa<f>(»p Koi tSup prraytptartptap {hp iarl Koi 
Tifuuos) <t>a(r\ roits *ApyopavTas fura rrfp tov ddparos apiray^p, iruBofUpovs 
wr* AajfTov vpoKortiKr^Bai pava\ to ardfia rov JJoptov, npa^ip eirirtXttratrBcu 
irapdBo^p teal fiprifiTfs d^iap, dp<m\(v<TaPTas yhp avrovs dia rov Tavaidos 
voTOfiov M ras mjyas . . . xaff Mpov vaKip irorofjuov, rffp pvfrip ^xoptos (Is 
r6p u}K(ap6p, KaTaw\(Vfrai wp6s t^p BaKatrtrap . . . «ca2 irXruriop ytpo^upovs Fa- 
Z(ip»p (Is TTfP Koff rffias BaXaatrap (l(nr\(vtrat ® — 'Eicaraiof d« 6 MiXritrios (k 
TOV ^(TtSos di(\B(ip {<f>Tf(rip) (Is t6p u>k«mp6p, (Ira (K(iB(p (Is t6p NciXoy, 
o$(p (Is TTfp j)p(T(pav BoKacraap . . /Haiodos b( koi Uipbapos^ cV UvBiopiKais 
KOI *ApTipaxos (P Avdr/ bth rov o>K(apov ((>rj<rip (XB(iP avTovs (Is At^wfP* Koi 
pairrda-apras TtfP *Apyi> (Is t6 ffp(T(pop irtXayos ytpivBat ^. 

* Cf il 430-434: »▼• 25. i- 02 : 302-3 ,1. m iv. 523-56*. " Ibid. 564-596. 
• Ibid. 627. P Ibid. 637-65a <» iv. 296-302* ' ^iieid. ii. 6*^3. 

& Eustathius in loc. cf. Strabo : Ari- ^ Diodorus 8ic. iv. 56. 

•totle, lie Animalibus, viii. 13. 232 37 : 7 Hcholis ad Pindar'. Pythia, iv. 44. 

De MirabiHbas, 105. Opp. ii. 839. 9 ad 8 Scholia in ApoU. Rhod. iv. 257. 

dextr. Cf.Mr.Groto, i 326. 



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314 Calendar of the Argonaatdca. diss. vii. 

It is observable however that whereas the history a£ the 
voyage from Tbessaly to Colchis is recorded with all possible 
circumstantiality^ and nothing is easier than to trace the sac- 
cession of particulars, by the help of the data which the poem 
itself famishes, from day to day, the case is very different 
with the account of the first part of the return from Golchis 
to Tbessaly again. 

We have followed the chronology of the poem without in- 
terraption, from the morning of the departure from Samo- 
thraoe to the morning of the departure from the Phasis, and 
found that the latter took place exactly on the 96th day from 
the former. This same circumstantiality in the notices of 
time continues to be observed for the first three days of 
the return 8 — 

Ol d* dtfifwv Xtw^niph Btrj? Porjkj<n» dtyroSf 

'H^ 

Tfoi iv\ Tpiraru irfWfunjo'ta vrjht ^dijotiy 
naKl>kay6tw9 axrg<r<, ndpoiff ^AXvos frorofioio. 

That is, in the country of Lyons and the Maryandyni *, in 
the same locality where Heraclea was afterwards founded by 
the Boeotians and the Megareans^, and where they had been 
hospitably entertained once before, on their way to Colchis^. 

The reason of this distinction is obvious. The course of 
the voyage from lolcus to Golchis, through the Hellespont 
and up the Pontus, was one of the most familiar of the kind 
to the Greeks of Apollonius^ time. It lay along a line of 
coast planted with Greek settlements; it was every year 
traversed by seamen and merchants ; the distances from one 
point upon it to another, and the time necessary to pass from 
one to another, whether with sails or with oars, had long 
been experimentally ascertained. But as to the new route, 
by which he was proposing to bring his Argonauts bade, ex- 
cept as far as the Halys, or the mouth of the Danube, it was 
impossible that anything could have been known about it ; 
and the very supposition of its possibility is itself the best 
proof that such was the case. Apollonius therefore has 
shewn his usual judgment in passing summarily and cursorily 
over this part of his account, though it must have been as 

• IT. 241. « iv. 398-300. ▼ ii. 748-852. » ii. 733-900. 



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OH. 3. 8. 7. Voyage cf the Argonauts. 815 

oomidOTmUe in pmnt of dniation as any, and mutt IiaT6 oc- 
oqiiod the best part of the whole year taken up by the 
wqrage. 

It should however be observed that the winter of this year 
must have been ineluded in this part of its duration, if the 
departure from the Phasis took place only three days after 
the autumnal equinox ; and though there is no distinct allu- 
sion to that season of the natural year, or to the consequent 
necessity of suspending the further prosecution of the voyage 
until it was over, the art and skill of the poet are not the less 
to be admired, if he has so ordered the course of events that 
an interruption, so produced, which mast be supposed to 
have come in somewhere or other soon after the departure 
from Colchis, should fiitd its place only in this part of the 
narrative, between the last appearance of the Argonauts in 
the Pontns Euxinus and their first appearance in the Adriatic, 
which is thus passed over in silence. 

iL Resumption of the chronological rule of the 
Argonautica. 

With the arrival however in the Mare Internum, and even 
at the Stoechades Insulse, the scene of the action would again 
be transferred to localities with which the Greeks of Apollo- 
nitts' time were well acquainted ; and therefore the same at- 
tention to minuteness of detail, in marking and defining the 
movements of the Argonauts from place to place, and from 
day to day, would again be possible. And it is very ob- 
servable that this characteristic of the narrative begins to 
reappear from this time forward, and especially from that of 
the arrival at jSsea, and the purification of Jason and Medea 
by Kirke y. As soon as this is over, the precision of a journal 
distinguishes the rest of the account, down to the arrival at 
iEgina. And that being the case, we might make the day of 
the arrival at Ma^ and of the purification in question, 
(which also takes place critically in the morning >,) the point 
of departure, from which to calculate the chronology of the 
remainder of the poem, as we did that of the voyage to Col- 
chis from the date of the arrival at Samothrace. It will 

T iT. 659-752. ' Ibid. 670-751. 



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3] 6 Caiendar of the Argonautica. dms. vii. 

bowerer be found more convenient to assume tbe next day, 
dated from morning also*; because it is that of the passage 
of the Argo through the gulf of Chary bdis — an event brought 
about^ according to the poem, through the express interven- 
tion of Hera, Thetis^ and the Nereids, and therefore alto- 
gether Kar" oIkovoiuom^. 

iii. Date of the passage of the gulf of Gharybdis. 

The first thing which we have to do is to fix the date of 
this day. Now the morning of this day is thus described « — 

dfj rorc Xai^frrjpoio Kan^Xvcrti^ Z«f)vpoto 
fiaivov €ir\ kkritdas uno \Bov6s — 

And this is a plain intimation that in now resuming the voyage 
they were not anticipating the stated date of the Zeipvpov 
Tn/oTf at least ; that is, according to all the Parapegmata of 
antiquity, the first or second week in February. Nor does it 
make any difierence that a west wind would have been neces- 
sary at any time, for such a purpose as that of sailing out of 
the Mare Tyrrhenum through the Fretum Siculum. That 
may be true ; and yet even a voyage like that would not have 
been described as undertaken, especially at this remote 
period in the art of navigation, before the earliest season in 
the natural year at which it could have been represented as 
begun, under any circumstances, with propriety. 

In the description however of the passage itself, (which^ as 
we have observed, was altogether due to Thetis and her sister 
Nereids,) a note of time occurs, which is critically important 
on this question, by fixing the date of the passage to the sea- 
son of spring in general, and to the day of the vernal equinox 
in particular ^. 

^Oatni d* tlaptvov fuiKwercu rJfiaTos ala-a^ 
Too-aariov fioyUvKOV eVt xi^^^^f o;(X4fovo-ai 
vrja hi€K virpai nokvffx*^^' ol If dvtfioio 
itSrif iiravpofuvoi nporep€» Bwtr &Ka tf &fi€ifiotf 
Spiyaicpiiyr Xcftfiova, fio&v rpo<l>6v *HrXiOiO. 

That is, it took Thetis and the Nereids the whole of the 
longest day of spring to accomplish their task. And what 

• iv. 841-861 : 884, 885. »» Ibid: 753-965. «• Ibid. 885. * it. 961. 



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CH.3- 8. 7- Voyage of the Argonaats. 817 

day of the spring that must have been^ may be inferred from 
the comment of the Scholiast : "Oo-oi^ Itrii biitrr/jfia fffUpas 
iapLpfis' iiyovp dcidfica &pQ» diaonffiaro? fiolpa. iapiviiv h^ €ipriK€P 
fffUpop riiv rfjs UnjfifpCas. 

The Scholiast consequently understood it of the day of the 
vernal equinox ; and it must be admitted that the length of a 
spring day as such is most properly that of the equinoctial 
day^ neither more nor less than twelve equinoctial hours. If 
80^ we have in this note of time a very precise intimation of 
the relation of this day of the passage of the gulf of Charybdis 
to the natural year. It was the vernal equinox. The pas- 
sage through the straits of Charybdis took place on this day, 
and occupied the whole of this day. The question is. What was 
the date of the vernal equinox which ApoUonius was most 
Kkely to have adopted ? 

Now if he adopted the Metonic date of the summer solstice, 
June 27, and the. Metonic date of the autumnal equinox^ 
September 27, we may presume he must have adopted also 
the Metonic date of the winter solstice, and the Metonic date 
of the vernal equinox. The former of these, according to 
Oeminus S was Dec. 25. The latter he has not specified, 
though there is reason to believe it must have been March 
24^; and Callippus' date for it^ according to GeminusS^ was 
actually March 24. We may presume then that the date of 
the vernal equinox, adopted by ApoUonius, must have been 
either March 24^ or March 25 ; between which he might be 
induced to fix upon the latter, because^ if he was writing 
]^ C. 230^ or about that time, March 25, as our Fasti Gatho- 
lici, or General Tables shew, was critically the true date of 
the vernal equinox. 

We may assume it therefore as a settled point, that the 
supposed day of the passage of the gulf of Charybdis was 
that of the vernal equinox ; and the date of the vernal equi- 
nox, March 25. And that it was a spring day in general, 
and the most characteristic of spring, of spring days in par- 
ticular, may be further inferred from the fact that the day 
after, (which on this principle would be the day after the 
equinox, March 26,) the Ai^onauts landed at Drepane, or 

* Urmnologiam. ' See Vol. i. 461. 464. 

s Urauologiniii. 



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318 Calendar of the Argonautica. diss. vii. 

Corcyra ^ ; and the night after their landing the marriage of 
Jason and Medea is supposed to have been celebrated i^ in 
honour of which the nymphs of the island are represented 
bringing flowers, i. e. the proper productions of spring ^ — 

HvfUlMt dfA€py6fttpai \tvKois ivi iroMciXa jc<SXfrocs 

iv. Chronology of the Argonautica from the day of the 

passage of the gulf of Gharybdis to that 

of the arrival at Pagasse. 

The use we may make of this assumption is the following : 

The resumption of the voyage homeward being thus sup- 
posed to have begun on the day of the vernal equinox in the 
natural year, March 25 in the Julian, the reckoning of days 
and nights from this time forward may be traced without in- 
terruption down to the arrival at iEgina^, the last incident, 
distinctly mentioned, before the arrival at Pagasse in Thes- 
saly, and the landing there ^ ; and it wiU be found to com- 
prise a period of 40 days and nights, including both the day 
of the passage of the gulf, and that of the arrival at ^gina. 
The date of the former therefore having been March 25, that 
of the latter must have been May 3. 

Now forasmuch as nothing more is supposed to have oc- 
curred after this arrival at JBgina, worthy of particular notice, 
except the return to Pagasse at last — the action of the Poem 
may be said to have terminated with this coming to .^igina. 
And so it appears to be represented by the author himself; 
who apostrophises his Argonauts at this period of their return^ 
as if now at the end of their labours a. 

"Xkar apuirifmt fuucdptop ym^ . . 

ipkl yap cirl Kkurh irtlpaff iKowm 
vfuripmy KOfiannr ml aC wv Tt£ Cftfut^ StBkot 
a^Ois car AlyimjBtv d»€pxofuvounv trvx^s 
cih* ai4pMp fpmkal h^trraBw ahXb. tictjikoi 
yaifiv ¥i€Kpottapf, napd r Aiiklba fitrp^<rapr€tt 
UvPoltis hfTwrBep, *Oirovyna r 6tma AoKp&p, 
atnragrlMi dicrhs naya(n}tdas tUranrifitfTt, 

But their voyage itself could not be said to have come to an 

^ IT. 981-997. * Ibid. 105S-1169. ^ lUd. 1143. cf. 1 158. 

1 iv. 1765, » Ibid. 1 773-1781. n Ibid. 1773. 



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CB. 3. 8. 7. Vc^age of the Argonauts. 319 

end, before they had got safe back to their own home ; and 
that they could not have done, along the course thus marked 
out for them from .dB^ina, in less than two days and one 
night more : so that, if they landed at ^gina early on May 
3, the 40th day of the return, reckoned from March 25, 
they could not have landed at Pagasse before the evening of 
May 4 at least, the 41 st. Let us then proceed to consider 
these dates in the lunar calendar of the time being. 

The first day of the first month in the year of the de- 
parture being supposed to have borne date May 6, (the regu- 
lar date of the first month of the first year of the third Gal- 
lippic period of the Metonic correction at Rhodes, B.C. 230;) 
then by the law of the Metonic cycle the first of the same 
month the next year would bear date April 25®; and the 
8rd of May, the date of the arrival at i£gina, would be the 
ninth' of that month, the 4th of May, that of the arrival at 
PagassB would be the tenth. * 

It has been already observed p, that according to Apollo- 
dorus, the whole voyage of the Argonauts was completed in 
four months. He has given the history of the expedition, in 
his Bibliotheca q, in a manner so conformable to the Argo- 
nautica, that he might have taken it from that poem itself; 
and the last particular which he also mentions'^ is the land- 
ing at ^gina, and the contest among the Argonauts, which 
of them should get through his share of a common task (the 
provision of a fresh supply of water) soonest : to which con- 
tention the tradition of antiquity attributed the institution 
of the *Tbpo4>6pia at JEgina, and the same kind of contest 
with which they were celebrated there ever after". And he 
also concludes his account, after the departure from ^gina, 
*Ek€W€v hi buL Trjs EvpoCas Kai 1^9 AoKp(bos v\€6<ravT€s €h 
*ii»kKbp rjkOov — which might have been taken from ApoUo- 
nius ; but he adds at the end of it : Tbv irivra itXovv kv ria-- 
iFopai ixqal T€X€i^avT€9, 

Now this could not have been taken from Apollonius, who 
has nowhere specified the length of the voyage from first to 
last ; and if he has given us the means of calculating it, ac- 
oofding to his representations of it, has furnished us with 

o See Vol. Ti. Appendix, Tftble i. P Supra, 308. 

4 i. iz. I 16-26. r Ibid. § 46. s ApoUoniua, It. 1765-1771. 



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320 Calendar of the Argonautica. diss. vif. 

data more than sufficient to satisfy us that, in bis opinion, 
and according to his representation of the actual course of 
events, it lasted much longer than four months. We con- 
sider it most probable therefore that this statement^ with 
vhich the summary of the expedition in ApoUodorus con* 
dudes, respecting its entire duration, was received from a 
distinct and independent tradition ; part of the history of the 
real voyage from Thessaly to Colchis and back, which must 
sometime or other have been made t, on which this fabulous 
one of the Argonautic expedition was altimately founded : 
a voyage, which very probably began in May, and was over 
by the end of September. If any such tradition actually ex* 
isted in the time of ApoUodorus, it must have existed in that 
of Apollonius also ; who, though he did not adopt it himself, 
(nor would it have suited the purpose of his poem to do so,) 
might nevertheless pay so much deference to it, as to bring 
back his Argonauts at the end of a complete year, as this 
tradition had done at the end of four months complete. And 
it is evident that, if he dated the beginning of their voyage 
at the Uk€iijb(i^v ^irtroAt) in one year, and the close of it 42 
days after the vernal equinox in the next, he must have sop* 
posed it to have taken up an entire year between : forty-two 
or forty-three days being the precise interval in the calendar 
of Meton and Euctemon, between the vernal equinox, March 
24, and the UXuAbtAv ivixok% May 6. 

V. Date of the commencement of the voyage of the 
Argonauts. 

I^et us then turn, in the next place, to the circumstances 
of the commencement of the voyage — i. e. of the departure in 
the first instance from lolcus, and afterwards from Aphetes. 

It is dear from the Poem itself, that it opens in striotness 
not on the day of the departure, but on the day before it^: 
and that would be something remarkable, did it not also ap- 
pear that this day, though prior to that of the departure, was 
sacred to Phoebus ; and spent, in this instance, in sacrificing 
to Phosbns, and in the usual festivities of an holiday of Ph<B- 
bus. The next morning at daybreak the Argonauts, having 
been roused by Tiphys their pilot', began their voyage; 

t 8m nipim page 167 note. ^ i. 1-551. 353~5>8- ' ^* $i9« 



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CH. 3* «. 7 • Voyage of the A rgonaats. 32 1 

and after one day's sail cast anchor, for the first night, ou the 
coast of Magnesia, near the tomb of Dolops there 7. 

There was no doubt a certain propriety in supposing the 
day before the actual commencement of an expedition, (the 
origin of which was ultimately due to Apollo^ and in which 
Apollo had promised to be the associate and assistant of 
Jason',) to have been devoted to the honour of Apollo in 
particular. But if so^ we must consider also that the day 
sacred to Apollo^ especially at this early period, was the 
seventh of the month ; and consequently if the Poem opened 
on the day sacred to Apollo^ it must have opened on the 
seventh of the month. And besides this, that there was a 
closer connection between the worship of Apollo and the 
seventh of the month, than any other day in the calendar, 
appears from subsequent occasions in the course of the 
action ; especially in what passed before and after the arrival 
at Anaphe^ and led to the first instance of the sacrifice to 
Apcdlo aiyX^9 there ; the date of which we hope to con- 
sider by and by. It is on every account therefore to be pre- 
sumed that the Argonautica^ as opening on the feast day of 
Apollo, must have opened on the seventh of the month; 
consequently on the seventh of the first month, in the lunar 
calendar adopted for the chronology of the Poem, the 7tb 
of the first month in the Rhodian calendar; which in the 
first year of its proper Period and proper Cycle would be 
May 12. 

It is further however observable, and at first sight a very 
unaccountable circumstance^ that the voyage having been 
aetually begun the day after this (the 8th of the month in 
qaestion. May 13)^ and one day^s sail actually completed, as 
far as the tomb of Dolops in Magnesia ; the Argonauts are 
supposed to have staid two entire days on this spot — without 
attempting to continue their course. They arrived at sunset 
or evening ; and sunset or evening, according to the scho- 
liast \ being the stated time of the day for doing sacrifice to 
the Manea, they offered sacrifice, as soon as they arrived, to 
the shade of Dolops ^ : 

y i. 5^*- 5^3' » i- 4II-4M. • iv. 1690-1714. b Ad . 5»7. 

* i. 587. 

KAL. HBLL. VOL. V. Y 



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322 Calendar of the Argonantica. diss. ni. 

Kac fuv KvbaivovTts, vtto KvttfHif tfvrofia fi^Xaiv 
K€tav, 6pt»ofAtinf9 ak6s otdfiari' dw\6a d* dxrait 
tfftar iXurvta-Kov* arap rpirar^ vpohiKtw 
PTJa, rawao-dfupoi ntpiSaiov {nlr60i Xal^f' 
rffv y aKTrfv *A<^crof *Apyovs rn KiKkrj<rKCv<rt, 

If anything is here intimated, as if to account for this delay, 
so early in the voyage, it must be the allusion to the sea's 
beginning to be agitated, on the evening of the arrival in this 
locality ; and yet that is too indefinite to be understood of a 
storm, or of bad weather sufficiently serious or long to have 
occasioned an interruption of this kind, at the very beginning 
of the voyage. The truth is, the interposition of these two 
days at Aphetse must have been altogether Kar^ oUovoiaUlv, to 
serve a particular purpose. It was necessary in order to the 
explanation of the name of Aphetse, that the Argo should 
finally set out from that locality ; and for that reason it was 
brought there from lolcos, two days before : and it was also 
necessary that it should not set sail, even from this spot, be- 
fore the earliest term when the sea could be considered open 
for such an expedition, viz. the nXeiddo)!; iviTokri. 

It is remarkable that the same (economy had been ob- 
served in)]the Updrrj iKboais of the Poem, with this difference 
however, as may be inferred from the scholia, that the two 
days of delay followed after verse 515, as the text stands at 
present ; i. e. the song of Orpheus, which was, in fact, the 
close of the proceedings of the first day. The scholiast ob- 
serves on this verse, 'Ei^ 5^ r^ TrpoexdoVet ficr^ tovto yiypavroi' 

'Hfu>£ dc rptrani <^yi; ffiis, rj d* ivl vvKra 
fiovSvaiav 'Ekotow kot a\rr6$i dtuinfpMvoKrw, 
TTJpos &p €K Ai66fv irvoiT/ wia'€P' Ztpro di TUfivs 
K€ick6fievos paiP€iv erri o-ekfuuri' rot d* aiotrnt. 

afi€pddK€0¥ df \ipriv K,r.\. 

which is line 524 at present : so that on this principle all 
that we read in the Argonautica at present between ver. 515 
and 524 is new. And this is perhaps the only passage of the 
first edition which has come down entire. 

It seems then that in the original conception of the Poem 
the feast of ApoUo, instead of ending on the first day, was so 
designed as to last until the fourth day ; all which time the 



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CH. 3. 8. 7. Voyage of the Argonauts. 323 

Ai^ODauts were waiting for the wind to drop, in order to put 
to sea. Thejr were detained then, in the first edition also^ 
two days complete ; but whether at Aphetae does not appear, 
though most probably it was so : and the actual day of the 
departure was the same in the first as in the second edition, 
and the actual locality from which it took place also. If the 
date of the feast to Apollo on the first day was the same in 
each, the seventh of the month, and it was kept for three 
days in the one, and only one in the other, but at Aphetse in 
the first edition, at lolcos in the second — the final de- 
parture from Aphetse at last would still be the same in each, 
the 11th of the month. 

Now, there were probably two reasons, as we have inti- 
mated, for this peculiar (Economy in each of the versions of 
the Poem ; one, that the action must open in each with the 
sacrifice to Apollo, and on the day sacred to Apollo, and 
therefore on the seventh of the month ; the other, that the 
Argonauts must not set sail from the shores of Thessaly be- 
fore the l\\€tAh<av iiriToXri. The seventh of the month, the 
12th of the Julian May in this instance, would be incom- 
patible with the Metonic date of the UKciAboiv imToXii, the 
first of the same month, May 6 ; but there was another date 
of the nXciodo)!; iiiiToXri^ probably better adapted to the lati- 
tude of Rhodes than the Metonic, with which Apollonius 
could not fail to have been equally well acquainted, the date 
of Eudoxus, the 22nd day in Taurus, according to Geminus ^, 
May 15 — as the Metonic date. May 6, was the 13th. 

These two reasons would require an interposition of two 
days between the celebration of the sacrifice to Apollo, with 
which the Poem opens, and the departure from Aphetse, with 
which the voyage began ; two days which in the first edition 
were supposed .to have been transacted along with the first 
at Aphetse, in the second, and with better judgment, in our 
opinion, were divided between lolcos and Aphetse : the feast 
being kept at lolcos, on the 7th of the month ; the two days 
of delay being passed at Aphetse, on the 9th and the 10th. The 
latter of these days was the date of the rising of the Pleiads, 
May 15, and the day after, May 16, the 11th of the month, 
(the first day on which such a voyage as this could begin, so 

* Page 121. 
Y 2 



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324 Calendar of the Argonautica. diss. yii. 

as to begin after the heliacal rising of the Pleiads,) was the 
first of the voyage properly so called; dated vdth the de- 
parture from the coast of Thessaly. 

The day of the beginning of the voyage then having been 
thus determined to the 11th of the current lunar month this 
year^ and the day of the conclusion to the 10th of the same 
month, in the next ; no one can doubt that these arrange- 
ments must have been purposely made in accommodation to 
each other; and the entire duration of the action of the 
Poem, as we observed supra ^^ must have been so strictly 
limited to the compass of one lunar year, as to come to an 
end at last on the very day before that on which it began at 
first. 

vi. Length of the interval past in Lemnos. 

The absolute date of the commencement of the voyage 
being thus assumed as the 11th of the first month, May 16, 
we are in a condition to determine the length of the stay in 
Lemnos, which we have hitherto left indefinite. The inter- 
position of this episode in itself, and as conducive to the 
proper end and business of the expedition, appears to have 
answered no purpose except that of delaying the arrival at 
Samothrace, which Apollonius might have special reasons for 
not dating earlier than June 26, the day before the summer 
solstice, June 27. But it served an historical use and pur- 
pose, in connecting this fabulous voyage of the Argonauts 
with the real one under Jason, which must sometime or 
other have taken place; and of which tradition had always 
made this visit to Lemnos, and the intercourse with the 
women of Lemnos, to which the repeopling of the island was 
ultimately due, one of the circumstances. 

The date of the departure from Aphetss having been the 
morning of the fifth day reckoned from the Luna 7, "Mlbj 12, 
i. e. the Luna 11, May 16, the date of the arrival at Lemnos 
was the morning of the seventh day, the Luna 14, May 19 : 
and the day of the departure again having been the morning 
of June 26, the duration of the stay there meanwhile, from 
morning to morning, must have been 88 days, from the 14th 
of the first month. May 19, to the 22d of the second, Jane 

e Page 287. 



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CH. 3* 8. 8. Date of the Argonautic Ea^pedition. 335 

26. Nor can this inteiral be considered improbable, for a 
purpoae at least intended Kar oUovofilap, and by the poet 
himself attributed to the interposition of Aphrodite, in order 
to that effect^. 

Kvwpis yhp ivX yXvKvtf ifitpov ^p<rf, 
pturiTtu fji€T6urur6€v wcffpaTos dvbpdtri Arjp.vot, 

It is intimated in the narrative also that the stay of the 
Argonauts was protracted from day to day ^ — 

*Afifio\irf d* €it ^fiap of) t( ^fiarog ^e 
vavrikujs — 

And it was terminated at last, and the voyage resumed, only in 
consequence of the indignant remonstrances of Hercules with 
the rest ^ In all the epic poems of antiquity, of which the 
Argonautic expedition was the argument, this Lemnian epi- 
sode appears to have cut the same conspicuous figure, and to 
have taken up a proportionable length of time. This is par- 
ticularly true of the Argonautica of Valerius Flaccus, which 
has come down to posterity in the Latin, as ApoUonius^ has 
in the Greek ; for in that poem it seems to have occupied a 
much longer interval than in that of ApoUonius — little less 
than the whole of one natural year. 

Section VIII. — On the date of the Argonautic Expedition 
adopted by ApoUonius. 

The ooincidences of solar and lunar dates, which have thus 
beta pointed out^ can leave no doubt that when ApoUonius 
was oomposing his Argonautica he must have had two calen- 
dars before him ; a solar one, most probably the same with 
the Metonic, and a lunar one, altogether the same with the 
Bhodian of the epoch of B. C. 882. 

The question then, which presents itself under such cir- 
cumstances, is this. On what principle could he have consi- 
derad the calendars of his own time, B. C. 382 or B. G. 230, 
applicable to the time of the Argonauts, and competent to 
•erve for the chronology of the Argonautic expedition ? In 
answer to which we observe, i. That if Dionysius of Halicar- 
naMoa had his reasons for believing that the vulgar Metonic 
calendar (the Attic calendar of his own time) might be car- 

^ i. 850. • t. 861. f 861 sqq. 



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Calendar of the Argonautica. diss. vii. 

ried back to the Trojan sera ^, ApoUonius too might have had 
equally good reasons for thinking that the Rhodian calendar 
of his own time might be carried back to the time of the 
Argonantic expedition, ii. That if we take into account the 
facts of his personal history, or the circumstances under which 
his Argonautica were written^ it appears from the Vita, com- 
monly prefixed to them^ and from Suidas ^, that he was the 
son of Silleus or Illeus^ of Alexandria, and a contemporary 
of Callimachus and Eratosthenes* (the disciple of the former, 
and the successor in the care of the library at Alexandria of 
the latter;) ^nd that his acme is to be dated in the reign of 
the third Ptolemy, surnamed Euergetes. 

Now this being the case; it is to be presumed that he 
must have been as well acquainted with the Chronological 
Canons of Eratosthenes as Dionysius of Halicamassus ; and 
that he might adopt his date for the capture of Troy, and for 
the Argonautic expedition, as implicitly as Dionysius him- 
self. The latter indeed of these two has not been handed 
down in terms like the former ; but Mr. Clinton has con* 
eluded from circumstantial reasons that it could not have 
been much different from B. C. 1225, 42 years before his date 
for Troja capta, B.C. 1183*. In our opinion, however, the 
interval of 42 years, between these two events, is too short 
to have been supposed by so accurate a chronologer as Era- 
tosthenes, and one who is known to have made so much use 
of the natural length and succession of generations. Era- 
tosthenes must have been aware that many of those who 
fought at Troy were sons of Argonauts ; who mast have been 
bom at the time of the expedition, though still only infants. 
ApoUonius himself gives us to understand that this was the 
case with Achilles in particular ; whom he represents Chariclo, 
the wife of Chiron, as holding up in her arms while the Argo 
was passing by, in order that Peleus his fieither might catch a 
glimpse of him ^. He must have assumed that the Argonauts 
were all in the flower of their age when they went on this 
expedition ; i. e. neither much more nor much less than 80 
years of age ; and that their children were in the same pre* 
dicament when they too gave in their names for the Trogan 

K Vide vol. ii. 118. ^ ^AnoW^pios. * Fasti Hellenici, i. p. 139. cf. p. 76, 77. 

^ i. 557. 



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CH. 3. 8. 8. Date of the Argonautic Expedition. 327 

expedition. But it should also be remembered that, accord- 
ing to the uniform tradition of antiquity, there was 20 years' 
interval between the time when the expedition was first set 
on foot, and the capture of Troy : and therefore that those 
who were 30 years old at the beginning of it could not have 
been less than 50 at the end *. 

It is much more probable therefore that, reasoning from 
such data as these, Eratosthenes would assume the Argonautic 
expedition 50 years at least before the capture of Troy : and, 
to judge from what ApoUonius himself has supposed of the 
age of Achilles at the time, he too must have been of the 
same opinion. Callimachus also was the author of a system 
of chronology, the principal dates in which, as compared with 
those of Eratosthenes, according to Mr. Clinton ', ranged about 
56 years lower. But ApoUonius could have had no induce- 
ment to prefer the dates of Callimachus to those of Era- 
tosthenes ; though Callimachus is said to have been his master. 
For some reason or other, the feelings of these two contem- 
porary geniuses one towards the other were not those of the 
master and the scholar. The Ibis of Callimachus, the bit- 
terest of invectives ever written, (as we may judge from the 
Ibis of Ovid, composed in imitation of it,) is said to have 
been levelled at ApoUonius ™ ; and it was either the satire or 
the ridicule of Callimachus, more than anything else, which 
drove him into retirement for a time, after the faUure of his 
first attempt. 

If however there was a standing difference of 56 years be- 
tween these two systems of chronology, it would have made 
little difference in the present instance which date of the 

^ IphidnSy Admetus, Theseus, CKleus, Peleus, Telamon, Hercules, Nau- 
plhiSy Neteos, Deucslion son of Minos, all these (and more) are enumer- 
aftsd among theAygonautB, (Hyginus, Fabb. xiv. cf. Apollodorus, Biblio- 
thecs, i. u. 16: Diodorus, ir. 41. 49.) and all these were fathers of sons 
who fought at Troy. The testimony of Homer however is most important 
on this point; and according to that, Evenus the son of Jason and Hypsi- 
pyle was reigning at Lemnos, all through the siege of Troy : cf. Iliad H. 
467 : «. 41 : ^. 747 : and if he was then between ^hy and suty years of 
age, he must have been bom between B. C. 1231 and 1241. Such then 
snisl have been the true time of the true or historical expedition, on which 
tki$ of fable was founded. 

1 Fasti, i. p. 139. "* Soidsfl, KaWlfiaxou 



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328 Calendar of the Argonautica. diss. vii. 

expedition (whether Eratosthenes* or CalHmachus'; Apollonias 
might have adopted. Since therefore 58 cycles of 19 years 
= 1007 years, let us suppose him to have gone back 1007 
years from B. C. 230, i. e. to B. C. 1237, and assumed that as 
the date in question, 54 years before Eratosthenes' date of 
the capture of Troy, B. C. 1183 : then if, like Dionysius of 
Halicarnassus afterwards, he had no difficulty in conceiving 
the Greek calendar to have been lunar in the time of the 
Argonauts, as much as in his own, he could have had no 
difficulty in transferring the Metonic reckoning of his own 
time to that of the expedition. 

This question, it is evident, is entirely distinct from that 
of the date of his poem itself; which nevertheless may very 
probably be assumed about this year, B. G. 230, too. If 
ApoUonius flourished in the reign of Euergetes I. it must 
have been between B. C. 247 and B. C. 222 ; and if he sac- 
ceeded Eratosthenes in the care of the library, it must have 
been about B.C. 195 or 194, if that is the most probable 
date of the death of Eratosthenes ". If Eratosthenes himself 
presided over the library 40 years, he too must have been 
appointed to that charge about B. C. 235 ; and that was most 
probably the time when Apollonius (then of the age of an 
i<f>rjfios, according to the Vita, and certainly still very young,) 
produced his first attempt, which exposed him to so much 
raillery from his contemporaries, and ultimately drove him 
to Rhodes. 

It is far from improbable therefore, that B. C. 230 was the 
very year in which he set about the composition of his second 
poem, on the same subject ; the same which has come down 
to posterity, and the chronology of which we have been at- 
tempting to illustrate. It is certain at least that finding 
a calendar at Rhodes, as perfect of its kind as any which 
was in existence elsewhere, and what is more, bearing date at 
the nXciddttr iTHToX.rjy he would have every inducement to make 
choice of that, if he wanted one for the benefit of his poem. 
And if he determined to avail himself of this, he would 
naturally take it in its normal or rectified state; that is, 
such as it was in the first year of its proper period and proper 

» See Mr. Clinton, Fasti Hellenici, iii. in anno: cf. P- 531-535 « 5X3-S»6 : 
Suidas, *EpaToa64fris. 



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CH. 3. 8. 9. Chronology qf the . Argonautica. 



829 



C7de. B. 0. 230 was a year of that description, the first 
year of the third Callippic period of the Metonic correction 
at Rhodes, dated May 6, B. G. 382. 

It remains then, in order to the completion of this subject, 
to exhibit the chronology of the poem, in synopsis or outline, 
from the beginning to the end ; i. e. from the morning of 
the departure from lolcos, the Luna 8a, the Julian May 13, 
to the evening of the arrival at Pagasse, the Luna 10^, the 
Julian May 4, according to the conclusions above established: 
{NPemising in the first place the scheme of the Bhodian calen- 
dar, for the interval in question. 



MHome Calendar qf Rhodes, Period iii, i. Cycle t. i. May 6, B, C. 230, 
— April 35, B. C. 339. 



MODtll. 



i Artamitiofl 


May 6 vii SminthiiiB 


Oct. 31 £z. 9 


ii Fuoamus 


June 5 viii Diosthyiu 


Nov. 39 


ill PedageitnyuB 


July 5 Ex. 3 iz Agrianius 


Dec. 39 — 13 


iv HyakinthiuB 


Aug. 3 z Badromius 


Jan. 37 


V Carndus 


Sept. a — 6 zi Theudaesins 


Feb. 36 — 15 


vi ThesmophoriasOct. i xii Dalius 


March 26 




I Artamitius April 35 £z. 18. 





Section IX. — Chronology of the Argonautica. 

Paet I. 

From the beginning of the voyage to the arrival in Fiphlagonia on the 

retom. 



Day. I. Julian. 

May 

I 8 13 AMip or alyKfi^cfra ffxuivois SiAfAaaip 'Hdbr. 

i. 519-586: cf. 353- 450- 518. 



4 


II 


16 


darkSa If tuertus 
i. 588-593- 


5 


13 


17 


i. 594-600. 


6 


'3 


18 


f pi dc rurcroficyouriy. 
i. 601-606. 



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) 

Day. 
7 

45 


14 
ii. 


Calendar qfthe Argonautica. diss. vii. 

May 

19 aMip dfi ^cXioco fioKaif. 

1. 607-909- 
June 

26 i Koi tPau; M r^a. 

i. 910-915. 91S-931. 


46 


33 


17 


i. 922-938. 


47 


34 


38 


n-Aoyop dc TO fA€P KoBvtrtpBt XcXciirro 
i. 938-930. 


48 


as 


29 


^fiba^aiv ^ \iv6vTtg. 
i. 931-936- 93^65. 966-984. 


49 
50 


36 

37 


30 

July 

I 


i. 985-101 1. lOi 2-1020. 1021-1052. 
i. 1053-1056. 


53 


30 

iii. 


4 


rffwra dc rpm iropra. . . 
i. 1057-1077: cf. ii. 814. 817. 839. 


65 


13 


16 


i. I078-IO80. I080-XIO3. 


66 


14 


17 


i. 1104-1151. 


67 


15 


r8 


oMpht^. 
i. 1151-1273: cf. 1169. 1173. 1186.1231. 1255. 


68 


16 


19 


ff&OS. 

i. 1273-1359: cf. 1280. 1358. 



69 17 20 driip ovd* nrt tvtB^ Ajto 

^OV9 TtWoijJinfs. 
i. I3S9! "• 163= cf-i- 1363! "• *55- 

70 18 21 fffwf i^ ^\iog bpoa-tpdt. 

ii. 164-176. 

71 19 22 fffxari d* ^X^ 

avrifrcpi|v. 
ii- "76-450: cf. 308. 428. 



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72 


.9. 
iii. 


Ckranohgy of the Argonatttica. 
July 

ii. 451-499 ' cf. 49^. 


73 


ai 


34 


9/M d^ rnfo-uu aSpai esrexpooy. 


"3 


T. 

I 


Sept. 

2 


ii« 533-670 : cf. 66a. 


"4 


3 


3 


ii. 671-721 : cf. 688. 70a. 


ii6 


4 


5 


Ifftos dc rpirarov <l>dog ifXvOt, 
ii. 7aa-7a8. 


117 


5 


6 


ii. 739-900: cf. 76a. 814. 839. 853-^60. 


ia8 


17 


17 


17^01 d* ffirtiTa duttdcxary ariPaunv 
ii. 901-944 J cf.94a. 



881 



139 18 18 Mffv d* a^ KrffWf/<3iy ^* ^XiOio jSoXffo-i. 
ii. 945-947- 

130 19 19 oMica d* *Ii<ravpirf£ circ/3ay x^9oif69, 

iL 948-xooa: of. 96a. 966. 97a. 995. 

13X ao 30 iiium, If SKk^ 

wvKrt r /irarXo/icyj^. 
ii. 1003-103 X. 

13a ax ax ^/kSruH* Xiapi) yap vfr& JD>«^af« 

ii. X034. xo3a-xo9X. xo9a-xia3: of. ii. X099. 
XX04. XI 33: iiL 330-337. 

X33 33 33 t6 dc lAUpiop CK Ai^ff vda>p 

ii. XX33-X33X. 

134 33 33 ijpc y wftypofjJpowuf. 

ii. X333-1345 : cf. X335. 

135 34 34 Kti$€p d* a^ BiaiqM»yoff, 

ii. 1346-1349 : cf. X 350-1 355. 

136 35 35 ml ^ KavKaaimw optmv ^vcrcXXov tpiirptu. 

ii. X3SI. 1349-X388: cf. 1335. 1355. 1364. 



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Calendar of the Argonautica. Disa. vii. 

Diy. V. Sept. 

137 36 96 1^ d* ol fjttrh litfpdv, 

ii. 1389-iii. 833 : cf. iii. 41. 537. 743. 798. 8x9. 

138 37 37 rg d* danda-iop jSoXc ^cyyor 

iii. 833-1 171 : cf. 737. 914. 931. 1 137. 1143. 

139 38 38 oMip ^* ^i 

iii. 117J-1333: cf. I190. I194. 1338. 

140 39 39 ifbfi M 4^6nt ifi4>6€mt vfnpSt 

KavKoaw ffpiytvrfs, 

iii. i333-i7. 108 : cf. iii. 1339. 1406. 1041. 1345. 
417 : iv. 6. 47. 54. 69. 70. loi. 

141 30 30 ^fios d* mptf vnvoy. 

iv. 109-340: cf. 183. 
vi Oct. 

143 3 3 JfOl €P\ rplTOTff, 

iv. 344. 341-353. 



Part II. 

¥tom the day of the passage of the gulf of Charybdis to the day of the 

landing at Pagase. 



SL 


Montti. 


Mar. 


I 


30 

xii. 


as 


3 


I 


36 



iv. 885-980: cf. 841.961. 

Hfftpa Koi a^t 

iv. 980-1169: cf. 1058. 1071. mi. 1 130. 

3 3 37 ffms If dfjfipoaioiGiv dpepxopani ifMitwi, 

iv. 1 170-13 19. 
April 
983 fj^art d* 4fidopaTip ^ptir^jniv \iwov. 

iv. 1333-1331 : cf. 1319, I330. 

xol r&r aimpnrayhfiv 

iwia vatras 
PVKTaf 6f*At Koi T6<nra i^p ijpara, 
iv. X 333-1 395 : cf. 1389. 1304. 

19 18 13 SKfjopm Koi Stratrroi ^Ktiaro vvxf^^vnh jrturap 
KoH tfiaog. 
iv. 1295-1380: of. 1313. 



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OB. 2. s. lo. Ghronotogy of the Argonautica. 

D>y. rii. April 

31 30 24 f^p€w bvQKaibtKa irdpra 

iffuiff 6funf Koi WKTai. 
17.1386: cf. 1381-1536. 1396, 1397. 1436. 1479 



3a 


1. 

I 


»5 


150a. 
iv. 1537-1632 : cf. 1540. 


33 


2 


26 


iv. 1622-1624. 


34 


3 


27 


fjpi y tir€tT ayicfiova. 
iv. 1625-1634: cf. 1629. 1631. 


35 


4 


38 


iv. 1634-1636. 


36 


5 


39 


iv. 1636-1690 : cf. 1635. 1689. 


37 
38 


6 
7 


30 

May 

I 


fitrh d* 01 -yc vtov <l>a€$ovo'a» is rf&, 
iv. 1690-1713: cf. 1695. 

iv. 1 713-* 730- 


39 


8 


2 


«iXX* St€ dij irciircc^ci' vircvdia Vfitrftar cAvorov. 
iv. 1731-1764: cf. 1732. 


40 


9 


3 


Kcc^cv d' airr€p€»s, bih fivplop oldfta \tir6pT€s. 
iv. 1765-1772. 


41 


10 


4 


iv. 1781. 1773-1780. 



Section X. — Iftferencesjrom the preceding review^ Ulustratwe 
of the calendars or of the customs of classical antiquity. 

There are certain inferences derivable from the preceding 
review of the chronology of the Argonautica^ which we think 
it deairable to point out^ before we take our leave of this 
subject ; because they are calculated to illustrate either the 
other calendars of the time besides the Bhodian, or the cus- 
toms and usages of classical antiquity. 

L Lemnian calendar^ in the time of Apollonius. It is an 
obvious conclusion from the Lemnian Episode that there 



Digitized by LjOOQIC 



334 Calendar of the Argonantica. dibs. vii. 

could have been no dijBferenc6 in the opinion of Apollonius 
between the calendar of Lemnos and that of the Argonauts ; 
and if so, there could have been as little in his own time be- 
tween the calendar of Lemnos and that of Rhodes. It is 
probable therefore that the Lemnian correction also origin- 
ally was one of those which belonged to the same namerous 
family as the Uhodian, that of the Third Type of the Hel- 
lenic Octaeteris in general, Jan. 7, B. C. 542 ; and one of 
those too, which, at the end of the first Period of that Type, 
B. C. 382, like the Rhodian, adopted the Metonic correction, 
and transferred the beginning of the year from Jan. 7 or 8 
to the date of the U\€iiba>v hriToK'^ *. 

* Among the ohancten introduced in the Thebais of Stattui, Hypri- 
pyle, daughter of Thoaa, king of Lemnoe, and the contemporary of the 
Argonauts^ is one. She appears there as the nurse of the infant Arche- 
morus, whose untimely fate gives occasion to the institution of the 
Nemean games ; and she is supposed to have been banished from Lem- 
nos by the rest of the women, for saving the life of Thoas in the midst of 
the general destruction of the male population ; twenty years before the 
expedition of the seven against Thebes. From the speech which Statins 
puts into her mouth, v. 29 sqq., it must be inferred that he reckoned the 
Lemnian year to have begun in the winter, as the Boeotian did, which, as 
we have seen supra, vol. ii. 329 sqq., he adopted for the chronology of 
his Poem. In this speech, the Lemnian woman (Polyzo here too, v. 327. 
9P.) who is supposed to have first conceived and proposed the idea of 
massacreing the men, is made to say, 

Atque adeo primum hoc mibi noscere detur, 
Tertia canet hyems, cui connubialia vincla, 
Aut thalami secretns honos ? v. 1 1 1 . 

And the year being meant by the hyems, we must suppose from this allu- 
sion that the year began in the winter. Shortly after the Argonauts 
arrive. Consequently in the spring : and they spend the rest of the year 
with the Lemnian women — ^i. e. not less than ten months — as may be in- 
ferred from the following allusion : 

Jamque exuta gelu tepuerunt sidera longis 

Solibus, et velox in terga revolvitur annus : 

Jam nova progenies partusque in vota soluti, 

Et non speratis Lemnos clamatur alumnis. v. 459. 

This describes the course of nature from the winter soktioe first to the 
spring, and then roond to the spring again— implying that the year began 
in the winter, but the arrival of the Argonauts took place in the spring — 
as their departure again at last also does — 



Digitized by LjOOQIC 



CH. 3. s. J o. Calendars ifc. Uhutrated by the Argonantica. 886 

iL Date of the Samotfaraeian mysteries. It is another ob* 
servable coincidence that the airiyal of the Argonauts at 
Samothrace is so contrived as to take place on the day of 
their departore from Lemnos, June 26, but on the evening 
of that day, the evening of June 27, the solstitial day, 
reckoned by the Grecian rule ; and that their initiation in 
tlie mysteries takes place on the evening of their arrival too. 
This is sufBcient to prove that the rule of the Noctidiumal 
cycle was the same in Samothrace as everywhere else at first. 
We cannot doubt that all this was purposely contrived^ and 
that the Lemnian Episode, among the other uses contem- 
plated by it, was intended also for thU^ of detaining the 
Argonauts so long at Lemnos, that they should not arrive at 
Samothrace before the evening of their initiation : the even- 
ing of the summer solstitial day reckoned according to the 
primitive rule. The reason why the Argonauts should be 
initiated in these mysteries in particular, just after they had 
set out upon such a voyage as theirs, is explained by the 
common opinion of the Greeks, that tiiose who had be^i ini- 
tiated in these mysteries were safe from the danger of ship- 
wreck. But the question is^ whether the Samothracian my- 
steries were celebrated only once in the year, or more than 
once ? For if they were celebrated only once, then this date 
of the initiation of the Argonauts ascertains the stated date 
of these mysteries in the time of Apollonius, June 27, the 
summer solstice, reckoned by the Grecian rule from the 
evening before. And if they were celebrated even more than 
once in the year, yet not oftener than once a month, or once 

Detumueie animi maris, et clementior Aaster 
Vda vocat — v. 468. 

after a «tay of ten montba at least. 

It 18 clear therefore that Statiua assumed the Lemnian calendar to have 
been the same with the Boeotian of his time. Valerius Flaccus also, as 
we saw supra, (page 15,) by dating both the murder of the rest of the 
men, and the preservation of Thoas, at the Dionysia, would so far agree 
with Statins. Cf. v. 186-195. Neither of these representations is incon- 
sistent with the fact which we are supposing, on the authority of the 
Argonautica, that the Lemnian calendar was originally the same with the 
Rhodian. Both these calendars began in the winter, as much as the 
Boeotian ; and there was originally only six days' difference between their 
respective epochs. 



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386 Calendar of the Argonhfxtich. diss. vii. 

every three months, still this same date, June 27, is ascer- 
tained as the stated date of one of these occasions at least--^ 
whether a monthly one^ or a quarterly one : and in either of 
these cases alike this discovery may be of service towards the 
elucidation of the ancient Samothracian correction. 

iii. Relation of the calendar of Kyzicus to the Bhodian ; 
and date of the Parentalia to the Manes of Kyzicus there. 
Again^ it has been seen that the Argonauts arrived at Kyzicus 
on the 25th of the second month, June 29, and left it again 
for the first time the next day, the 26th of the month, June 
30; and were driven back to it again, and had their fatal 
encounter with the Doliones^ in which Kyzicus fell, the same 
night — that of the 27th of the month, reckoned from sunset, 
June 30— July 1. 

The mourning for Kyzicus, and for the rest who had fallen 
with him, began as soon as the mistake was discovered ; i. e. 
on the following morning : and it lasted three days, includ- 
ing this as the first, before their funeral rites began to be 
celebrated. 

'Hc^cy If oXoffv Koi dfiffxapov €la-tv6ff<ra» 
dfAnktucirfv SiftJ^ ° — 

fjftara dc rpia iravra y($a>y, TiKkovT6 rt X'^^'^^^f 
avToX 6fi&s Xooi re Adkiovis* avri^} cfrctraP K,r. X. 

For that this last must be understood of the fourth day (the 
first after those three of mourning) appears from a similar 
notification, and on a similar occasion ; that of the death and 
burial of Idmon among the Maryandyni ^. 

On this fourth day, when the funeral honours of Kyzicus 
were beginning, to add to the existing distress, Cleite^ his 
newly-married wife, puts an end to her own existence': on 
which ApoUonius subjoins ■ — 

Alv^TOTOv drj Kuvo ^oXioplfjcri ywcu^iv 

dybpaat r cie Ai6s f fuip rnr^Xv^cv* ovdi yap ahrSnf 

rrkif Tig jraa-a-turOai tdrjTvos, ovd* cVl ^p6v, 

t( axiiAV, Hpyoio /ivXi;(^rov c/uiMuovro* 

aXX* avror aXpiktKra diaC^<rKOv fbovrtg, 

Zvff tfri vvv, €j5t* av oifHV irfia-ia x^rka ^cttyroi 

Kv(iKov iwalovTti *l6opts, Sfifrcdov cud 

frap^^fUHo iivkvfs n-cXoyovr ^aXcrpcvoiwriv. 

o i. io5.^ P Ibid. 1057. 4 ii. 814: 817 : 859. 

r i. 1063-1069. * Ibid. 1070. 



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CH.j. s. lo. Calendars 8fC. illustrated by the Argonautica. 837 

That is, the day in question was observed at the time by 
all the Doliones, male and female, as a day of strict fast ; 
and long after by a continued abstinence from bread-corn, 
dressed and prepared in the usual way : and for this reason, 
in imitation of the example so set on this first occasion, the 
lonimns settled in Kyasicus, (and Kyzicus was a colony of 
Miletusy) as often as the anniversary of the Parentalia of 
Kyzicus came rounds still marked the day by eating upon it 
only bread of the coarsest and most unpalatable description ; 
for that this is the proper meaning of mkivovs appears from 
the Scholia in loc* 

Now the context determines this day to the. lunar rpioKhs, 
the last day of the second month in the calendar followed by 
ApoUonius ; and the rpuxKhs of the Greek lunar calendar, as 
we know from testimony f^ was that day of the lunar month 

* Ttikcans dc 6 buartinjyfuvos xal pwapos [apros) ttarii 'Arriieovff. or jcol 

ElpivUhi^ 

2T6fiaTot dxftpw^ niKavw ^ 

^i7<rl dc roift oKoSaprovg kgI firrtXetg SprovSf ots 6 Ot6KpiT09 Aotpuco^s xaXc! ' 

— UfXapov^' Kvpuis wtXoPos t6 \€nT6v mpjM, ^ xP^>^^ ^P^^ ^^ Ova-las, 

iMOi dc <^ao-i Kol way ef vypov irarriyfjJpoy, irapa tA fraXvvai — TLlKavoi *' irc/*- 

liora tiirl rtva iroia. 'AttmcoI dc v^Kavov Xcyovo-i itav rh irtiniy6s — Utkavoi^' 

wifipara tit Bvaias cirftr^dcto^H wififxa n frkaKovrrStdts — IlcXoyoff^* irc^iy 

tlx"^ pvnapcof — IlcXayoff ^ * ov ik6¥ov 6 pvtros, »s Koi 'Evpvtri^s <pifja'\v, a<^p&^ 

ftfkoanw, . ,a^h koX dvpa ri — Hikapot Kvpias 6 vvtnjy^i pvtrot Xeycroi — 

^Opmslf imiiij^' ircXoFOf dr tarty 6 iCvpwptvof Ka\ ntirtfycif irXoxovr. Xc- 

ytroi di Kok 6 pviros — nikawos^' . . . woXkdxif ^(rrl rothfOfjui vapa froXXoit 

rmy 4px^W, * AiroXXdbviop d* 6 ^Axapvtvs tv r^ vtp\ rmv iopr&v ovr<» ypdxfin* 

'Oftotms dc ml 6 vpoaayoptv6pMvos wfKavos, Xcycrm dc wtiipard nva roZr 

diroif yty6fi«pa cVc rod a(^p€$€VTOt airovp ex tjjs Skt», %ainfvpl»v V cV Fe- 

Xmri ^O'i* 

Hfkavoy KttkovfJLtv ^fUK ol ^tfol 

A KciktiTt atpvAg SkifHtt vptU ol PpoToL 
Atdvyiof dc KvpuM <f>f}ai t6 €k rrjs iroDfrdKtfs frtiApa, t( ^t irotovyrot irtfipmu 
K, r. \A^ Bread made of bran ; bread of the ooarsest deacription. 

t Tpuucds * • ToTff Tmk€VTi)K6aw ^jym iy rpicueoor^ ^f^P^ ^ (l®fl[® ^^) 
^99&nvt Koi tktyrro rptaicds^ — *ldUf ftap ^hBtimuMS JcoXoOrnu rpioKodtg 

1 Orettet, aia 3 Scholia in loc. 9 Harpocration. 

3 Sdiolia in Orestem, aao^-iio. 10 Cf. Photius, n«Xarot and O^Aa- 

4 Btym. M. * Hesychine. poi : Suidaa, UiXayos : Udkayou 
<Ibid. 

7 Scholia in .fischyl. Penas, aor and 1 Harpocration. 

loa. 2 Cf. Photii Lex. rpuucds : Soidas, 

9 Ibid, ad vera. 519. rpuucds. 

KAL. HBLL. VOL. V. Z 



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Calendar of the Ai^onautica. diss. vii. 

in general which was devoted to parentalial services in me- 
mory of the dead in particular. There was consequently an 
evident propriety in dating this particular ceremony at Kysi- 
cus, even in this first instance, on the Tpiaktii of the month : 
on the supposition merely that the calendar of Kyzicus even 
at this time was lunar, as much as the calendar of the Argo- 
nauts *. It proves also that there was no difference except 

*irl T»v rcrffXcun7K<$r<oy * — TLtpi Toxfxxv ' rptaKader, ycycirm, v€Kwria ^ — Tpia- 
Kas * • 4 rpioKOiTTrf tov ftrjv6s, Koi (rvarrfftd ri tS>v iroXcrcDy — ^f « rpuucd^hs*' 
ol firi fitTaXofiPapovret froidcr fj oyj^iorcir iiKripov TtXtwrja-aprds nvog 'AA7- 
vffo-ip fKoXciTo^ — Tptcucdlios' rffp rpiaKoarriv rwv P€Kp&v^ — T6s iv^Aidov rpi- 
cucddag^' Tiftarcu ^ rptoKhs cV 'Afdov dih r^y 'EtedrrfP pwrruemnpo p , . .j^cy mi 
. . . tA ycffvo-M T§ rpuLicddi Syertu — KaB^dptu *^' v€v6ovs inupan^ iwX TfTcXev- 
niKdfri — Ka$€dpa ^^' rj irp^arQ VM^P9 ^^ rvXcvr^irayroff ol wpoa^Koyng <rvv- 
€\$6pT€g tbttirvow inX rf rcXcirr^crayri leoti^. cKoXfcro dc KoBibpa^ &n KoBt' 
C&iuvoi iMirvow Koi ra vofuC6fi4va hfkfipaw — "KjoBibpai ^^' virodo;^a^ or^pM- 
v^av. ri rpULKOVT^ yiip tifUpq. rov €aro$ay6pT09 01 wpwr^Koprtg Swavns mi 
dyayitauH trw€\$6vTws Koivj edttnvow . . . xal rovro KoBihpa indk^iTo. l(otv 
dc KoOibpai T€(r<rap€t, — Ti t^ vap 'ApycuMf \wy6fiepov tfyKMia-fut; roU 
airofiakowri riva avyytv&v fj <nnnj6S>v (0os c'ori p^a wMot tvBvg rf 'AmlX- 
\»»i Ovtip, ^fi€paif dc v(rr€pov rpiaxovra rf '£p/A$ ^' — ^Edo^ dc poi . . . ri 
frpoaAHToy i^ipvBwtrBcu, rov adcX^v r«Bv€&ros oCrirtt rpuueov^ ^ptpas 1^. 

* The Julian date however of these first Parentalia to the Manes of Ky- 
siciis, we observe, was July 4. Now this event of the death of Kyzicus, 
and possibly too in the way which is supposed in the Argonautica, may 
have been an historical incident — one of those which had characterised 
the actual voyage of Jason and his associates, whosoever they were, which, 
as we have already observed, must some time or other actually have taken 
place. The allusion to Cleite, as bis newly-married wife, and to her un- 
timely end, arising out of his deatfa so soon after their mairiage, may have 
been historical also. But if it was, then, when we consider the role of 
these times to celebrate marriages in the first month of the primitive year, 
it will prove that this adventure of the true Argonauts with Kyiicus and 
the Doliones must have happened some time in the primitive Gamelion. 
Now let it be supposed the date of the actual voyage of this kind was 
about B. C. 1330; and that the traditionary date of the death of Kyxicos 
was July 4. On that principle, July 4, B. C. 1230, should turn out to be 
some day in the primitive Gamelion of the time being also. And so it 

s PoUvz, i. vii 6. 66. lO Hesychius. 

4 Ibid. iii. 19. loa. H Photii Lex. 

6 Hesychius. ^ Ibid. 12 Anecdota, 368. 19. 

7 C£ in in-fHeucdtrrof i^tiMiot. IS Plutarch, QiiKstiones GrBC«,xnT. 

8 Anecdota, 308. 5, U Lyaias, i. 14. De Cnde Erato- 

9 Paroemiographi Grmci, 1 19. e Cod. sthenis. 
Bodl. 905. 



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OH. 3- 8. lo. Calendars Ifc. illustraied by the Argonautica. 339 

per accidens, and pro tempore, (under certain circumstances,) 
between the Bhodian calendar of ApoUonius' time and the 
Kyzikene of the same time ; as neither indeed was there. 
The third Gallippic period of the Kyzikene calendar bore date 
October 1, B. G. 230; and the third Gallippic period of the 
Rhodian, May 6, B. C. 230 : and October 1 was the date of 
the sixth month in the Bhodian calendar that year^ and May 
6 was the date of the ninth in the Kyzikene < : so that there 
could have been no difference between them at this time but 
what was purely accidental and temporary. 

We may infer then that the anniversary of the Parentalia^ 
still celebrated at Kyzicus to the memory of Kyzicus in 
Apollonius' time*, was the rpiaKas of that month in the 
Kyzikene calendar^ which corresponded to the rpiaKos of the 
second month in the Bhodian ; and this must have been the 
rpioMLs of the Kyzikene month KaXanwJ^v'^, which corre- 
sponded to Y.Kippo<f>opiMv in the Attic^ IUlvoiios in the Bhodian, 
calendar. 

iv. Gonsecration of the Lunar Numenise to all the gods. 
On the 113th day of the action^ just when the Argonauts 
were resuming their voyage after the cessation of the Etesian 
winds, the first thing which they are supposed to do is to 
build an altar to the twelve gods, and to offer sacrifice upon 
it, and then to set sail '. 

was. The first of the primitive Thoth or primitive Gamelion, ^ra 3777, 
was Jane 3j, B.C. 1230; and July 4 was the 12th. On this principle too 
the voyage of these Argonauts might have begun in May, towards the end 
of that month, or the beginning of the next; and if it was completed by 
their return, at the end of September, that would explain and account for 
the tradition that it lasted four months in all. These four months would 
be June* July, August, and September. 

* That is, what is called xvrXa, of which see the Schol. ad i. 1075. The 
proper sense of ^vrXa was that of a mixture of oil and water ; cf. Hesy- 
chius, XvrXa* rh, fiir* ikcUov Ka\ dlhrog dXc//ifiara— T6 iif> d^arog Tkauw : 
cf. Etym. M. ^vrXaMrai. But it was used in the sense of €twyl<rfjLaTa also, 
in which it waa synonymous with ^ooi : £tym. Mag. XvrXo' Kupl»g ttal 
rh fu^ vdarog IXaui. Karaxp^oriKi^ dc Koi rh ivayio-poTa, otov, 

Xyrka dc ol xtwcarro Koi rjywitrav hrropa pxjK»v. 
Cf. ApoDoB. Rhod. ii. 938, and the Schol. ad i. 1075. 

* See Tol. ill. 350. ▼ See vol. iii. 343. 350. 

* "• 533. 

Z 2 



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840 Calendar of the Argonautica. diss. yii. 

fi»fi6v oXoff prfyfuvi Trtprjp, icai #^' Upii $hms. 

The Julian date of this day was Sept. 2 ; the luna prima of 
the fifth month in the Rhodian calendar, 6. C. 230^ the first 
of Cameius. Consequently it was strictly the numenia. It 
illustrates therefore the estimation of the numenia, or first 
day of the lunar months in the calendar of the time being, as 
sacred, not to one of the gods of Olympus in particular^ but 
to all in common 7. That an altar, supposed to have been 
raised and dedicated to the twelve gods, by Jason, and the 
Argonauts, was actually pointed out in this locality, appears 
from other sources ' ; that it was erected on this day, and 
the first sacrifice, ofiered upon it, was offered on this day^ is 
supposed by Apollonius, icar' olKoi/ofiCav — in order to fall in 
with the commonly received repute of the first of the lunar 
month, as sacred to all the gods. 

V. Date of the appearance of Apollo *EQos ; and Lycian 
calendar of Apollonius' time. On the morning after this 
day^ September 3 in the Julian, the 2nd of the fifth month, 
in the Rhodian calendar of the time being, and just as the 
day was beginning to dawn, the poet supposes a manifesta- 
tion of Apollo, on his way from Lycia through the air to the 
country of the Hyperboreans — 

*H/ioff d* oGt ip ir«» (fidog itftfiporop cCrt rt Xltip 
opt^vahii ircXrrai, \eirr6p f €vid€dpofjLt wkt\ 
^ryyor, &r afiffukviaiv fuy oycypdficvot xoXcovo-i' 
Tfjfiog iprjftaifjs vfitrov Xi/uMy* ctcreXdo'ayrrp 
SvpMos KOfjiAnjf irofinrifjLOPi fiaivop Zpa^t, 
roiCTi di Ajjtovs vlot, mpx^fupos AvKirfBtp 
r^X* or mrtipopa drjfiow 'Yirc/)^op€»y MpJutnap, 
i(fif>dprj ». 

There can be no doubt concerning the date of this vision ; 
the 114th day of the action, the day after the departure firom 
Salmydessus and the passage through the Symplegades; 
the second of the lunar month, the third of the Julian Sep- 
tember. It had nothing therefore to do with the day pro- 
perly sacred to Apollo ; which would have required it to have 

J See ToL i. 264 note. Fanum Asiaticam, not far from the 

« See Geognphi Min. iii : Dionys. river Ciu^sorrhoas.) 

B71. De Bosporo, pag. 16: Ainnt hie • ii. 671. 

Jasonem litaose duodecim diii, (at the 



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CH.3- 8. lo. Calendars Ifc. illustrated by the Argonautica. 341 

been determined to the 7th of the month. And though it 
leads to the construction of an altar to Apollo^ under the 
title of i&os ^ — and an altar so dedicated, and ascribed to the 
Ai^onauts^ as we learn from the testimony of Herodotus^ 
quoted by the Scholiast in loco, was still pointed out on the 
island &wth9^^ or &vvlri — that will not explain the date as- 
signed to both these things — nor why Apollo should have 
been supposed to have been on his way to the country of the 
Hyperboreans from Lycia in particular, and on this day in 
particular^ when he was thus revealed to the eyes of the Argo- 
nauts. The true explanation is probably to be found in the 
Lycian calendar of Apollonius* time, which this date of his 
may some time or other be found to illustrate. 

vi. Calendar of Corcyra in the time of ApoUonius ; and 
date of the sacrifice founded by Medea in Corcyra. The 
judgment of Alkinous, and the marriage of Jason and Me- 
dea, at Corcyra^ are supposed to have been commemorated 
by the institution of an annual sacrifice to the Parcse and the 
Nymphs by Medea, kept up there ever after ; 

Moipcunf d* Iri iccio'c Bwj iwmta b^\ovTQi 
P»/M>\, Toits M^dcia KoBitrnrro ^ — 

Timseus, quoted by the Scholiast^ throws much light on this 
part of the Argonautica : T/fuzios h\ iv KtpK^pi^ XiytAV ytviaScu, 
Toifs ydiwvs kcu ircpl ttjs Ova-las loropct^ In kclL vvv Kiytav iytadai 
ovr^i; icar* iviavrbv, Mribfias vp&rov Ovtriaris iv r^ 'AttcSXAoivos 
icpf . K€u j3<i»fiovs bi ^rjtri pLinjpL^ta rw y&yMV tdpvaaaOcu, (ruvtyyvs 
liiv Trjs OaXdaoTjs oi ^laKphv hi ttjs ^ciXco^s. oiH>fui{bv(n bi rbv fiiv 
fivfjLtp&v Tov b^ Niypi/fSttj;. 5 ye fx^ ^^voWdvios rbv ixiv ^ijo-t 
Nv/M^ir cZroi t6v p^fwv, rbv bi t&v Moip&v, It is not indeed 
dear whether the date of the celebration of the first sacrifice 
of this kind was the morning of the departure from Corcyra, 
or that of the day after the marriage ; but the latter is most 
probable^ as the institution of the sacrifice arose out of the 
marriage, and out of the judgment of Alkinous, and it was 
appointed to be offered in the temple of Apollo the lawgiver^ 
as ultimately the author of that judgment too : Aih rb Kara 
v6\iov y€vi(r$oi ry\v Kplaiv rov ^AKkivSov, bid. rovro No/a&v ' Airc^X- 
Xttvof Upbv tbpiaairdai ttiv Mi/jb€iav. 

b ii. 68S-4^^5-703. c Ibid. 675-723. cf. i. 350. * iv. 1217. 



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342 Calendar of the Argonautica. diss. vii. 

The day of the arrival at Corcyra then having been March 
26, the first of the xiith month ; the date of this annual sa- 
crifice was probably the second of the lunar month, both in 
the Bhodian calendar, and in the Corcyrsean, of Apollonius' 
time. And this will imply that these calendars in his time 
were. so far the same. We have seen reason to conclude that 
the Corcyrsean calendar belonged originally to the same type 
of the Octaeteric correction as the Boeotian <'. But if the 
Gorcyrsean was Metonic in ApoUonius^ time, as well as the 
Rhodian, and its epoch like the Bceotian, Jan. 14, B.C. 407, 
there would be no difference between this calendar, Period 
iii. 26, and the Rhodian, Period iii. 1, B. C. 230; May 6, the 
the first of the first month in the latter would be the first of 
the fifth in the former. 

yii. Calendar of Anaphe, and date of the sacrifice to Apollo 
AlyXrfrns. The Argonauts, still on their return, no sooner set 
sail firom Crete, than they encountered a violent storm ' — 

Avriica dc Kprfraloy wrip fUya Xairijui Biovras 
pv( €<^Q|3ct, r^i' wtp Tf KOTovXdba KuckffirKOwn, 
vvKT 0X017V. ovK Siffrpa ^ittrxovfy* ovd* afiapt^yal 
fifffis' ovpa»6$€v dff fifkap x^^» V^ ^'^ SKhf 
mp^pti OTCorlrf, pvx^^v danovfra fitpiBptav, 

The interposition of this storm serves no purpose, as far as 
we can discover, but that of leading to the invocation of 
Apollo; and through his intervention, and the flashing of 
his bow across the surrounding darkness, the discovery of the 
small island of Anaphe, on which the Argonauts took refuge : 
and where, to commemorate the mode of their deliverance, 
they founded an altar, and instituted a sacrifice to Apollo, 
sumamed klyX^ffm^s, or the flashers. 

Mapfioperfv d* afrcXafi^c fiths irtpl irdPToBtv aiyXrfv, 
Toltri d^ nr Tnopadtov 0airf air6 r6(f>p i^HuarBti 
injaos Uhw, oXlytjt *hnrovpidos dmria i^trov, 
tfv^ cMff €fidXovro Koi tax^Oov' avTuca If ifcis 
if>«yy€» OMepxofjJtni* rol d* ayXa6v *A9r<$XXa»w 
SXa-ti €v\ aKup^ T€fuvo9 <rKi6€vrd r€ Pttft6v 

« See vol. ii. 665. ' ir. 1694. 

K iv. 1 699-1 73a cf. Phot. Bibl. Codex, 186. pag. 130. Conon. Ainyiftr. xlix : 
also OrpheoB, Argonautica, 1364 — 

Ucuky d* tip* iinifi6Kos kyx^i vaitav 
A^Aov kith Kpayarfs ^kw /S^Aof, 4k 8* M^vtw 

vriiTov KtKKitVKWKn wtpiKrloyts (iyBpcowoi, 



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cu . 3- s. 1 o. Calendars ^c, Ulusirated by t/ie Argonautica. 34^ 

irojfoir* Atykr/rtiv ^ /mV, ru<rx((iroi; curfKcy oiyXi/r, 
^oilSoir KtKk6figp<H' *Aya^v dc re Xicrcrada v^croy 

It is clear then that this incident too must have been alto- 
gether icar oUovofiUu' — having no end in view but that of 
explaining an historical fact, the name of the island, and the 
foundation of the sacrifice to Apollo alykrJTrjs there — both 
which tradition connected with the adventures of the Argo- 
nauts. Now they landed on this island, and built the altar, 
and offered the first sacrifice, on the 38th day of the return, 
the 7th of the first Bhodian month, the 1st of the Julian 
May. If so, on the day sacred to Apollo himself. We may 
conclude from this coincidence, that the stated date of this 
ceremony in the calendar of Anaphe, as still kept up in Apol- 
lonina' time, was the 7th of the month in that too — and the 
7th of some month which corresponded to the seventh of tlie 
first month in the Rhodian calendar, the seventh of the Rho- 
dian Artamitius ; and if so, to the 7th of the Attic Tharge- 
lion, or some corresponding day in that — ^which is another 
observable coincidence. 

The storm encountered in this instance began in the even- 
ing — the evening of the lunar sixth exeunte, or the seventh 
ineunie — and by midnight, at that period of the months the 
moon would be set; so that, if the sform was allayed by 
the appearance of Apollo just before morning ^^ the worst 
part of it must have been after midnight : which accounts for 
the allusion to the absence of moonlight, as well as of the 
light of the stars, in the description of the storm. We learn 
from the same description the proper sense of a vif£ KaTovXas"^ 

* iKortu^ wv(, says the Scholiast, icanvk^s itaXf iroi napii r^ oko6v. Zo- 
iPoKkfjs €v SmnrditT^ (NavirXty) wvktI KaravXadi. Phot. Lex. Karovkdda, 
So^xX^r NavirX/y* 

'Etrtvxofuu dc wkt\ tj icarovXddi. 
. . . oi dc t^ vatfmktBpf iirofUvn roig *EXXiy<riy' oHkow ykp t6 okiBpiow . . . i} 
{oijMfif aw6 Trj£ Kor^ t6 a&fui yivofUvrjf otiX^f (a wound) fuXtarripa yap* fj 
icoriuytdar Ifxmxrap xai irv<rrpo<f)ag dvtfimv. Heaychius, KarovXdda' n^y 
KorikXoviriaf xai tlpyowrav' jScXrioy dc ri)y KordktBpop J) io<tMfi% icai ovarpO' 
^^ IxoiMToy tuftfimw — KarrcXada* ^ fit pay x'^f^P^^ — KiyXor . . . ;^€i/i«piy4 
iffMpo. Etyin. M. KarovXdr* xaXctrcu tj o-Kcrtivfj yv(, dtii t6 6\orfv aMfv 
«&ai. o2oy, 

N^( f^d^ci, nyy wip rt xorovXada itiicXiTfricouacy. 

h Hesychius, AiyA^iyy M»tTO¥ *Aw6\K«»vcs, « iv. I7i€. * 1713. 



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344 Calendar of the Argonautica. diss. vii. 

— a night, the most characteristic circamstance of which was 
the intensity of the darkness — which could never have been 
greater^ under the circumstances of the case, than just after 
midnight. 

viii. Date of the 'Tdpo<^pia at ^gina. Lastly, from the 
concluding particulars of the return we may collect the date 
of the 'Thpo(t>6pia at ^Egina ; a contest in running, the candi- 
dates in which carried pitchers of water on their shoulders, 
supposed to be in imitation of what the Argonauts had done, 
when they too landed in ^gina to renew their supply of 
water, and the wind and the weather both favouring the con- 
tinuance of their voyage, had vied with each other which 
should get through his part of their task soonest. 

Ai^ df Tol yc 
v^ptujt ir€pi ^^pip dfjLtfup€a iijpia'axann, 
6s K€P a(l>va'irdfi€PO£ iftBairi yuerh tn^a^ lK€(rBai. 
Hpi^ yhp XP^^^ ^'> "^^^ StnrtTot odpos lirriyfv. 
7vff ?rt vvp irXrfBovTas €fr»itad6v ap/ffni^pl^as 
dy$€fitvot, KotKJxntriP Stf>ap kqt ay&va inJdc<r<rt 
Kovpoi MvpfiMp»tf viKfis vepi dffpi^vraiK 

The date of this landing is determined to the 40th day of the 
return, the 9th of the Rhodian Artamitius, May 3. Such 
then must have been the date of the 'Tbpoip6pia in the ^gi- 
netan calendar also ; the 9th of the month which corresponded 
to the Rhodian Artamitius. That this conclusion is correct 
appears from the fact otherwise known, that the month of 
the 'Tbpo<p6pia in the ^ginetan calendar was Delphinius ^ : 

* Scholia in Pindar, ad Nem. v. 8i. MtU tnix^ptog' 6 ^XtfUptos pipf 
Kokovfuvof, Koff h¥ rrXriroi *AfroXX<»yo» cSyaiv 'Ydpo<l>6pta Kakovfitvos. It it 
here to be observed, that though this contest in iEgina must certainly 
have been called the *Ydpo^6pia also, its more appropriate name was that 
of the dytbtf ap4>opirris : Schol. ad Find. Olymp. vii. 156. AiTiwi re . . . 'Ev 
^ Alyufji rh AloKtia, tim dc Koi 6 'A^^optn/r dy»v, oS KaKkipaxos lUfunfTM 
€P rots "Xdfifiois (Fr. 8o)~The Etym. M. calls it 'Afufte^pin^r *Ort rV Ai- 
ylvjf thpaitov vtpX rrpp *A<rwirlda Kp^ptfv vdpwfrcurBcu, oBey koI dy^p Syenu 
dfi^Hf^pinis \ry6fitvo9 naph roU Alytvffrait, eV f ol cVciO-c dywfti&yuivot rovt 
Ktpdfiovt vdaros wtnkrjpmfjJpovt dvaka^vnt Korh. r&» &/m»p rp€xpv<rt^ ir€p\ 
rrfs piiofg ^iXoyttieovirrfff', Kara fiifirfaiw t&v ffpwAv, dfifJMt^ptv^ yap . . vdpia. 

The vdpo<fi6pta is explained also as a ceremony of a parentaUal nature, 
in memory of those who perished at the Deluge. Hesycfaius, 'Ydpo^dpia* 

1 iy. 1766. 



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CH. 3. B. I o. Calendars ^c. Ulustrated by the Argouautica. 345 

and the iBginetan Delphinios^ as we have seen™, corresponded 
to the Attic Thargelion. So did the Bhodian Artamitius, as 
we saw snpra ". They must therefore have corresponded to 
each other. There can be little doubt^ in fact, that the Mgi- 
netan correction was one of the third Type, as much as the 
Bhodian; and it is very probable that it was Metonic in 
ApoUonius' time as much as the Bhodian --and not impossible 
(thoogh we cannot be certain about that), that it might be 
beginning at the IlXcuiScai; hnroXfi, as well as the Bhodian. 

iopjif ntpBiitos 'A^i77<r(. Cf. Phot. Lex. 'Y^po<f>6f>ta' ioprij ir€v6tfi09 *A^- 
rjjaiv, fwi roig ip rf xaroxXvirfiy ajrokofiepws. ms *AiroXK»yiog, Cf. Suidas, 
and Etym. M., in voce : Harpocration in IlcXai^. 

m VoL ii. 68i. Fragmentary Calendan. n p^ 195. 



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DISSERTATION VIII. 
On the Parthenian Ennead oftlie Boeotians. 

CHAPTER I. 
On the Daphnephoria andParthenia of the ancient Bcpotians. 



Section I. — Testimonies. 

The Daphnephoria and the Parthenia of the Boeotians were 
only different names for the same ceremony; the former 
taken from the branches of laurel carried on the occasion^ 
the latter from the songs chanted by chorusses of virgins. 
The historical account of its origin has come down, in an 
extract of Photius' from the Ghrestomathia of Proclus ; which 
we shall lay before the reader. 

T^ d^ Keyoiuva Tlapdivia xopols napB4v<AV ivcypi<l)€TOf oXs koL 
rh b€ul>vri(f>opiKa &s els yivos Tthnu* hif^vas yap iv Boutriq, bC 
ivvfanjpCbos eh ra rov 'AttoXAcdi/o; KopiCCovTes oi Upeis i(fipjHwv 
avrhv hia xopov irapOivfav, koI fj alrla — 

T&v AioXidiVy Saoi KaT<^Kovv "Apin^v koX rh, Tovrfi xapia, Kara 
Xpf)(TiJL6v ivourrivT€s iK^Wev^ icoi TrpoaKaOeCopLevoi 0^j3as, ivSpOovp 
TipOKartxpyAvas iith WekaayCiv, Koivr\s ipL(polv kopTrjs 'Air6KK(ovos 
ivindoTis ivoxas ISevro, K(d bi<t>vas repAvres ol p^v i£ *EKiic&vos 
ol bi iyyhs rov MiKavos Ttorapov €K6pnCov ry *Att6XX<avi. IIoXc- 
pAras bi d rw Bouot&v iif^riyovpLCVos ibo^ev 8vap veaviav rivh 
iravovklop air^ bib6vai, kclL eifxos TroitlaOai r^ 'AttJXAoivi do^in}- 
<l>opovvTas bia ivvaerqpCbos irpoarirTeiv. pL€Ta b^ Tplrrip fiiUpav 
kiri04p.€VOs xparei t«v vo\€pLia>v' kcu avrds t€ t^i; bcu^vriipoplav 
iTi\€i, KCU, rb lOos iKeWev dtaTTypeTrat. 

*H bi bwftvi)ifiopLa — ^v\ov ikalas KaraaT^^ovo-i ba^vais koX iroi- 
kLKois ivO€(n. Koi iif ixpov pikv x*^^ ^i^pjoQnai (r<f>aipa, iK be 
Todrris pxKporipas ^f aprwo-i' Kara be to p,i(Tov rov ^vkov irepiOiirres 
ekiatrova rrjs Itt' iicpcp <r<fiaipas KaOairrovcn iropf^vpa ar^pipLara. ra 



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CH. I. 8. 1. Bceotian Daphnephoria and Parthenia. 347 

a rcAcvra£a rov (vkov itepKrriKXovtTi fcpoKwr^. jSovAercu 5' avrois 
1} ijiv iaH0Tir<» (r<paipa t6v iiKioVy ^ Koi tov ''A'jrdXAa>ra ivatpipov- 
cip* ff tk ivoKeniiirri riiv acX^i^Tjr, ra bk irpoaripTia'fjJpa r&v <r<f>ai- 
p(»v i<rrpa re ical durripas* ra bi ye urip^ara tov iviavaiop hp6pjov, 
jcal yckp jcal r£c' irotovcru; avrd. 

''Apx^i 2^ ^^ ba<t>vriit>opCas vaU ipL<f>iOakris, kqI 6 i^iXiara air^ 
oU^ios fiatrrdC^t to KaTtfrr^pLpAvov ^i\ov^ h K»t«> KoKovfTiv. airos 
Vk 6 hcu^vt^pos ivop^vos ttjs bi<f>vris i<f>i'nT€T(Uf ras p-kv K6pLas 
MJ9€ip4vos, xpwrovv bi (rriifxivov ipipiav, koI KapLirpav iaOrjfra vo- 
d^pi; ioToXurpJvos, ^l(t>iKpaTlbas t€ vvobtbepAvos' <p xopbs iKxpOivm* 
ivaxoKovO€if isportlvtAV KK&va^ vpos iKtrqplav tQv tpof^av. map- 
iv€p,vov bi TTiv bcul>vri(f>oplap €ls ''AiroWoivos "^ItrpLtivCov koL Xa- 
ka(fov^. 

It thus appears that the local tradition of the Bceotians 
(perpetuated by this ceremony to the time of Proclus) attri- 
buted its institution to the leader of the ^olian colony, which 
some time or other settled at Thebes. That the Boeotians 
belonged to the ^olian branch of the Hellenic community in 
general, is well known P. This colony, the same account im- 
plied, came to Boeotia firom Ame; but from what Ame is 
not specified. There was however an "Apmi in Thessaly, which 
also was said to have been founded by a Bceotian colony '^i 
Tiaaap€S bi "Apvai ipidpovvrai tois vakaiois, iv els icol dcrro^ 
\u^, iiroifco^ TTJs BoMor^ff, ircpi ^s Ixprjadri oiBt»s' 

^Apvti x9P<vov<ra p/hfti BoUinoy Mpa — 
*Apirn * . ... b€oripa, vokit Qta-craXias^ Hlvoikos ttjs BouaTlas « , r. A. 
called also KUpiov — "Apvri vdkis ^ounn-ias' lori bk icai 0€o-<ra^ 
XlasK It might therefore always have been conjectured from 
the preceding account that, if these ancestors of the Boeotians, 
who got possession of Thebes on this occasion, came from 
some "Apmi^ it must have been from "Apvrj in Thessaly ; and 
consequently that the institution of the Cuu^vrj^pia which, 
according to tradition, arose oat of the conquest of Thebes, 
must have coincided with this coming from Ame in Thessaly. 

* Fbotiiis, Bibliotheca, Codes 339. Prodos, of Sicca — there mentioned, as 

peg. 33 r. 1.33 a. Cf. Schol. in Clem. gome suppose — though this Proculus 

Alex. Proftreptioon, pag. 94. 1. 9. ad seems to have written in Latin. 

iklprns. Alio, Histor. Aug. S8. J. Ca- P Cf. yoI. it. 396. 

Unas,. M. Anton. PhiL 3. and Tie- ' Eustathius, ad Iliad. B. 507. 270. 3 1 . 

iw PoUio, Triginta Tyranni, xxi. • Steph. Byz. 

OS — Eutychius Proculus, or * Hesychius : cf. Etym. M. "Apny. 



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848 Parthenian Etmead of the Bceotiam. diss, yiii . 

And that being assumed, it is in our power^ by means of the 
time of this coming, to determine that of the institution. 

Sbction II. — On the return of the BcRotians to Thehes^from 
Ame in Thessaly ; and its time. 

Boio»Tol r€ yap ol vvv^ k^riKoariD h€i iktcl '^IKiov iko^aiv i^ 
"Apvrjs ivaarivT€s '^b &€<r<ra\&v, t)iv ifvv pikv BotMrtav ifpir^pov 
h\ Kad/ii^tda yr\v KoXovpAvriv i^KKrav. fjv bk avroiv koI iitobaafiis 
Tspir^pov iv TTJ yfj ratJrry, &(f> &v xal is "Wiov iarpir^vaav ^. 

It thus appears that Thucydides dated some settlement of 
the Boeotians at Thebes, in the 60th year after the capture 
of Troy ; and that these Boeotians were previously living in 
Ame of Thessaly. And with this statement of his, we should 
by all means compare the following of Strabo's ; which does 
not seem to have been taken from it, yet throws much light 
upon it ^ : 'H de ovv fioiwna wprfrcpov fxkv virb ^ap^apfnv ^Kciro^ 
*k6viAV^ KoL T€tJLfxCK<ov7 €K Tov 2ovv(ov irevXamnjiivfav^ Kci Ac- 
X4yiav^ Kcd 'Tdwwr- cira ^oCvik€s ifrxpv ol ^urh Kihp/iiVy hs vf^v 
T€ Kabfitlav iT€lxi(T€, kclI ttiv ipxw ^'^as iKySvois A-jtcXittci^. iKfivoi 
Vk rhs &riPas rfj KabpLclq irpoaiKTiaav^ nal oi/i/c^vAafair rriv ipxriv^ 
rjfyoiiuvoi r&v 'nKtUnfav Boimtw^ im^s rQ9 tQv ''EiTSiy6v(i)>v arpar- 
r€Ca9. Karh bk toiHtovs iklyov yj>6vov iK\iir6vr€S ras &riPas iv* 
avrjXOov vAktp, &s b* aSru^s ino &p^K&» kclL IlcXacryc^i' iKV€0'6irr€s 
iv QerraXiq <rvv€<rTi/iaavTo Tijv ipxriv fierh ^ApvaUav M iroAj>i; 
Xp6vov, <S<n-€ fcal Bouurov^ Kkri$rjvai (hravras, fir Av^orpci/roif cfe 
rrfv oZicctar, ^bri tov AioXikov orrrfAov vapeirKtvaaiUvov ittpX AdXflki 
T§s Boia»ruis, hv i<rr€k\ov cfc r^y 'A<rlav ol tov ''Opiarov vdi^s. 
vpoaOivTts b\ T§ Bouttrf^ t^v ''Opxop^vlav (ov yhp ijaav icotvp 
vpircpov, oi6' "O/iiypos lAera Bowt&v avrois icar^Ae^cv, dAA' id£f » 
Mivvas vpoaayopeitras) ijl€t ix^Cvav i^ifioKov Toifs ijiv ncXour/ovs 
€h 'A(9i}ms, a(f> &v iicAij^ ft^poj n Trjs ircfAeoos ncAacrywrfir ^Kq» 
aav Vk vTfh t^ 'T|ATjTTy" tovs b\ Qp^Kas cJs Tdv Uapvaxrov. "Tay- 
Tcs bi T^s <X>caK£5os 'TiiATToXiif ^Ktaav. 

We learn from this testimony that the occupation of Thebes 
on this occasion was strictly a return of the Boeotians to 
their own country, of which they had been dispossessed ; and 

^ Thucydides, i. 12. cf. the Schol. iii. 1177. and the Scholia: Eustathins, 

in loc. ad Dionys. Perieg. 476 : Viigil, Eclog. 

^ix. I. 248 b. vi. 65 : z. la. 

^ Cf. Lyoophron, 1209: Caiiimachus, r Cf. Lycophron, 644. 
HymnHs in Delum, 75: Apoll. Rhod. 



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CH. i.B. 2. Seium of the BoBoiians from A.me, 849 

that, as they had taken refuge at Ame, in Thessaly, after 
that dispossession, so they came back from Arne before this 
reoccupation. We learn too that they had been expelled 
at first by an inroad of Pelasgians, as Strabo calls them^ and 
other barbarians ; and this too must do much to identify this 
return from Arne, according to Strabo, with that which pre- 
ceded the institution of the Acuf>vri4>opCa^ according to Proclus, 
Thebes being in the occupation of the Pelasgi at the time, 
according to both. 

We learn also from this testimony of Strabo^s, that the 
time of this return coincided with that of the ^olic migra- 
tion ; and so critically, that the expedition had been assem- 
bled at Anlis, and was ready to set out, when the return 
took place ; and what is more, (as appears from the sequel of 
the passage') when it set sail at last, sonme of the Boeotians, 
who came back on this occasion, accompanied it. We learn 
also, from the same account, that this colony to Asia was con- 
ducted by Penthilns, the son of Orestes ; and this implies 
that Orestes was dead, for the colony was first projected by 
Orestes, and preparations for it began to be made in his life- 
time. And as he did not die under fifty or sixty years at 
least after the capture of Troy^ (as we hope to see more 
clearly hereafter,) the colony consequently could not have 
been less than fifty or sixty years later than tho capture of 
Troy. Accordingly, in another passage of Strabo^s, it is 
dated 60 years after the capture^: Tirpaati yhp bii yeveais 
vp€(rpvTipap <t>aai rriv A2o\4k^i/ ivoiKCav Trjs *la>vucrjs' duirpijSas Sk 
KcL^^iv fcol yfi6v€vs iMucporipovs. 'Opcon^i^ ix^p yap tp^ tov o-to" 
Aov* ToArov 5' ip "^ApKaJblc^ rcAcvn^o-ai^os rhv fiCov, hiaibi^curOai rhv 
vlip avTov n4vOiX.oVf nai vpocX^civ M^XP* ^p4'^^> i^ifjuovra irfai 
Tuv TpaaiiK&p tar^pop, vv axniiP r^v t&p ^HpoKKti^p €ls EIcXo- 
v6ppTprop ic6Bo^p K, r. X. 

The agreement between the date of this migration, accord- 
ing to Strabo, and that of the return of the Boeotians, 
according to Thucydides, is remarkable ; and if neither was 
taken from the other, it could have been produced only by 
the truth of the fact, and a correct chronology of each of 
these events. It does not appear that this statement in 

s iz. I. 450 b. A Cf. Mr. Clinton, F. H. i. 103, T04, and note n. 

^ ziiL I. 81 a. b. 



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350 Parthenian Bnnead of the BoBOiians. diss. viii. 

Strabo was founded on that in Thticydides. There is no allu- 
sion to the iBolic migration in the latter, nor anything about 
the return of the Boeotians in the former — which assigns the 
date of the migration — and only a very general allusion in the 
preceding passage^ which attests the coincidence between the 
return and the migration, but assigns the date of neither. We 
may presume then that Strabo's statements on one of these 
points were entirely independent of that of Thucydides on the 
other ; and that if the date of each of these events, as refer- 
rible to the sera of Troy, happened to be the same, it was a 
coincidenoe produced by the course of things and the matter 
of fact '^. Assuming then that the date of one of them, the 

• The passage quoted from Produs ascribed the migration of the 
iEolians on that occasion, from Arne, in Thessaly, to Boeotia, to an oracle 
(no doubt of the Delphian Apollo) ; Thucydides to their having been ex- 
pelled by the Thessalians. There is no inconsistency between these dif- 
ferent accounts, at least if it may be supposed that these Boeotians, having 
been expelled from Arne, both sought and obtained the directions of the 
oracle, where they should settle again. That tradition connected the 
return of the Bceotians with an oracle appears from other allusions to it i. 

The account of Proclus also seems to restrict the return on this occa- 
sion simply to the reoocupatton of Thebes. But that is no necessary in- 
ference from it ; and it may be collected from other referenoes to the same 
event, that it must have been something much more general, a reoocupa- 
tton of the whoie of Boeotia. It appears from Strabo ^ that Coronea was 
reoccupied on this occasion; and from Herodotus^, that Tanagra was so; 
and it is still more clear from Plutarch's Kimon^ that Chaeronea must have 
been so : IltpirrSKTas 6 fjuan-is, tK ScrroXiar ctf Bouariop 'O^tcXroy rov /Scurt- 
Xfa Koi. Tovs vn avr^ \aovt Korayteymp, ytvos fi/SoKifitjaay itrl ytoXXo^ XP^ 
vovt JtarcXifl-cv* oS r6 n-XrioToy /v Xtuprnpei^ K€enpKfi<r€¥, i)y wpJarrfv ir6ktw 
tvxov* ^fkdfroPTtt roift papfiapovt. Chsnronea was Plutarch's native city. 
And he proceeds to tell a remarkable story concerning a certun Damon, a 
lineal descendant of this Peripoltas, and called after him too, who lived 
in the time of Lucullus, one or two hundred years before himself. 

It would seem too, from Thucydides, as if all the Boeotians had been ex- 
pelled from their own country, before the Trojan expedition, excepting an 
tmoihaiibs, as he styles it, which furnished the Boeotian contingent to the 
expedition. But this, according to Homer, was much too considerable to 
have been supplied by a small part only of the whole Boeotian community. 
He reckons from Boeotia, under their two leaders, Peneleus and Leitus*, 

1 Schol. in Arist. ad Platum, 604. 2 Ix. 9. 165 a. 

(pag. 205) h ir^pojcar: ad Nubes, 3 y. 57. 61. 4 Cap. i. 

133: Soidas, *Br ir^pcucat: Etym. M. ft Iliad B. 494-510. 
iiWfirKopdHtirtp. 



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CH. I. S.3. Return of the Boeotians from Arne. 851 

return of the Boeotians to their own country^ in Thucydides' 
reckoning of the eera of Troy, did coincide with the 60th year 
from the capture, the next question for our consideration is 
Thncydides' date of the capture of Troy. 

Section III. — Tkucydide^ date of the Capture of Troy. 
The date of the capture of Troy is not found in any part 
of Thncydides, in so many words. It is observable however 

not less thsD 50 ships, with a crew of 120 men each, 6000 in all, furnished 
by 29 cities. It is observable however that even he speaks of none from 
Thebes, only from 'Ywo^/Soi— 

Ot ff 'XnoBrfiat ttxov, €VKTifitvotf imXit^pov^' 

i.e. as the Scholiast explained, the dependencies of Thebes, the parts about 
Thebes, the suburbs of lliebes : Tc^r vrroK€ift€yas rait inrairvkots Otfitus 
Knftas^. What can be inferred from this distinction, except that Thebes, 
properly so called, was not now in existence ? And it should be remem- 
bered that it had been taken and laid waste by the Epigoni, two years be- 
fore the expedition was set on foot. Yet it does not follow, that because 
Thebes bad been taken and very possibly destroyed by them, the rest of 
the Bisotians musthave been dispossessed of their country. That they must 
some time indeed Before B. C. 11 17 have been all ejected, if they returned 
again B. C. 11 17, is certain; but it must have been much more probably 
after the war of IVoy, than before it, if they were able to send 6000 soldiers 
to that war, B. C. 1190; and if the real cause of this expulsion, and the 
consequent loss of their own country for a time, as Strabo gives us to 
understand, was an uruption of barbarians, whom he calls Thradans and 
Pdasgi. 

In Homer's catalogue mention is made of an'^Apin;, as one of the cities 
of BcBotia — 

O4 Tf iroXvoTo^Xoir^Apinp ?jfov 8 — 

where the critics of antiquity appear to have suspected the genuineness of 
the reading, for which some of them would have substituted TApvtfp, and 
Zenodotus, in particular, '^Airicpfji'*. Others conjectured that the Ame of 
Homer's time had disappeared, having been swallowed up by the lake 
CopaSs. It is singular however that they should have raised any question 
on this point, as they themselves tell us that down to the time of the return 
of the Boeotians Chsronea itself was called "Apmf, and if so, must have 
been the Ame of the Trojan sera, and of Homer's catalogue ^^. Hesychins 

« Iliad B. 505. Byx. "Apm : Etym. M. ''Appn. 

7 Cf. Eustathius, in Ice. 369. 40. 10 Cf. SchoL in Thucyd. i. 13 : Pau- 

S Iliad B. 507. sanias, is. xL 3 : Tsetses, ad Lycoph. 

S Cf. Schol. in loc. and ad B. 499 : 644. 
and Eustathiiu, in loc. 370. i$ : Steph. 



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852 Parthenian Ennead of the Bceotians. dibs. viii. 

that in this same passage, which dates the retam of the 
BoeotiaDS in the 60th year from the eapture^ he^ dates the 
retam of the Heraclidse also in the 80th. Now the return 
of the Heraclidse (as we hope to see in the next Dissertation) 
was connected with an institution, calculated a priori to per- 
petuate its date, and to make it possible to recover it with 
certainty even in the time of Thucydides ; and that was the 
Carnean festival, and the Camean ennead or octaeteric cyde, 
by which the festival was regulated from the first. The date 
of this cycle appears to have been B. C. 1096 ; on which sup- 
position^ that of the return must have been the year before, 
B. C. 1097. Let us then be permitted to assume that Thu- 
cydides was aware of the true Camean epoch, and of its 
connection with the return of the Heraclidse also. On that 
principle, his date for the return must have been B. C. 1097, 
and his date for the capture of Troy, B.C. 1097 + 79, or 
B.C. 1176. And his date of the capture being thus ascer- 
tained, his date for the return of the Boeotians from A me, in 
the 60th year after it, must have been B. 0. 1176^59, or 
B.C. 1117 "C. And if this was actually the date of the 
return, it must have been that of the institution of the Aa^ 
vri<l>opia also. 

hMB^Apptf' ir6kis BoM»ruw as well as Oerrakias', and Hesiod alludes to it in 
his Scutum, "Apmf r ff^ 'EXuo; 11. And the tradition, relating to the Acorr- 
6pmt of Boeotia also, in the time of Adrastus, and the expedition of the 
seyen ^^, by implication recogniBet an "Apvff without the addition of the 
Afo»ir, at the same time and in the same country. 

On the whole, it does not appear that any reasonable exception can be 
taken to the truth of the account, quoted supra from Produs i*. We may 
obsenre in the last place that the reooyery of Thebes by the Boeotians on 
this occasion is dated by Diodorus ^^ 8oo years before its destruction by 
Alexander, i.e. B. C. 3J5 + 8oo, or B.C. 1135, which is only a general 
statement, yet comes very near to the true date, B. C. 1117. 

* Cf. Tol. ii. 533. iEschylus' date, B. C. 11 78. 

11 yen. 381. cf. 475. 18 Cf. Ctinton, F. HelL L 67 noCeB. 

13 EnstatbioB ad Iliad. B. 507.970. and 103 note K. 
34 : SchoL ad B. 507. 14 xiz. 53. cf. iy. 67. 



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CH. I. 8. 4. Nature of the Parthenian Bnnead. 353 

Section IV. — On the nature of the Parthenian Ennead; and 

on its connection with the proper Lunar Cycle of the Primi- 

tioe Solar year. 

Let lis revert then to Proclus^ account of the ceremony of 
the Daphnephoria. 

The first observation which we may make upon it is this^ 
That though it went by the name of the Aa(f>vrj<l>opCa^ and 
branches of laurel were carried by all the rest who took part 
in it, none was carried by him in particular who had the 
charge of what is called the KuircS ; and this bearer of the 
Kwr^y though distinguished from the rest by the absence of 
that badge, was in reality the principal party^ and headed the 
procession ; the ba4>vrjip6poi, properly so called, following him^ 
and composing his train. It is a significant circumstance 
also, that as the first of these ba4>vri<f>6poi, (who from his 
youthy his appearance^ his dress, in contradistinction to the 
rest, may well be supposed intended to represent Apollo 
himself, to whose honour the whole ceremony was dedi- 
cated,) was a irais ^i^tdaX?)9, (a boy whose father and 
mother were both alive,) so the bearer of the Kwtto), after 
his father and his mother, was his next of kin. We may infer 
firom these circumstances, that the Ktaitio was the most cha- 
racteristic part of the ceremony ; that the essence of the 
celebrity consisted in carrying this, at the proper time, 
dressed up in the manner prescribed by the ritual, and de- 
positing it in the temple of the Ismenian Apollo. Conse- 
qoently that, in all probability, as first instituted the cere- 
mony consisted simply in this carrying of the Ka»vo), with 
the accompaniments specified in the description of Proclus ; 
though, as wreaths of laurel were of this number from the 
first, the name of the ^a(f>ifrf(t>op(a might not have been inap- 
plicable to it even from the first. 

Again, with respect to the K<»irii itself— it is described as a 
baton or stick, a wand of olive-wood ; and nothing more. 
The name which appears to have been given it is evidently 
only the idiomatic modification of K»ir^, analogous to that 
of many other words in Greek, which we collected on a for- 
mer occasion ^ ; and K^tmj in Greek was simply the handle of 

e Vol. Y. 453 «. 
KAL. HBLL. VOL. V. A a 



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854 Parthenian Ennead of the BcBotians. diss. viii. 

anything, the part of it by which it was grasped and held fast, 
another word for which was \aj9i7. It is most fic«qaenily 
used for the handle of the oar, in contradistinction to the 
flat part, called TrXdrT^ : Kcim;? to Avw, xcSiraiov, to Vk Kirta 
irkirt) ^. It does not appear however, that as concerns the 
explanation of the ceremony anything depended on the strict 
meaning of the name given to this one of its badges ; though 
the name itself is singular, and in this form of K^iria, so far 
as we know, occurs in Greek of nothing else. 

Again this stick, called the Ktt?rct»^ was fitted up in a par- 
ticular manner ; i. e. besides the wreaths of laurel and the 
flowers with which it was decorated, (which do not appear to 
have been intended for any purpose but that of ornament,) 
it carried certain appendages of an emblematical kind : i a 
brazen ball, or sphere, (a globe,) of comparatively large di- 
mensions, fastened about the top : ii. certain smaller balls, 
the number of which is not specified, attached to this laiger 
one, and hanging from it : iii, a second ball or q[>hmSi 
greater than these, but less than the one at the top, finstened 
about the middle: iv. a certain number of chaplets (<n4fJ4Aarm) 
or fillets, attached to this sphere also, and hanging down 
from this, as the smaller spheres did from the large one at 
the top — 365 in number ; the colour of which was purpla 

Now it is clearly to be inferred from this description of 
the fitting up in question, i. that neither the greater nor the 
lesser of these spheres hung loose from the Kotnri^, but that 
both encompassed it — the Kwri^ passed through both — the 
larger sphere was fastened about it at the top, and the lesser 
one, about the middle : from which it follows that the lesser 
was directly under the greater, and both were in the same 
right line. 

ii. It would not have been difficult to divine the meaning 
of such emblems as these, even had it not been handed down 
traditionally, as it appears to have been ; for Proclus himself 
proceeded to explain that the uppermost of the two spheres 
was understood to denote the sun, and the lower the moon ; 
and the intermediate ones, (those which huo^ from that at 
the top,) the stars or the constellations (most probably, the 
five planets, known to the ancients) ; and the fillets, which 

^ Hasychins. 



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CH. I. 8. 4. Nature of the Partbenian Ennead. 355 

were saspended from the lower sphere, were intended of '' The 
ronnd of the y^ar,^ Tbv hiaiaiov hp6^n — z», in fact, wa6 in- 
timated by their number^ 866, itself. 

iii. Such then being the outward configuration of the 
K«»vj*, and snob the construction commonly put on its com- 
ponent parts ; there is no reason to suppose that one of these 
was not as old as the other : and the whole of this configura- 
tion being regarded as symbolical, the most significant of its 
emblems^ and that which leads most directly to the discovery 
of its meaning, is the particular mode of representing the 
year, adopted by it. Proclus seems to have thought this the 
simplest and most obvious of aU its symbols ; and that the 
number of these fillets was competent to explain their mean- 
ing at once. This number was indeed 365 ; and the number 
of the days of the year, it may be said, is 865. But of what 
year ? The lunar year of the Greeks, (the only form of the 
dvil year known to be used by them, Arom the time of Solon 
downwards,) did not consist nominally of more than 860 
days, nor really of more than 854 or 855, except in inter- 
calary years, when it consisted of many more than 865. And 
as to the JuHan year ; if Proclus, the author of the abore 
desortption, was not Proclus sumamed Diadochus, who 
flourished in the fifth century «, but Eutychius Proclus of 
Sicea in Afiiica, the preceptor of Marcus Aurelius ^ it is 
morally certain that, among the Greeks in general, no such 
year in his time was yet in existence, though it might have 
been in particular instances ; as for example at Athens s. 
And yet even the Julian year could not with propriety have 
been represented aa a year of 865 days. Its true description 
mnet have been that of one of 865 days and a quarter ; or 
of 865 days every three years, and 866 every fourth. 

iv. The troth is, if we go back to the traditionary date of 
tins institotiony (that of the return of the Bceotians to their 
own oonntry firom Arae in Thessaly,) we shall not be long 
at a loss to divine the peculiar kind of year, to which a sym- 
boUcai representation of the year, at such a time as that, 
muftt httve been intended to apply : vis. the primitive year, 
the equable solar year of 865 days — ^the only form of the 

• Cf. our Fasti Catholid, ii. 465 n. ' Hist. Aug. SS. supra, 347 »• 

V VoL ii. page 133 sqq. 

▲ a a 



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856 Partbenian Ennead of the BiBotians. diss. viii. 

citil year, in use at this time^ not only among the Greeks but 
among the rest of mankind. The principle of the Jnlian year 
indeed had been discovered in theory and applied in practice 
before this time, even among the Greeks, but only for par- 
ticular purposes. No form of the year, whether Julian or 
lunar, had yet superseded the equable, even among the 
Greeks, for civil purposes ; nor did so before the time of So- 
lon. In our opinion therefore, though nothing had been 
known from any other quarter of the actual date of this in- 
stitution, we should have been authorised to infer from this 
part of its emblems, and from the traditionary explanation of 
these 365 fillets, as symbolical of the year, that it must have 
gone back to the sera of the Equable Cyclical Calendar. 

V. If this was the case, and these 865 chaplets denoted the 
number of days in the primitive civil year ; then it must ap- 
pear at first sight remarkable that, in the dressing up of the 
Ka>iro>, they should be found attached not to the upper 
sphere, which denoted the sun, but to the lower, denoting 
the moon. The primitive civil year was the equable solar 
year. For the symbols of such a year to have been attached 
to the sun, and made to depend on the son, would have ap- 
peared only in character with their meaning and reference ; 
but to see them grouped about the moon, hanging from and 
dependent upon the moon, at first sight seems unnatural and 
inconsistent. And yet there was doubtless a reason for this 
arrangement. 

Now one such reason might be, that certain other symbols 
were also admitted into the representation, besides these of 
the year, which the necesirity of the case required to be asso- 
ciated with the sun; viz. the smaller spheres, which were 
suspended from the large one at the top, and were under- 
stood to be intended of the stars in general, or of the planets 
in particular. As part of the same system of which the son 
and the moon were the most conspicuous objects, and yet as 
revolving about the sun, a true astronomy (and the astro- 
nomy of this period, for any thing which is known to the 
contrary, might have been the true) would require the 
planets in particular to be grouped about the sun ; and the 
uppermost part of the Koiirai being thus preoccupied by those 
symbols of the planets, in their proper relation to the son. 



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CH. I . s. 4. Nature of the Parthenian Ennead. 857 

these 866 emblems of the year must have a place found for 
them somewhere else. And the place, which appears to have 
been actually assigned them^ being at the bottom of the 
K«iva», and immediately under the lesser sphere which de* 
noted the moon; the question is^ In what manner, or in 
what sense^ could such a position^ implying apparently if 
not a closer, yet at least an equal, relation to the moon, be 
proper for the symbols of the equable solar year ? 

In answer to this question we observe^ that the primitive 
solar year had its proper lunar year also, associated with it 
by nature and the constitution of things ; and the relation 
of these two kinds of years, one to the other, was such that 
the same cycle must serve for both — ^primitive solar and pri- 
mitive lanar time^ having once set out in a certain relation to 
each other, must run through the same round, and at the 
end of it return to the same relation again. This primitive 
solar and lunar cycle we have hitherto called the primitive 
Apis cyde^ and under that name have frequently explained 
it b. It is manifest however that to a symbolical representa- 
tion of a lunar and solar cycle, it must be indifferent whether 
the emblem of such a cycle were attached to the sun or to 
the moon: and even as attached de facto to the moon^ it 
must be understood with an equal relation to the sun. Not 
to say that in every lunar and solar cycle the ultimate 
standard of reference, even for the moon, and for lunar time, 
must be the sun, and solar time. On this principle the pro- 
per solar year even of the primitive Apis cycle, in a symbo- 
lical representation made up of the emblems of the sun and 
the moon on the one hand, and of those of the days of the 
equable solar year on the other, might with almost as much 
propriety be made to appear to depend on the moon as on 
the sun. And such being the actual position of these sjrm- 
bols in this representation of the Kovca, the natural infer- 
ence from that fact is, that this configuration was an em* 
Uematical mode of representing to the senses the primitive 
Apiscyde. 

vi. And here it is very observable, that the lower sphere 
denoting the moon, and the upper the sun, as we have al- 

k Futi Caiholid, i. 559 : ii. 489 tqq. : iv. 368 sqq. : Originefl Kalendarin lU- 
1km, npotogovneiift, zdii. 



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858 Parthenian Ennead of the Boeotians. i>iss. viii. 

ready remarked^ from their position, one about the middle of 
the stick, the other at the top, they must have stood perpen- 
dicularly above and below each other. Now that is exactly 
the position of the moon relatively to the sun at the con- 
junction. The moon, at the conjunction, is directly in a line 
with the sun — the moon and the sun, as the Oreeks expressed 
it, are ivl ixtas €if0€Cas ; and the same line would pass through 
the centres of both. We have no right to suppose that their 
positions in the K«»irGi were assigned to these two spheres at 
random ; but if not, we must infer that they were purposely 
fixed upon in order to typify the relative position of the sun 
and the moon at the conjunction : and therefore that, as the 
configuration of the Koottw in general was intended for a sym- 
bolical representation of the Apis cycle, or the deoursus of 
solar and lunar time in the equable year in general, so this 
part of it in particular — ^the disposition of the symbol of lunar 
time under that of solar — was intended to intimate the epoch 
of that cycle, the decursus of both kinds of time in this kind 
of year in particular ; viz. the lunar and solar conjunction, 
reckoned either from the change or from the phasis. And 
that is a very important conclusion for the determination of 
the date of the institution itself, as we must next proceed 
to shew. 

Sbctiom Y.—'On the historical date qf the institution of the 
KcMTci ; and on its Epoch in the Primitive and the Julian 
Calendar. 

It appears from the account of Proclus, that while the 
Boeotians were besi^^g the Pelaagi in Thebes, a festival 
came round, common to both the besiegers and the besieged; 
and this is an argumo&t of a calendar common to both, as 
the primitive calendar must have been. And it appears fur- 
ther that this common festival was a feast of Apollo ; so that 
Apollo at this time was an object of reverence to both. The 
date of the introduction of the name and worship of the Hd- 
lenic Apollo was 105 years earlier than this siege of Thebes ; 
and nothing could be less improbable a priori than this 
suiqKMition, that Apollo should both have been known to 
the Greeks of this time, and also have been esteemed and 
honoured as divine by them, everywhere. Nor is it necessary 



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OH. 1 . 8. 5. Historical date of the Ka>7rcf . 359 

to say any thing further in illustration of this point at pre- 
sent, except that the idea and name of the Grecian Apollo 
were conceived and proposed originally as those of the sun ; 
and Prodns himself tells us here that^ among the Boeotians, 
ApoUo and the sun were considered the same. 

It appears too that one of the ceremonies^ in the observ- 
ance of this feast of Apollo, consisted in cutting down 
branches of laurel, and carrying them in procession ; so that 
the laurel in particular was already consecrated to Apollo in 
the sense of the sun : the origin of which relation, as we hope 
to see hereafter, is also to be traced to the Pythian institu- 
tion, 105 years before this time. A ba4fvri4>opCa then was one 
of the recognised ceremonies of this older observance in 
honour of Apollo; and in that respect there was no differ- 
ence between the preexisting ceremony of this time, and the 
Parthenian one of later times. And forasmuch as it was in 
the evening of this day, so kept and so distinguished, and 
when the ceremony of the day was over, that Polematas, 
according to tradition, had the vision enjoining him to insti- 
tute the ia<l>i»7j<l)opCa bi' ipvaenipibof — ^it may reasonably be in- 
ferred from this coincidence, that the stated date of this octen- 
nial institution, and that of the annual ceremony of the same 
kind in general, out of which it arose, were intended to be the 
same. The ceremony which Polematas was now commanded 
to institute, under the name of the ba4>vri<f>opCa^ but with the 
addition of the Ka>ircb, was not intended or expected to differ 
from the baxpvri<l>op(a of older date, except in being celebrated 
once in eight years, while that was celebrated every year *. 
The proper day therefore of this new ceremony was no doubt 
from the first intended to be the same with that of the older 



* It 18 farther recorded indeed, that on the third day after this feast, 
common to both the parties, and after the vision in question, seen in the 
ovcniiig of the feast day, Polematas attacked the Pelasgi, and recovered 
posses s ion of Thebes; bat it is not thereby implied that this success was 
the moving cause of the new institution; only that, as a sign and seal of 
the favour of Apollo, who had himself commanded the institution two days 
before-— it was the sign and seal of the proposed institution also. The 
success of this day, thus gained through the assistance of Apollo, pledged 
Polematas and his followers so much the more to the performance of their 
mm part, in carrying into effect the proposed institution. 



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360 Parthenian Ennead of the Bceotians, diss. viii. 

of the same name. The question is only, What was that day, 
in the case of this older observance? 

In answer to this question, it must be replied that there is 
prooC from the testimony of the Odyssey of Homer, that^ 
only ten years later than the capture of Troy, one day in the 
primitive calendar was already recognised as sacred to Apollo, 
and observed as a feast day, the 7th of the first month of the 
primitive civil calendar ; the primitive Thoth of the Egypt- 
ians, the primitive Gamelion of the Greeks. But there is no 
proof either in Homer, or anywhere else, that the seventh 
of any other month in the primitive calendar was recognised 
and treated as sacred to Apollo at this early period ; though 
in the course of time the consecration of the seventh day of 
every month to him appears to have grown up out of this 
of the seventh of the first ; as it was a priori likely to do. 
The answer therefore to the question is supplied by this 
distinction. It is known (and on the testimony of Homer) 
that the seventh of the primitive Gramelion of the Greeks was 
recognised and observed as sacred to Apollo, within ten years 
after the capture of Troy. Nor can it be supposed to have 
lost that character, and to have ceased to be so treated, within 
only 6fty years later. 

If such however was still the case, and the seventh of the 
primitive Gamelion was still kept as the feast day of Apollo, 
within sixty years of the capture of Troy ; the day of the in- 
stitution of the Ka>Ta> must have been the seventh of the 
primitive Gamelion, in the year of the cyclical sera current 
at the time. And that too having been the case, then, firom 
the nature of the emblems associated with the K»irc^, and 
their situation in relation to each other, it must follow that, in 
the year of the institution, the seventh of the primitive Ghune- 
lion was also the date of the lunar conjunction, reckoned 
either from the change or from the phasis. Let us therefore 
apply this test to the year of which we have already seen reason, 
from the testimony of Thucydides, to conclude it must have 
been that of the institution, B. C. 1117. 

This year of the vulgar aera, B. G. 1117, A.M. 2888, cor- 
responded to iEra Cyclica 2890 ; and in that year of this 
sera, the first of the primitive Thoth, or Gamelion, reckoned 
according to the Julian rule, as our Tables shew, bore date 



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CH. I. 



8.5. 



Hiiiarical date of the K^ni. 



S61 



May 26 at midnight ; and therefore the seventh* June 1 at 
midnight. In our General Lunar Calendar, it corresponded 
to Period x. Cycle viii. 19; in which year the principal new 
moon (Nisan 1) bore date April 2 at midnight ; but the year 
being the last of the cycle^ this date was one day in excess^ 
and ought to be assumed April 1 at midnight : and that being 
supposed the date of the Nisan of our Tables this year, April 1 
at midnight, that of our Sivan^ the third new moon of the 
year, is determined to May 30 at midnight *, and the third 
of that moon to June 1 at midnight. 

It follows that, if the Kwrii was instituted at this time, and 
attached to the seventh of the primitive Gamelion, it was at- 
tached to the Luna tertia^ dated from the conjunction or 
change, to the Lvna prima^ dated from the phasis : and this 
coincidence, it appears to us, is competent to fix the year of 
the institution. It is self-evident, irom the nature of the 
Apis cycle, that if this coincidence held good JBra Cyc. 2890, 
B. C. 1117, it could not have held good before^ later than 
^ra Cyc. 2865, B.C. 1142 ; nor hold good again earlier than 
Mm Cyc. 2915, B. C. 1092: the former too early, the latter 
too late, for the date of an event which could not have been 
either much more or much less than sixty years distant from 
the capture of Troy. If then we accept this date of the 
return of the Boeotians in the sera of Troy^ on the authority 
of Thucydides and Strabo^ and that of the institution of the 
KcMr&, at the same time as the return, on the authority of 
the Boeotian tradition respecting the origin of their Parthe- 
nia, we have no alternative except that of acquiescing in this 
year, ^Era Cydica 2890^ as the actual year, and in the seventh 
of the primitive Gamelion^ the Luna prima reckoned from 
the phains, June 1, B.C. 1117, as the actual day, of the in- 
stitution. 



* That our General Lunar Calendar nuy safely be trusted for this date. 



appears from actual calculation. 
B. C. 1 1 17. 

Mean new moon 



True new moon 



May 30 
May 30 



47 48 m. t. Greenwich. 
21 6 m.t. Thebes. 



May 39 22 44 37 m.t. Greenwich. 
May 30 o 17 45 m.t. Thebes. 



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362 Parthenian Ennead of the Bmotiam, diss. viii. 

Section VL — On the Cycle of the Parthenian Ennead in the 

Apis Cycle. 

It appears from the same account of the origin of the 
Kttira>, quoted from Proclus supra, that the vision which en- 
joined the observance of the ceremony prescribed also the 
cycle, according to which it should be observed — dta iuva^n^ 
pC^i. Thi9 phrase, bC hvearripCboSj or dta iwia ir&v, as we 
have often explained^ is analogous to that of bth rpiAxriplhos^ 
intended of a cycle of two years, or that of hibi Tstvraenipddos 
or bih TfivT€ ir&v^ applied to one of four. The cycle then of 
the Kqivc^, the Aaxpvriipopla^ or the UapOivia^ prescribed from 
the first by the same authority which enjoined the institution, 
was a cycle of eight years, in this idiomatic sense of one of 
nine. 

But as this mode of speaking is applicable to a cycle of 
eight years of any kind, the knowledge of the fact that the 
cycle prescribed for this observance from the first was an 
octaeteris of some sort, would not be sufficient to determine 
the kind of cycle which was actually intended. To come to 
a right conclusion on that point, we must refer to the particu- 
lars of the observance itself, as handed down from the first; 
especially to the configuration of the K»ira>, the greater and 
the lesser sphere, one of them typical of the sun and the 
other of the moon, and their position relatively to each other, 
one at the top, the other at the bottom, in the same right 
line ; and the 365 chaplets, typical of the days of the year, 
underneath them both : the inference from which dispositkm 
of the parts of the Kttvoi, in their proper emblematical sense, 
and in their proper relation to each other, can be nothing but 
what we have already deduced from it ; viz. that this Kwwm 
and its component parts were neither more nor less than a 
symbolical representation of the solar and lunar cycle of the 
Primitive Equable year. Consequently, if the cycle of the 
K<»vc^ from the first was one of eight years, it must have been 
a cycle of eight years, reckoned in terms of the primitive 
solar year. 

And with respect to the mode of reckoning such a cycle 
perpetually ; the Apis cycle, in solar years of the Primitive 
or Equable standard, was a cycle of 25 years ; in lunar years 



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CH. I. 8. 6. Partheniftn Ennead of the Apis Cycle. 868 

of 3S4 or 355 days in lengthy (the proper length of the lunar 
year in conjunction with the equable solar perpetually), it 
was a cycle of 26 years — with this difference only —viz. that 
the 26th year was a year of 266 days instead of 854, nine 
lunar months instead of twelve^ like all before it. It was 
consequently in itself, and in comparison of the rest of the 
years of its proper cycle, an incomplete year^ which neyerthe- 
less, for a purely cyclical purpose, and as making one of a 
cycle, must be treated and reckoned in as a complete one. 

It follows that in one such period of 26 lunar years there 
would be three cycles of eight years complete, and two more 
of a fourth ; the seats of which would be the Ist^ the 9th, the 
17th, and the 25th of the series respectively ; and in two 
such periods there would be six cycles of eight years, and 
four more of a seventh ; in three there would be nine cycles, 
and six years of a tenth ; and in four there would be thir- 
teen cycles of eight years without any remainder^ i. e. thir- 
teen complete. It follows that the period of the iiroKarJuTTouns 
of the cycle of eight years, in the Apis cycle of 26 lunar years 
perpetually, must have been one of thirteen octaeteric cycles. 
If the reckoning of this cycle of eight years set out in the 
first year of the Apis cycle^ and on a given day in that year, 
and went on regularly from cycle to cycle, at the end of four 
such Apis cycles^ and thirteen octaeteric cycles, it would re- 
turn to the same year and the same day of the Apis cycle as 
at first. And in these four Apis cycles there would be neither 
more nor less than 100 equable solar years, and in the thir- 
teen octaeteric periods commensurate with them neither more 
nor less than 104 lunar years of the proper standard of the 
Apis cycle perpetually. We may therefore draw out the 
succession of octaeterides of this kind in terms of the Apis 
cycle for any length of time we please. Assuming, for exam- 
ple, that the solar epoch of the first such Apis period was 
Thoth 7 at midnight, ^ra Gyclica 2890, and the lunar epoch 
the Luna 8*, we may exhibit the decursus of the octaeteric 
cycle through each of these kinds of years, for four Apis 
pmods, as follows. 



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864 



Parthenian Ennead of the Bosotians. diss. tiii. 



Scheme qfthe sueeessitm qf the cycle of eight years (the Parthetdam Bt^ 
nead) in the Apis cycle, through the first Period qf loo equable solar, 
104 equable hmar years, from Thoth 7» the Luna 3^ jEra eye. 2890, to 
Thoth 1, the Luna 3^ JSra eye. 2990. 

Cf. the Fasti Catholici, ii. 494 : iv. 383. 



Apib Cyclic 


Pahthsmian Ennkajm. 1 


Solar. 


Lunar. 


Epoch, Luna 3*. 
JSok eye. 3890. 


Pwiodl. 


Pariodii. 


PariodlU. 


PwtodlT. 


FModv. 


i 


i 


Thoth 7 


Cycle i 








Cyde xiv 


i 


ii 


Epagomene 1 












ii 


•iii 


Mesore 20 








Cydexi 




iii 


iv 


10 












iv 


V 


Epiphi 39 






Cycle viii 






V 


•vi 


18 












Yi 


vii 


8 




Cycle V 








▼ii 


vlu 


Pafini 27 












yiii 


•ix 


16 


Cycle ii 








Cyde XV 


iz 


z 


6 












X 


zi 


Pacfaon 35 








Cydexii 




xi 


«xii 


U 












zii 


ziii 


4 






Cycle ix 






ziu 


ziv 


Pharmnthi 23 












xrr 


♦zv 


12 




Cycle vi 








XV 


zvi 


2 












xvi 


zvii 


Phamenoth 31 


Cydfliii 








Cydexvi 


zvii 


•zviii 


10 












xviii 


ziz 


Mecheir 30 








Cycle xiii 




xix 


zz 


19 












XX 


•zzi 


8 






Cycle X 






xxi 


*zzii 


Tybi 38 












ttH 


zziii 


18 




Cycle vii 








xxiu 


xxiv 


7 












xxiv •xxv 


Choeac 36 


Cyde iv 








Cydexvii 


XXV xxvi 


16 













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cu. I. 8* 7. Date of the Ka>vtf in the Boeotian Correction. . 866 

Section VII. — On the relation of the Parthenian Ennead to 
the Boeotian Correction, B. 0, 567 ; and on the date of tlie 
K»T& in that. 

The above scheme of the decursus of the period of eight 
years ia the cycle of 26 lunar, 25 solar, years of the primitive 
standard, so digested for one term of 104 years of the former^ 
100 of the latter, is competent to serve for any number of 
such periods of both kinds which may be required. All that 
it is necessary to observe with respect to the decursus of one 
of these cycles in the other perpetually is that, though the 
solar date of the epoch will continue the same from one 
Period of 25 years to another, the lunar one, by virtue of 
that law of the relation of equable time to Julian^ through 
the different Periods of our Fasti^ which we have often had 
occasion to explain \ will not remain the same, but will rise 
one term from Period to Period successively. The nature of 
this law is that^ if a given equable date is to continue the 
same in terms perpetually, the Julian^ which corresponded 
to it at firsts in order to correspond to it ever after, must 
rise one number higher in the Julian notation of days and 
nights, with successive changes of the Julian Type of our 
Fasti. And as a given lunar date is to all intents and pur- 
poses a given Julian one ; it follows that if the solar epoch 
of these equable Periods was Thoth 7 at first, and continued 
to be Thoth 7 ever after, and the corresponding lunar epoch 
at first was the Luna 3', in order to agree to the solar epoch 
continually, it must rise, with successive Periods of our Fasti, 
first to the Luna 4^, then to the Luna 5a, and so on — for a 
certain time at least, if not perpetually. 

i Futi Catholid, ii. 595 : iv. 378. page 242 sqq. Dissertation ii. ch. iii. 
Orig. Kalend. Italicse, Prolegomena, sect. ▼. 
xHz : VoL ii. 511 sqq. Supra, Vol. i. 



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366 Parthenian Ennead of the Bceotians. diss. viii. 



Scheme qf the euccesekm qf the Parihenitm Ennead in the Equable Apit 
Period of loo eolar, 104 lunar, years, and in the Julian Periods of the 
Fasti Catholici, from jEra eye, 2890, B. C. 1117 to JEra eye, 3390, 
B. C. 567. 



Pwiodoftbe 




Pw. of 100 




Puthwfaui 






Fasti. 


B.C. 


eq.ywn. 


Mx^eye, 


Enneid. 


Epoch. 




xziv. 4 


TII7 


i 


2890 


i 


Thoth7 


Luna 3* 




IOI7 


ii 


2990 


xiv 


— 7 


- 3» 




917 


iii 


3090 


xxvii 


— 7 


— 4» 




817 


iv 


3190 


xl 


— 7 


- 5* 




717 


V 


3290 


liii 


— 7 


— 6» 


xxviii. 56 


617 


vi 


3390 


kvi 


— 7 


- 7* 



This Ennead took its rise in the fourth year of our xxvith 
Julian Period, B.C. 1117; and we have brought it down in 
this scheme in periods of 100 equable years to the fifty-sixth 
of our xxviiith, B. C. 617 : at the ingress of which, the solar 
epoch remaining the same as at first, Thoth 7, the lunar, by 
virtue of the law in question, should be found to have risen 
from the Luna 3^ to the Luna 7* : and it is easy to shew 
that this was actually the case. 

Thoth 1 at midnight, iEra eye. 3390, according to our 
Tables, corresponded to Jan. 26 at midnight. B.C. 617; and 
consequently Thoth 7 at midnight to Feb. 1 at midnight : 
and this being assumed as the date of the Luna 7* that year, 
January 26 must have been that of the Luna 1^ But it is 
here to be observed that, between iEra eye. 2890, B. C. 1117, 
the assumed epoch of this entire succession, and ^ra eye. 
3390, B. C. 617, that of the sixth of these Periods of 100 
equable years, there was an interval of 500 equable years ; 
in the course of which the Apis cycle itself was liable to 
generate an excess of calendar lunar time over mean or true, 
amounting to one day ^ : so that the true luna septima of this 
epoch, B.C. 617, instead of corresponding to Thoth 7, JEra 
eye. 3390, did in reality correspond to Thoth 6, and the 
Luna 8* to Thoth 7. On this principle Thoth 1, iEra eye. 
3390, Jan. 26, B. C. 617, instead of being the Luna Prima, 
was more properly the Luna Secunda ; and the last of the 
Epagomense, Mtk eye. 3389, Jan. 25 was the Luna Prima. 

k See our Faiti CathoUd, iv. 379 sqq. : cf. i. 66.97. 



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en. 1 . 8. 7. Date of the Ka>ira> in the Bceotian Correction. 867 

And that this was saflBciently near to the truth appears from 
onr Oeneral Lunar Tables^ Period xii.iii. 5, when the first of 
Sebaty our eleventh months bore date Jan. 24 at midnight, 
and the first of Adar, Feb. 28, at midnight ; on which day 
there was an eclipse of the sun, at 5 p. m. for the meridian 
of Paris. 

Now this year, B. C. 617, Mm eye. 3890, was only fifty 
years earlier than the date of the Boeotian correction, B. C. 
567, ^ra eye. 8440 : and the above scheme being continued 
from the Ixvith Ennead, Thoth 7, the Luna 8*, JEtbl eye. 
8890, B. C. 617, for 58 solar, 56 lunar, years, we get the 
epoch of the Ixxiiird, ^ra eye. 8448, B.C. 564, in the fourth 
solar, the^A lunar, year of the third Apis cycle ; the stated 
solar epoch of which would be Epiphi 29 \ the lunar the same 
as at first, the Luna 8*. 

iEra Cyclica 3443, B. C. 564. 



mdnight. 

Thoth 

Phaophi 

Athyr 

Choeac 

Tybi 




Mfdniglifc. 

Jan. 12 
Feb. II 
March 13 
April 12 
May 12 


Hldnight. 

Mecheir i 
Phamenoth i 
Phannuthi i 
Pachou I 
Pauni I 


Mldnfgfat. 

June 1 1 
July II 
Aug. 10 
Sept. 9 
Oct. 9 




Epiphi I Noyember 8 
— 29 December 6 the LuDa 8» 





The Octaeteric correction having been substituted among 
the Boeotians for the primitive equable calendar only three 
years before this time ; it is to be presumed that the cere- 
mony of the Kwircd, hitherto regulated by the Parthenian 
Ennead in terms of the Apis cycle, would now be transferred 
to the Octaeteric calendar, and begin to be regulated by the 
cycle of that calendar. The only question will be, as to its 
proper date in this cycle. 

Now the regular date in the old Ennead, just at this point 
of time, the ingress of the Ixxiiird cycle of that Ennead, ae- 
cording to the above scheme, being Epiphi 29, iBra eye. 
8443, Dec. 6, B. C. 564, and B. 0. 564, in the first Period of 
the Boeotian Octaeteris, corresponding to Cycle i. 4, we have 
only to turn to the Type of this Correction "> to see that in 

1 See lupm, page 364. ■* VoL iii. Append. Table ii. 



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368 PartheniaD Enneadofihe BcBotians. diss. viii. 

that year of the cycle the stated date of the xiith month was 
Nov. 29, and therefore the stated date of the 8th of that 
mouth was Dec. 6. If then the observance of the Kmn^ was 
transferred at this time from the Parthenian Ennead to that 
of the Octaeteric correction, its stated date, as celebrated 
only once in every cycle of the octaeteris of the calendar, 
would be the eighth of the twelfth month in the fourth year 
of the cycle, the eighth of the month, the name of which in 
the Boeotian lunar calendar we have seen reason to conclude 
was Alalcomenius ^. The coincidence which held good at this 
moment was something remarkable; viz. that the stated 
lunar date of the Konr& in its original cycle was the Luna 8^, 
and as now transferred to this new cycle was the Luna 8* 
also : and yet it was only a necessary consequence of the 
relation of the Boeotian Lunar calendar for the time being to 
the moon. 

Section VIII. — Confirmation of the preceding concltisions 
by some other considerations. 



i. Relation of the Parthenian Ennead to the Primitive 

Apis Cycle. 
The preceding account of this Ennead, and in particular 
of the kind of years in which it was intended to be reckoned 
from the first, (and no doubt was so, down to the date of the 
Boeotian correction,) is well calculated to confirm an opinion 
which we have often had occasion to express, that the natural 
lunar cycle of the primitive solar year must have come down 
along with it from the first. That this was the fact among 
the Egyptians happens to be known on better and clearer, 
because more direct, proofs than in any other instance ^ : but 
there is no reason to suppose that the same thing did not 
hold good of the rest of mankind, at first at least. And in 
reality the fact, which we established before P, of the relation 
of the Octaeteric correction of Minos to the primitive Apis 
cycle, and that which we hope to establish hereafter of the 
relation of the Octaeteric correction of Philammon of Delphi 

Q Vol. ii. spa 307. 316. 
o Cf. our Fasti Catholid, iv. 368 sqq., and our Origines Kalendaric lUltcv, 
Prolegomena, xdii sqq. P Vol. ▼. 539. 



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CH. I . s. 8. Confirmation of the preceding Conclusions. 869 

to this cycle also, and this, which we have just been en- 
deavouring to establish, of the relation of the Parthenian 
Ennead to the equable solar and th6 equable lunar year in 
conjunction, must do much to authorise the same conclusion, 
that the natural lunar cycle of the primitive solar year was 
known to the ancient Greeks, as well as to the ancient 
Egyptians. 

We exhibited the scheme of the succession of this primi- 
tive Apis cycle from iEra Cyclica 1, to Mm Cyclica 3026, 
digested in a series of periods of 125 equable years, accom- 
modated to the Julian periods of our Fasti Catholici also, in 
the first Part of this present work ^ ; and it may be worth 
while to compare the equable solar and lunar epoch of the 
Parthenian ennead, as instituted de facto Mtb, Cyc.2890, and 
attached de facto to Thoth 7, the lunar 3rd, with that of the 
corresponding year of the primitive Apis cycle. For this 
purpose we must proceed as follows. 

Epoch of the Parthenian Ennead, Mm Cyc. . . 2890 

Epoch of the xxvith Type of the Primitive Apis Cycle 2751 

139 
Epoch of the Parthenian Ennead in the Primitive Apis Cycle, Type 
xxvi. Cycle vi. 15 - 14. 

At the ingress of this type, the solar epoch, Thoth 8, was 
falling on the lunar 30th ; but before the end of it, (i. e. in 
iEra Cyc 2887, B. 0. 1120^) for the reason explained in our 
former work'^ it had already risen to the Luna 1*^. 

Now in the 15th year of the lunar, the 14th of the solar, 
cycle of each of these types, the solar epoch was Pharmuthi 
13; the lunar at this period of their decursus, for the reason 
just mentioned, was the Luna 1^ We have therefore, 

Pritmtioe Apis Cycle, 1\fpe xsevi, vi. 15 » 14. 
Pharmuthi 13, Lnna I^ ^ra Cyc. 2889 — 2890. 



i Pharmuthi 13 iv Epiphi 12 iEra Cyc. 2889 

ii Pachon 13 v Mesoreii — — 

iii Paiini 12 vi Thoth 6 — 2890 

Thoth 6 Luna i 
— 7 — 2 

4 Fasti Catbolid, iv. 583. ' Ibid, page 378. cf. lapra, 365. 
KAL. HBLL. VOL. V. B b 



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370 Parthenian Ennead of the Bcsotians. diss, yiii . 

The date then of the Parthenian Ennead, strictly deduced 
from the primitive Apis cycle of the time being, mast have 
been Thoth 7, the Luna 2^ And if tliat should appear to 
be inconsistent with the conclusion to which we have already 
come, that its date de facto was Tlioth 7, the Luna S\ it is 
to be considered that the primitive Apis cycle, at this period 
of its decursus, had accumulated an excess of nearly a day, 
which we correct in our General Scheme at the ingress of 
Type xxviii, iEra Cyc. 3001 : so that the true lunar character 
of Thoth 7, even JBra Cyc. 2890, was more properly the Luna 
3<^ than the Luna 2^ * 

ii. Decorations of the Ka>7rci ; and the Apollo Xak6(tos, 
to whom it was dedicated. 

The decorations of the Ka>7ra>, as distinct from the spheres 
and the fillets or tassels, according to Froclus, consisted 
partly of wreaths of laurel, partly of flowers. With respect to 
the former ; the laurel being an evergreen, and most flourish- 
ing and luxuriant at the end of the autumnal, and the be- 
ginning of the winter quarter, it could never be wanting for 
the climate of Boeotia, and in the neighbourhood of mount 
Helicon, at such a time in the natural year as the 6th of 
December, the stated date of the Kai7a> in the Octaeteric 
cycle of the Boeotian calendar. 

With regard to the flowers ; it does not appear whether 
these made part of the decorations of the Ka)7rcb from the 
first, or only from the time of its adoption into the Octaeteric 
calendar, B. C. 564* : nor whether these flowers, as used on 
these occasions, were the productions of nature, or raised by 
artificial means. The Adonia of the Greeks were celebrated 
in the middle of the summer; and yet the first shoots of 

* Or it may be assumed that the rise of the lunar epoch, in these tuc- 
oessive types, beginning witb the Luna 4*, was not allowed to go beyond 
the Luna 29*; and that which is marked in our scheme, at the ingress of 
Type zxvi, for the Luna 30, should more properly be the Luna i*. This 
correction would bring out the epoch, in the xzizth Type, (that in which 
the Apis cycle of history took its rise,) the Luna 4*, exactly in accordance 
with the original one in Type i, the Luna 4* also. 

On this principle. Type xxn, ri. 14-" 15, the epoch will be Pharmuthi 
13, i£ra Cyc. 3889, the Luna a*, and from that we shall obtain Thoth 7, 
iEra Cyc. 2890, the Luna 3*. 



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OH. 1 . 8. 8. Cof^vrmation of the preceding Conclusions. 371 

vegetable life were wanted oa these occasions, and were 
raised for the parpose, in what were called the gardens of 
Adonis. It was just as possible^ if flowers were wanted for 
such a ceremony as this of the Ka>ira), at the opposite season 
of the year, that they too might be raised by artificial means. 
It is equally possible that^ for such a climate as that of Bceo- 
tia, flowers^ the production of nature, which even in our own 
climate may often be found growing wild in the month of 
December^ might be found in abundance at the stated time 
of the KoaTTci. In any case^ there is no more difficulty in 
providing flowers for it in the month of December, from the 
time of its adoption into the Octaeteric calendar, and its 
confinement thereby to the beginning of winter, than in the 
month of June, at its first institution — not far from the point 
of midsummer — long after the season of flowers^ properly so 
called, in Greece was past ^. 

It is however an observable circumstance, that in Proclus' 
time, the Kwri^ dressed up and decorated, as he describes it, 
after being carried in procession in public, was disposed of 
at last in the temple of Apollo, sumamed ''Icrix'/ivLos, and also 
XaXdfio;. With regard to the first of these titles, '^lafirivhs 
was the name of a river by Thebes, near which Apollo had a 
temple — '*l(rfifivbs isoraym 0t?j3«i;, Mtv koIx Ucr/jiiywoff 6 'AttoAXcdv, 
&n iv airr^ rifiarai * — 

Aipiofg Tt rniydis oud* mr 'lo'/ii^pov Xey« ^ — 



Ilp6g Tt IlaXXadoff fitirXoU 
waoit cir* 'l<rfU7yo{; r« futmltj^ oTrodf * — 

Koi ydp i<m iraph Ty *l<Tfirfv£ 'AwrfXAwj^os Up6v 7 — 

02 d* lor fftBeoi ^i8<f x^P^^ 9 ^^^ UvBoi, 
H irov cV *Ofmryiii, ^ e^* vbaatv *la'fttfvoio 
ffTTiadfitvoi * — 
'leiiripis voToiibs Boia>r£a;, ifff* o5 ^IcfirivCov ^ATTcfXXcayos Upop • — 
^cvyf Koi *Aoru7 t6v ha fip6fiop' al If t^teitovro 

*la'iuf¥ov x«pa iraTp6g '*— 

• See vol. i. 105 sqq. 96 sqq. 7 Schol. in be. 

t SchoUa in Phoeniflflae, loi . 'Ifffirfpov, > Apollon. Rhod. i. 536. 

^ .Aichyliu, Septem Contra Thebas, « SchoL in loc. 

373. cf. tlie Scholia. ^ Callimachus, Hymniu in Delum, 

z (Edipos Tjr. ao. 75* cf. the Schol. 

B b 2 



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372 VBTtliemBXi Ennead of the BiBotians. diss. viii. 



''Eorn bk Ao^9 ^v bf^iq r&v irvk&v Xepioi 'AirJAAwyos. icaXctrai he 
S T€ Ao^09 <cal 6 ^609 'lajywfvios, Trapapp4ovTos tov Trorofioi; towttj 
Tov 'IcT/jwyrfov «^ — So called from Ismenius, a son of Apollo and 
Melia ® : Tov be ^lafirivlov to ovoyxi. iayjEV 6 Ttorajios. ov yaiv oi6^ 
ra itpoTfpa fjv avdwfjLOs, el bit koX A6Z<ov iKokeiro itplv ^la-iirjviov 
yeviaOcu top ^ A'n6\\(avos* 

With respect to the second^ the old reading of the text in 
this instance was raka(Cas; the derivation of which from 
Ta\a(ia, the milky-way in Greek, would be obvious. But 
then the derivation of the title from such an etymon as that 
would itself have been the strongest ground of disbelief, that 
such a title could ever have been applied to Apollo, as the 
same at least with the sun ; for that would have confounded 
Ta\a(Ca9 with Aoffay, and the ecliptic or Aofiy 65os, with the 
Galaxy, or milky- way. TaXaiia too, according to the Greek 
grammarians, was the name of a species of pudding at Athens, 
made of barley-flour and milk ^ But it is superfluous to ob- 
ject to the application of such a title to Apollo here, since the 
last and most critical editions of the text of Photius^ in this 
instance, read KakiCios, not Taka^Cas. What then could be 
the meaning of this epithet of XakiCios, but that of Grandu 
neus, or Grandinosus ? the Apollo of Haily or Hail'Storms? 
And what propriety could there have been in laying up the 
KttTTcb, at the end of the ceremony, in the temple of Apollo, 
the Hailer^ if the stated time of the ceremony did not coin- 
cide with that season of the natural year, when hail-storms, 
even for the climate of Boeotia, might be no extraordinary 
phenomenon — that is, the end of November, and the begin- 
ning of December? 

iii. The liapQivia, or UapOeveux. 
The songs, which formed another of the accompaniments 
of the K&>7a>, being chanted by choruses of young women, or 
virgins, appear to have taken their name from that circum- 
stance, and to have been called UapOivia, or TlapOipeta, (ra 

c Nonmu, v. loo. ^ PsiuaiuaB, ix. x. a. • Ibid. 5. 

' Aneodota, 339. 35. 



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CH. I. 8.8. Confirmation of the preceding Conclusions. 373 

rmv vapBiviav fit^ri,) accordingly. The ancients have recorded 
that many of the lost poems of Pindar were of this descrip- 
tion : ''Eypa\lr€ d' iv fiifiKCois iC Aaipftt bia\4KT<a ravra* 'OXv/ui'Trt- 
ovUas, UvOtovkas, N^/x^oz/fKas, 'la-OiiiovUas, Upoadbia, IlapOivia 
Kf r. X.S— Ovic fiYv6€i 8^ (sc. Plato,) 5ti iroXKa Awpta UapOiveia 
iXXa "^AKKfjLOLVi * Kal liivbipia xcd ^ifjMv(bji koI BoKxyXCbn ir^irohi' 
Tcu^ — UCvbapos^-.iv r<p irpdr*^ tQp Ilap6€vC(av^ — 
Kai TlapB€V€ia icai Kara rh 2ifuovibov ^ — 

Bnt they tell iis also that these compositions of Pindar, so 
entitled in general, were of two kinds, the YlapBiifia, or Uap- 
$4v€ia 6.irKmj and the UapOh^ia K€x<opL(rpL4va, ^4p€Tai b^ koL 
llapdtvUav ^, Kal y\ 6 l7tiyp&(f>€i KfXfapurpLivtdv TlapdevUov^: i.e. 
there was a third book of these particular songs, which Pin- 
dar himself had distinguished from the rest by publishing it 
separately, and giving it the title of K€X(^p^f^p-4va. Ulvbapos 
<f)7i<TLv iv Tois K€xoipiafi€vois TCiv Tlapdivii^v (corr. YlapOfifloav^ or 
napO€if€{<av) Sti t&v tpaxrrQv oi pikv ivbpes eixovrai rbv rjKiov 
(ry ^KCfp) al bi yvvaiK€s (t^j/) aekifivqv ™ : and they are quoted 
under this title by the Scholia on Pindar ". The reason of 
this distinction has not been explained ; and yet it would be 
accounted for^ by supposing this book of separate or select 
Parthenia to have consisted of such songs and hymns as 
were intended for these occasions of the KcottcI), and the anni- 
versaries of the Parthenian Ennead. Such occasions were 
of rare occurrence ; and even in the life-time of Pindar could 
not have happened more than eight or nine times : and in 
proportion to their infrequency would be their solemnity, and 
the interest attaching to them. It is therefore far from im- 
probable, that^ these select Parthenia were written by Pindar 
for this oldest and most characteristic of the customs of his 
comitry ; and as such were separated from the rest, and pub- 
lished in a volume by themselves. 

* Steph. Bys. in 'Epvirixnt quotes four lines of the beginning of the 
second book of these Uapdimia ftrfwra of Alcman. 

K Vita, p«g. 6. I Boeckh. p. 9, 10. Ex Vratisl. A. 

b Plutarch, De Musica, xvii. p. 10. 

* SchoL ad Arist. Acluum. 730. &yo- ™ Schol. in Theocrit. ad Idyll, ii. 10. 
piCffir. ScXdra. 

■ Atos, 919. cf. ad 1099. n Ad Pyth. iii. 139. ffhp TlavL 



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874 Parthenian Enneadofthe Baotians. diss. viii. 

iv. The Aa<l>vrj(l>opCa older at Thebes than the 
Parthenian Eunead. 

T6 bi y€ Kou is ifik iri ywofitvov otba iv Gi/jficus t<^ '*ATr6KKmvi 
T(f 'IcrfjLTjvCfj^' Traida oIkov re ^KCfwv, Koi avrbv cS fi^v cTftovs cS 
8' i\ovTa KoL pdiJLTjSf Upia iviaCirtov irotoi/o-ti'' iirUXYfins b4 i<nlv 
o\ ba<f)vrj<f)6pos' <rr€(l>6jfovs yhp <l>ijWa>v bi<pv7f9 <l>opov(nv ol ira7^€i. 
€l iJL€v oZv TTcunv 6fjiouo9 Ka$i(TTriK€v ivoB^iuai bcupvri<l>opi^aavTas 
XoKkovv rf 0^^ Tpiitoba, ovk lx(a brjXtaa-ax* boK& bi ov vwrw cZvai 
vopjov ov yap dr) ttoXXovs l<ip<av avrdOi avaK€iiiivovs' ol 8' otfp 
€vbaifMOvlcrT€poi rd)v TtaCb<av ivariOiaaw, i'jn(f>avris bi ^likurra htC 
T€ apxaioTTiTL Kol Tov io^oBlvTos T7J bo^n Tphrovs iarlv, ' A^MpiTpvwvos 
iviOrjfxa, im ^HpaKktl 5a(f>i^<f>o/>^(ram ^. 

At first sight this description would appear to refer to the 
same ceremony as that of the Ghrestomathia^ of which we 
have hitherto been giving an account ; but a little consider- 
ation will soon convince us that such a conclusion would be 
premature. For, i. this ceremony of Pausanias was an an- 
nual one of its kind, that of Proclus an octennial, ii. The 
principal person in this was a youth, in the other a grown-up 
man. iii. The laurel branchy and nothing else, was the pro- 
per characteristic badge of this ceremony, the Koaitia was that 
of the other, iv. This was much older than the other; this 
having gone back, according to tradition, as far as the time 
of Amphitryon, the father of Hercules^ at least — while that 
did not go further back than the return of the Boeotians from 
Arne, nearly 200 years later. 

The principal use of this older ceremony at Thebes is to 
explain that part of the later one which gave it the name of 
the Aa<l>infi<f>opCa, The carrying of branches of laurel was one 
of the characteristics of the Kciirci— but, as it now appears, 
merely because the Ka>7ra) itself was this more ancient cere- 
mony, with the badges and insignia, peculiar to itself, 
grafted upon it. We may presume therefore that the date 
of this older ba<l>vTi<f>opta was the same with that of the R<»7<tf ; 
viz. the seventh of the primitive Thoth. And this being the 
day sacred to Apollo among the Greeks, from the time of the 
institution of the Pythean Ennead at least; we may infer 

o Pausanias, ix. x. 4. 



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CH . I . B. 9 . Fable of Tityus. 875 

from this account of the more ancient biupvrjipopCay that the 
usual mode of celebrating that day^ and in this relation to 
Apollo, probably was by a procession of worshippers carry- 
ing branches of laurel, the leader of which, in age, and ap- 
pearance, and beauty, was intended to represent Apollo him- 
self, and as being the first in a procession, in which all car- 
ried boughs of laurel, was called 6 ba<f>vri(p6pos «rar' ^foxV — 
and in the case too of those, whose circumstances could 
afford it, by the dedication of a tripod of brass to Apollo him- 
self, in the name of this priest and leader *. 

Section IX, —On theprobabk motive to the institution of the 
Parthenian Ennead; and on the Fable o/ Tityus. 

According to the traditional account of the institution of 
the Kttircl), it was due to a vision of Apollo, and an express 
command of his to the leader of the Bceotians, at the time 
of their return ; and it is very conceivable that this might be 
the account given out at the time, — and that Polematas, 
with whom the idea of the institution must have originated, 
in order to have the authority of a Divine sanction for what 
he was about to do, might attribute it to a revelation of the 
will of Apollo^ attested and confirmed so soon after, by the 
success of the Boeotians in the capture of Thebes, and their 
resettlement in their own country. 

The connection of the institution with this return, and its 
historical use as a perpetual memorial of an event so interest- 
ing to the Boeotian community, would be the same, whatso- 

* With respect to the particular tradition which attributed one of these 
tripods to Amphitryon in the name of Hercules his son ; its genuineness 
may weU be doubted; since if Hercules was bom about B.C. 1260, his 
boyhood or youth must have anticipated by many years the first introduc- 
tion of the name and worship of the Pythian Apollo. A tripod however 
might have been dedicated by Amphitryon in his name, as an offering 
to the tun, which might easily in after- times be confounded with one to 
Apollo. Herodotus, v. 57, describes a tripod in the temple of Apollo 
Ismenlus, which tradition attributed to Amphitryon too. Tbis however 
was not that which Pausanias alluded to ; having been dedicated in his 
own name, and for a victory over the Telebose. It was probably dedi- 
cated to the sun ; and afterwards set up in the temple of the Ismenian 
Apollo, as another name for the sun. ApoUo, as such, was not yet known 
o( in the time of Amphitryon. 



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876 Parthenian Ennead of the Bosotians. diss. viii. 

ever the motive to it in any other respect. Bat as to its 
immediate cause^ and the ultimate end and purpose which it 
might be designed to answer ; in our opinion, the most pro- 
bable explanation is to be found in the fact^ That there 
existed at this very time an octaeteric cycle^ dedicated to 
Apollo or the sun^ and attached to the seventh of the month* 
as the day sacred to Apollo or the sun, but not reckoned in 
primitive equable years, nor attached to the seventh of the 
first month of the Primitive Calendar, as this of Polematas 
was. This older and preexisting cycle was that of Philammon 
of Delphi, instituted B. C. 1222, and attached to August 26, 
the 7th of the primitive Athyr, in that year ; of which we 
hope, in a future Dissertation, to give a particular account 

Tjiis cycle was reckoned in Julian years, and yet professed 
to be sacred to the sun, as the god of time ; and it might 
probably occur to Polematas, or to any one else who knew 
that the equable solar year had been and still was the only 
standard and measure of annual time in the sense of civil — 
(in comparison of which and its antiquity, the Julian year was 
an innovation of recent date,) it' might naturally, we say, 
occur to any one who was aware of this, to reflect, that an 
octaeteric solemnity in honour of the sun, as the god of time, 
was bound to be celebrated in the primitive solar year, not 
in the Julian. And if it was still remembered (as it possibly 
might be) that primitive equable time itself, in connection 
with the present system of things, had set out on the seventh 
of the first month of the first equable year, (the last day of 
the heptaemeron of Scripture, the day after the Creation of 
man,) it might appear to be just as reasonable that the epoch 
of such a cycle, kept and reckoned in terms of the primitive 
year perpetually, should be attached in the first instance to 
the seventh of the primitive Thoth, rather than to any other 
day in the equable year. 

Now these are the only circumstances of distinction be- 
tween the Pythian Ennead of Philammon and the Parthenian 
one of Polematas ; viz. that the former was an octaeteric 
cycle reckoned in Julian years, the latter was one reckoned 
in equable years; the former was attached in the first in- 
stance to the seventh of the primitive Athyr, the latter to 
the seventh of the primitive Thoth. And if these distinctions 



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CB. 1 . 8. 9. Fabk of Tityus. 877 

were not simply accidental, they mnst have been the effect of 
design on the part of the author of the later of these two 
cycles in particular. We may presume then that the first 
idea of the Parthenian Ennead was very probably suggested 
to Polematas by the Pythian^ which had been 105 years in 
existence before his time ; but that his own could not have 
been intended as an imitation of the Pythian so much as for 
a correction of it — as what the Pythian Ennead itself was 
bound to have been^ in strict conformity to the reason of 
things, and to the analogy of the Primitive Calendar, and to 
its professed relation to the Principle of time, whether Apollo 
or the sun. 

On this supposition however it is easy to see that this 
Ennead of Polematas, reckoned in terms of the equable year^ 
might naturally, in the course of time, come to be regarded 
as a rival of the Ennead of Philammon ; and that not only 
the honour and dignity of the Pythian Apollo, but the credit 
and authority of the Delphian oracle, (which came into ex- 
istence along with it,) would be equally interested in dispa- 
raging, and discrediting, and if possible suppressing, this rival 
cycle. And that this construction must actually have been 
put upon it, may be inferred from the classical fable of 
Tityns, which seems to have grown up out of it. 

This fable, considered in itself, is one of those extravagant 
fictions of ancient mythology which at first sight might be 
considered incapable of any rational and consistent explana- 
tion. But let it only be assumed that the Tityus of this 
fable was the impersonation of an octaeteric cycle, like the 
Ennead of Polematas, reckoned in terms of the equable year 
perpetually, as the Pytho of the Pythian fable was that of 
one of eight Julian years — and as a rival institution of its 
kind to that of Delphi — and it ceases to be inexplicable. It 
is perceived to have a meaning, and something even like a 
foundation in the matter of fact. 

For, in the first place, the name of the Tityus of this fable 
is evidently one of the same stamp, and cast in the same 
mould, as that of the Titans, in the fable of the battle of the 
gods and the Titans, which we explained in the third Dis- 
sertation P. The etymon of both must have been the same — 

V Supra, Tol. iv. 527 sqq. 



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378 Parthenian Ennead of the Bosotiana, Bias. viii. 

the Egyptian Ta-ti, or Ti-ta. It is only an accident that in 
one of these instances this Egyptian name assumed the form 
of Tirhs or Ttraj^ in Greek, and in the other that of Tirvrfs. 
And if this name of Tvrhv in the former could denote the 
impersonation of the Primitive Equable Calendar in contra- 
distinction to the Julian ; it was just as possible that this 
other name of Tirvo^ might be purposely invented to denote 
the impersonation of an octaeteric cycle of eight equable 
years in contradistinction to one of eight Julian. 

Secondly, with regard to the circumstances of this fable ; 
Tityus, the principal subject thereof, was of Boeotian origin, 
being supposed the son of Elare, daughter of Orchomenus : 
and this cycle of eight equable years was of Boeotian origin 
too. He contracted the guilt of the offence for which he was 
punished in the manner described by the fable, by an attempt 
on the honour of the Lato of the Pythian fable, the mother 
of the Apollo and the Artemis of that fable ; and the instru- 
mental agency by which this offence was resented and punished 
at the time was that of the Apollo of the Pythian fable him- 
self, and as the first of the exploits, next to the destruction 
of the serpent Fytho, by which his divinity was afiirmed and 
attested — 

*Ev kclL *Afr<$XXa>y ^oi&ot oUmv»p crcrvxro, 
fiovnait othrm froXX^r, t^v tpvovra JcaXvirrpiyv 
liffTfpa BapaaXws TiT%f6» fuyap, ov p IrtKiv yt 
dV *EXap7, Bpiy^v de cat &^ Iko^eitraTo Fata 4. 

Kai TiTvov nSktv tldev, Swff Opatrvt vl^ apovp^t 
Skata xaXXf frcniXa duurrtix^v natumrjas 
ayyii fiuiCofUvTjs matipao't f^tdpta Aijrovr ^. 

*0 \ikv Tvrvhs fiiyas ijv Kokos b^ oi. ^Tt bi tWrA *AirJXAa)vo9 Kti 
^ApriiMibos €r€X€vr»y<r€ To(ev0€U kclL ^€p€Kvbrii ip^aC* — Ttrviv bH 
* AirJXXtti^ To(ev€i koX ''Aprtfiis ' — Krc^vei bi ficr ov voXh koL Tt- 
Tv^Vf bs rjv Albs vlbs Kci Tijs ''Opxofuvov Btryarpis ^EKdpuris ... ovtos 
^Px6fi€vos (lege ipxpfAimfv) cb llv$i» At/r^ Bctopriiras iM^ icara- 
o^^Oth iTruriraTai*' if bi rots vaibas JmicaXctroi, xcU KaraTofev- 

* Lato or Leto, as we shall see hereafter, being the impersonation of 
the air or atmosphere, the mother of the two principles, (Apollo and Arte- 

^ ApoUoniufl Rhod. i. 759. cf. the Tyr. 733. 

Scholia. B Scholia in Find, ad Pjrth. iv. 160. 

r Nonnus, iv. 331. De Cadmo : cf. Koi fiiiy Tirv6y. 

Iliad B. 530. and the Schol. ad (Edip. ^ PausaniM, iii. xviii. 9. 



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CH. 1 . 8. 9. Fable of Tityua. 879 

€wnv aiuT6v, froXdfcrai h\ koH fierh Bivarop' yvv€s yhp airov rj^i; 

Tt may well be supposed that, whosoever was the inventor 
of this fable, in which Tityus was personified and proposed as 
the type of a rival cycle in Boeotia to the Pythian one at 
Delphi, he would take care to represent it as the first of the 
duties or acts of the Pythian Apollo to destroy the imper- 
sonation of this rival cycle ; and that being the end proposed 
and answered by his death, it was of little importance in 
what manner it was brought about, provided it was through 
the instrumentality of Apollo. The attempt on the person 
of Lato, the mother of Apollo, was the immediate cause of 
this interposition ; but Lato even then was on her way to 
Pytho or Delphi, and passing through Panopeus or Panope 
for that purpose, when she was exposed to the violence of 
Tityus ; and very probably going to attend the first Pythian 
solemnity itself: for Apollo, in whose honour that was in- 
stituted, was still young — fiov-jrats ovit<o ttoWos (no very big 
boy — when he performed this exploit on Tityus. 

Thirdly, with respect to the treatment of Tityus after his 
death, according to Homer, (the first and oldest authority for 
it to which we can refer at present,) it consisted in his being 
condemned to lie helpless, and stretched out over an expanse 
of nine plethra, while vultures devoured his liver — 

Kai TiTvhv €idov Tairjs ipiKvbtoc vl6v 
K€lfl€VOV €V doTTtb^' 6 ^ CTT €yv€a K€iro iTcXf^pa* 
yOvre de fii» itcarfpOe iraprjiA€v<o ^ap tficeipov, 
bipTpov ta-a dvvovrcf * 6 d* ovk dirafxvvero x€p<riv' 
ArfT» yap r[Xiaio'€f Ator icvdp^v rrapaKoiriv, 
nv^4od* tpxofUmiv bici KaKkix6pov Uavotr^t '. 



mis, the sun and the moon,) both concerned in the production of the 
Pythian cycle, (an octaeteric one of its kind,) the moral of this attempted 
but unaucceuful violence against the Lato of the Pythian fable, by the 
Tityus of this fable, which is punished by the intervention of the Pythian 
Apollo and Artemis themselves, was the incompatibility of equable solar and 
lunar time with the octaeteric solar and lunar : eight equable solar years 
being two days less than eight octaeteric solar years, and eight equable 
lunar years (the first eight of the Apis cycle) being 88 days less than 
eight octaeteric lunar years. 

▼ ApoUodoruB, Bibliotheca, i. iy. § i. ^ Odyssey, A. 576. cf. H. 323. 



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380 Parthenian Ennead of the Bcsotians. diss. yiii. 

And here^ if Tityus himself was the impersonation of a 
cycle of nine terms^ these nine plethra, covered by his body, 
would be significant. It is implied in this account too, 
though not distinctly specified by it, that his liver, continu- 
ally devoured as it was by these two vultures, must neverthe- 
less have continually grown again ; and so far that would 
be typical of a cycle, the essence of which consists in be- 
ginning again as soon as it has come to an end. Both 
these circumstances appear in Hyginus' account of the fableJ, 
with this difference, that in his a serpent devours the liver, 
not two vultures ; and a serpent was early adopted by the 
ancients as the type of a cycle ; and this serpent, which even 
in the Shades thus consummates the vengeance of the Py- 
thian ApoUo on Tityus, might be the Pythian serpent itself. 
Hyginus adds too, that the liver, as often as it was devoured, 
grew again, but with the moon; and that was an addition 
which could scarcely have been made, except by some one 
who knew that Tityus himself was the type of a lunar 
cycle. 

7 Fable Iv. 



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DISSERTATION IX. 

On the Camea of Hellenic Antiquity y and the Carnean 

Ennead. 



CHAPTER I. 



Section I. — TestimonieB. 



We shall begin onr inqniries into this institution^ and into 
the date of the Ennead^ instituted along with it, by collecting 
the testimonies of antiquity (the principal part of them at 
leasts and such as have not been anticipated in any former 
part of this work >) to the Camea ; the occasion out of 
which they arosCj the appellation by which they were called, 
the reason thereof, and the like. 

i. *0 Vk Kapvetoff, hv OUircof hrovoiiiCovai, ri/i^s ^?)(^^ ^^ 
SirdpTT/ Koi irplv 'HpaicXeCbas KaT€XO€iif, thfwro bi iv oUCq Kpiov 
rod GtoKXiovs ivbpos iJLivT€»s. tovtov b^ tov Kpiov y€iuCoi<ni rfj 
$vyaTfi tb»p <rvvTvx6pT€s Karia-KOiroi t&v ^iapU(AV, ain^ t€ &^t- 
KOfirro is XSycvSy koX vaph riv Kpi^v i\06vT€s bLbdeKovrai rrip 
ik^criv rrjs ^vdprrjs, KipV€iov bi *Av6X\<0pa A<opi€v<n rois vaai 
aiptirdai KaBifm\K€V iish Ikipvov yivos i( ^AKapvavCas^ ixavrevo- 
fUvov M i( *A'n6XX^vos, tovtov yhp t6v Kipvov ivoKT^ivavTOf 
^ImArov tov ^Kcarros, iv4v€(r€v €k r6 arparc^ircdo]; rots Aa>pi€v<n 
^vcfia ^Av6\ka>vos, Kci 'Imrrfnyj re tif>vy€V iitl t^ ^i^cp, koX 
^itopiaknv iiri Toirov t6v ^Axapvava fiivriv KoBiorriMV lkA(rK€<r$au 
iXkh Kcu AaK€baipjovlois ov\ otkos 6 OUiTas iorl Kapvciis^ 6 bi 
ip (rf ) TOV pLiifT€^9 Kpiov rcfutfici/os, '*Ax<u&v fn ix6vT»v Tiiv 
^viprriv, npa£C\Xjf fi^v iff v^voirnkiva iirrlvy m Eifp^mis clri 
KappttiSf iccU cAt6v iLV^Bpi^aro 'A^rdAAoi^ KixL Arfni, kiyertu bi 
Kol iXXos Iv* air^ k6yor iv rg '^Ibji tjI Tp»(ic^ Kpavtias hf 'AirJA- 
z Vol. iii. page 571. Calendar of Cyrene. 



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882 Carnea and Carnean Ennead. diss. ix. 

Xttr09 iK(r€L iT€(f>VKvCas Toifs "EXXrivas ^fcrcficu' is rod tmov rov 
bovplov rriv Tsobiauf fia66vT€9 8i dpyrjv o-^^uriif (x^iv t6p $€bv, 
&v(rCais iXdcTKOvTai KaVAirSWiava SvondCovcrL KipvtioVj (Kpav€Ap,) 
vn^p tQv Kpav€iQtf, yL^roBivr^s to p& Korh, ^ rt ipxPLiov^ — Kippta 
Vk kopri] ''A'jt6KK<ovos KapveCov Avotipos Kipvov, ovtos bk 6 Kipvos 
fiivTLs (i>v ctTTcro Tois ^HpaKkiCbcuSf ifrrjfia to6tois pLavT€v6fA€V09, 
SvTiva iicrpaiT^ls tts r&v *HpaK\€ib&v^ 'iTnrJnyy roivopa, ^oyxji 
fiaXoiv iLitiKT€iV€V. hi hv \oipj6s iy4v€To iv rfj TlcKoTrovvi^ai^' k<u 
a'iT€X06vT€s lAojSoi^ yjir)(rpjbv i( 'AiroAXcow?, Kipv€iOV TLfJojaat 
^AiToWi^va^ — Kipv€a ioprii Aa)pu^, T€\ovfiivri Kapv€l(f ' A7roAXc#ri 
Korh rifv Tl€\QTs6vvri(rov, ivb Kipvov fJLivT€a>9, fts fxP^^^ ^^^^ 
*HpaK\€(bais' iir* avrov bk Kdpveiov '^AitoXXcava itpoaayopevovaip, 
^ bi laropla irapa ©coirofAircp c — ^^On rbv airop Kci ACa k<u *Hy^- 
Topa KoXovo-iv 'Apyf u)t, bA rb Kipvov rfff^traaOai, rov inparov' hv 
ol 'HpaxXciScu imiKTtivav iircpxoiitvov €ls ntXoviwrja-oPf vTroka- 
p6vT€S KaTitTKOTtov €&ai rov arpareipxiroSy hv iar^pop irliMriaaPf 
ivbKo^JLOv ifi$€ip6iuvoi^ — Tlpa^iXas (Il/^ct^tXXa) pkp imb Kapv^lov 
^aip ipofiiaBai, rov At^ koL Evpdmjg vlov, &s Ijp ipi&fupos r^ 
^AitiiXk^vi. 'AXx/icti' bi &vb Kapviov Tipbs Tpoueov. Arni'/JTpios bik 
iirb rod KpaCvai^ 8 ifrri rcX^o-cu. ifniai yhp &s 6 McvcXoos orpo- 
T€ii<ras cb "Ikiop rfifaro Ttfjajcai airrbv ihv Kpaipjf^ ../Ayi^r*.. 
^i; di Tols Kappfiois 6 UpiiA€Po$ rov dtov, Kci fj ioprri/ Ayriripta^^-^ 
* AyrfTopiiop' iopnljs, 

ii. MiToaTivTos bi 'HpaicKiovs €ls ^€o^../TXXos...vapay€^ 
li€P0s ds A€K<l>oi>s, iitvpOivero, ir&s &p KariKOoup* 6 bi d^bs l^i^crc, 
vtpipLeipapras rbv rptrov Kopvbp KaTip\€(yBai. poyiras hk TXAoy 
rplrov KapTfbv Kiy€crOai t^v rpurCap, roaovrop vepifA^tpas y^pov 
KyT.K. iv€l bi TiphpAOrjcav ol KXcoXciov (KXcoda^ov) TraSb€$, 
iXpoivTo ir€/M KaOibov, rod $€0v bk tlvivros 8 ri icol rb Ttportpov^ 
TriiKPos ifTiaTO, k4y(ap roirt^ 'ir€i<T$ipTa irvx9<^<u. 6 bi Otbs iprctire, 
T&p drvxv}fuiraiy avroi^s airlovs €uhu* row yhp xpficpLohs ov <rv/&- 
piXXdV \iy€tp yhp ov yfjs^ ik\h ytp^as, Kopmp rplrow^ koL artpv^ 
yphp T^i; eipvyixnopa, b€(M.v icar^t rbp 'ladiibp ixppTL rifp Oikaa" 
(TOP. raSka Tripxpos ixowras, ffrolfAaCf rbp arparbp, fcot padt 
iirri(aro rfjs AoKpibos h$a pvp iv* iK^Cpov 6 rovot ^wivaiCTOs 
K4y€Tai...avp4firi bi Kal rbp arparopip "SawiicTif cvputj^op^ it€pit* 
vecrcur. i<l>ipri yhp airols pbivrts XPH^H*^ X^y»ir koL hfd€6C<KPj fty 
ipSiMiurop iiiyw ttpcu, iiA X^/a^ tov arpaxa/v Tfpbs U€\ovopviitr(»w 

• PAusanias, lii. xliL a. ^ Schol. in Theocrit Idyll, v. 83. 4^fnr9i. 

>» Ibid. e Ibid. « Ibid. e Jbid. ' Hesychiut. « Ibid. 



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CH. 1. 8. 1. Tesiimanies. 888 

i,V€(rraXyAvov. rovrov Pakiav dicoin-fa&g